1819年，罗宾逊（W. D. Robinson）在密西西比州上游地区建立了犹太人定居点。1850年，从基督教改信了犹太教的美国领事沃德·克雷森（英语：Warder Cresson）在耶路撒冷附近发展起其他定居点。克雷森被妻子和儿子起诉，受到审判，被谴责为精神失常。他们断言，只有疯子才会从基督教转信犹太教。在第二次审判中，基于美国信仰自由和反犹主义的中心地位，克雷森赢得了这场激烈的诉讼。[45]他移民到奥斯曼巴勒斯坦，并在耶路撒冷的Valley of Rephaim中建立了一个农业殖民地。他希望“阻止任何企图在我们可怜弟兄的生活必需品上占便宜的做法……（这样做）……会强迫他们假装改信”。[46]
由泽维·贾鲍京斯基领导的修正派锡安主义，变成民族主义锡安主义（Nationalist Zionism）。其指导原则在一篇〈鐵壁〉（英语：Iron Wall (essay)） (1923)的文章中列举出来。1925年，贾鲍京斯基在巴黎一間咖啡館召開「修正錫安主義者聯盟會議」(Conference of the League of Zionist Revisionists)[84]。1935年，因为世界锡安主义组织拒绝指出建立犹太国是锡安主义的目标，修正主义者离开了世界锡安主义组织。
一些印度穆斯林也反对伊斯兰教的反锡安主义。 2007年8月，Maulana Jamil Ilyas率领的All India Organization of Imams and mosques代表团访问了以色列。这次会面达成了一项联合声明，表达了“印度穆斯林的和平与善意”，在印度穆斯林与以色列犹太人之间发展对话，反对以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突具有宗教性质的观点。[116]这次访问是由American Jewish Committee组织的。其访问的目的是促进有关以色列在全世界穆斯林眼中的地位的有益辩论，并加强印度与以色列的关系。人们认为，这次访问可以“打开全世界的穆斯林的观念，了解以色列国家的民主性质，特别是在中东的穆斯林”。[117]
^"Zionism belongs to the category of ethnocultural nationalism, according to which groups sharing a common history and culture have fundamental and morally significant interests in adhering to their culture and in sustaining it for generations. Cultural nationalism holds that such interests warrant political recognition and support, primarily by the means of granting the groups in question the right to national self-determination or self-rule."[1]
Aaronson 1996，第223頁: "On the other hand, our study has revealed that Jewish colonization resembled in many respects the model of pure "settlement of population" ("colonization de peuplement"), in the sense of involving colonization without colonialism."
Cohen 2011，第128頁:"In February 1928, Weizmann submitted an official request to the government for a loan guarantee. He explained that the Zionist Loan was needed to promote further Jewish colonization in Palestine. [...] He advised that both the Zionists and the government should initiate a new period of Zionist colonizing activity as soon as possible."
Murphy 2005:[页码请求] "The first forty years of the twentieth century witnessed the transformation of Zionism from a philosophical discourse to a practical programme for the colonisation of Palestine."
Yadgar 2017，第207頁:"At the foundation of the Zionist outlook stood the aspiration to establish a state. And absolute sovereignty is needed for Zionism more than for any other nation, because Zionism demanded the right of unrestricted immigration and unrestricted colonization, which can be brought about only by complete sovereignty."
Shapira, Anita.Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948.The American Historical Review (Oxford University Press). 1992a,98 (4): 355 [19 July 2025].ISSN 0002-8762.doi:10.1086/ahr/98.4.1302.In many respects, Zionism was unique as a national movement. One of its (presumably singular) characteristic features stemmed from the fact that it was a national liberation movement that was destined to function as a movement promoting settlement in a country of colonization. [...] Zionist psychology was molded by the conflicting parameters of a national liberation movement and a movement of European colonization in a Middle Eastern country. [...] The Zionist movement (in particular, it socialist variant) viewed itself as belonging to the forces striving for a better world and could not accept the fact that the framework of its activity was determined by the contours of a country of colonization. 含有連結內容需訂閱查看的頁面 (link)
Collins 2011，第169–185頁: "... and as subsequent work (Finkelstein 1995; Massad 2005; Pappe 2006; Said 1992; Shafir 1989) has definitively established, the architects of Zionism were conscious and often unapologetic about their status as colonizers."
Bloom 2011，第2, 13, 49, 132頁: "Dr.Arthur Ruppin was sent to Palestine for the first time in 1907 by the heads of the German [World] Zionist Organization in order to make a pilot study of the possibilities for colonization. ...Oppenheimer was a German sociologist and political economist. As a worldwide expert on colonization he became Herzl's advisor and formulated the first program for Zionist colonization, which he presented at the 6th Zionist Congress (Basel 1903) . ...Daniel Boyarin wrote that the group of Zionists who imagined themselves colonialists inclined to that persona "because such a representation was pivotal to the entire project of becoming 'white men'." Colonization was seen as a sign of belonging to western and modern culture;"
Robinson 2013，第18頁:"'Never before', wrote Berl Katznelson, founding editor of the Histadrut daily,Davar, 'has the white man undertaken colonization with that sense of justice and social progress which fills the Jew who comes to Palestine.'"Berl Katznelson
Alroey 2011，第5頁: "Herzl further sharpened the issue when he tried to make diplomacy precede settlement, precluding any possibility of preemptive and unplanned settlement in the Land of Israel: "Should the powers show themselves willing to grant us sovereignty over a neutral land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land. Here two regions come to mind: Palestine and Argentina. Significant experiments in colonization have been made in both countries, though on the mistaken principle of gradual infiltration of Jews. Infiltration is bound to end badly."
Piterberg, Gabriel.Settlers and their States.New Left Review. April 1, 2010, (62): 115–124.doi:10.64590/odz.It is within the typology of settler colonialisms that I place the Zionist colonization of Palestine and the state of Israel—a move which surely should have put to rest the tedious contention that Zionism could not be termed a colonial venture because it lacked the features of metropole colonialism; as if anyone were suggesting otherwise. What its apologists fail to confront is the settler-colonial paradigm.已忽略未知参数|article-number= (帮助)
Safrai 2018，第76頁: "The preoccupation ofrabbinic literature in all its forms with theLand of Israel is without question intensive and constant. It is no wonder that this literature offers historians of the Land of Israel a wealth of information for the clarification of a wide variety of topics."
Biger 2004，第58–63頁: "Unlike the earlier literature that dealt with Palestine's delimitation, the boundaries were not presented according to their historical traditional meaning, but according to the boundaries of the Jewish Eretz Israel that was about to be established there. This approach characterizes all the Zionist publications at the time ... when they came to indicate borders, they preferred the realistic condition and strategic economic needs over an unrealistic dream based on the historic past.' This meant that planners envisaged a future Palestine that controlled allthe Jordan's sources, the southern part of theLitanni river in Lebanon, the large cultivatable area east of the Jordan, including the Houran and Gil'ad wheat zone, Mt Hermon, theYarmuk andYabok rivers, theHijaz Railway ... ."
Manna 2022, pp. 2 ("the principal objective of the Zionist leadership to keep as few Arabs as possible in the Jewish state"), 4 ("in the 1948 war, when it became clear that the objective that enjoyed the unanimous support of Zionists of all inclinations was to establish a Jewish state with the smallest possible number of Palestinians"), and 33 ("The Zionists had two cherished objectives: fewer Arabs in the country and more land in the hands of the settlers.")
Khalidi 2020，第76頁: "The Nakba represented a watershed in the history of Palestine and the Middle East. It transformed most of Palestine from what it had been for well over a millennium—a majority Arab country—into a new state that had a substantial Jewish majority. This transformation was the result of two processes: the systematic ethnic cleansing of the Arab-inhabited areas of the country seized during the war; and the theft of Palestinian land and property left behind by the refugees as well as much of that owned by those Arabs who remained in Israel. There would have been no other way to achieve a Jewish majority, the explicit aim of political Zionism from its inception. Nor would it have been possible to dominate the country without the seizures of land."
Slater 2020, pp. 49 ("There were three arguments for the moral acceptability of some form of transfer. The main one—certainly for the Zionists but not only for them—was the alleged necessity of establishing a secure and stable Jewish state in as much of Palestine as was feasible, which was understood to require a large Jewish majority."), 81 ("From the outset of the Zionist movement all the major leaders wanted as few Arabs as possible in a Jewish state"), 87 ("The Zionist movement in general and David Ben-Gurion in particular had long sought to establish a Jewish state in all of "Palestine," which in their view included the West Bank, Gaza, and parts of Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria."), and 92 ("As Israeli historianShlomo Sand wrote: 'During every round of the national conflict over Palestine, which is the longest running conflict of its kind in the modern era, Zionism has tried to appropriate additional territory.'")
Segev 2019，第418頁, "the Zionist dream from the start—maximum territory, minimum Arabs"
Cohen 2017，第78頁, "As was suggested by Masalha (1992), Morris (1987), and other scholars, many preferred a state without Arabs or with as small a minority as possible, and plans for population transfers were considered by Zionist leaders and activists for years."
Lustick & Berkman 2017，第47–48頁, "As Ben-Gurion told one Palestinian leader in the early 1930s, 'Our final goal is the independence of the Jewish people in Palestine, on both sides of the Jordan River, not as a minority, but as a community numbering millions" (Teveth 1985:130).Ipso facto, this meant Zionism's success would produce an Arab minority in Palestine, no matter what its geographical dimensions."
Stanislawski 2017，第65頁, "The upper classes of Palestinian society quickly fled the fight to places of safety within the Arab world and outside of it; the lower classes were caught between the Israeli desire to have as few Arabs as possible remaining in their new state and the Palestinians' desire to remain on the lands they regarded as their ancient national patrimony."
Finkelstein 2016，Ch. 1 ("Justifying the Zionist Enterprise"), "Zionism's claim to the whole of Palestine not only precluded a modus vivendi based on partition with the indigenous Arab population, it called into question any Arab presence in Palestine."
Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2014，第6頁, "It was obvious to most approaches within the Zionist movement—certainly to the mainstream as represented by Labor Zionism and its leadership headed by Ben Gurion, that a Jewish state would entail getting rid of as many of the Palestinian inhabitants of the land as possible ... Following Wolfe, we argue that the logic of demographic elimination is an inherent component of the Zionist project as a settler-colonial project, although it has taken different manifestations since the founding of the Zionist movement."
Engel 2013, pp. 96 ("From the outset Zionism had been the activity of a loose coalition of individuals and groups united by a common desire to increase the Jewish population of Palestine ..."), 121 ("... the ZO sought ways to expand the territory a partitioned Jewish state might eventually receive ... Haganah undertook to ensconce small groups of Jews in parts of Palestine formerly beyond their sights ... their leaders had hoped for more expansive borders ..."), and 138 ("The prospect that Israel would have only the barest Jewish majority thus loomed large in the imagination of the state's leaders. To be sure, until the late 1930s most Zionists would have been delighted with any majority, no matter how slim; the thought that Jews in Palestine would ever be more numerous than Arabs appeared a distant vision. But in 1937 the Peel Commission had suggested ... to leave both the Jewish state and Arab Palestine with the smallest possible minorities. That suggestion had fired Zionist imaginations; now it was possible to think of a future state as 'Jewish' not only by international recognition of the right of Jews to dominate its government but by the inclinations of virtually all of its inhabitants. Such was how the bulk of the Zionist leadership understood the optimal 'Jewish state' in 1948: non-Jews (especially Arabs) might live in it and enjoy all rights of citizenship, but their numbers should be small enough compared to the Jewish population that their impact on public life would be minimal. Israel's leaders were thus not sad at all to see so many Arabs leave its borders during the fighting in 1947–48 ... the 150,000 who remained on Israeli territory seemed to many to constitute an unacceptably high proportion relative to the 650,000 Jews in the country when the state came into being. This perception not only dictated Israel's adamant opposition to the return of Arab refugees, it reinforced the imperative to bring as many new Jewish immigrants into the country as possible, as quickly as possible, no matter how great or small their prospects for becoming the sort of 'new Jews' the state esteemed most.")
Masalha 2012，第38頁, "From the late nineteenth century and throughout the Mandatory period the demographic and land policies of the Zionist Yishuv in Palestine continued to evolve. But its demographic and land battles with the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine were always a battle for 'maximum land and minimum Arabs' (Masalha 1992, 1997, 2000)."
Lentin 2010，第7頁, "'the Zionist leadership was always determined to increase the Jewish space ... Both land purchases in and around the villages, and military preparations, were all designed to dispossess the Palestinians from the area of the future Jewish state' (Pappe 2008: 94)."
Shlaim 2009，第56頁, "That most Zionist leaders wanted the largest possible Jewish state in Palestine with as few Arabs inside it as possible is hardly open to question."
Ben-Ami 2007，第50頁, "The ethos of Zionism was twofold; it was about demography–ingathering the exiles in a viable Jewish state with as small an Arab minority as possible–and land."
Pappé 2006，第250頁, "In other words,hitkansut is the core of Zionism in a slightly different garb: to take over as much of Palestine as possible with as few Palestinians as possible."
Morris 2004，第588頁, "But the displacement of Arabs from Palestine or from the areas of Palestine that would become the Jewish State was inherent in Zionist ideology and, in microcosm, in Zionist praxis from the start of the enterprise. The piecemeal eviction of tenant farmers, albeit in relatively small numbers, during the first five decades of Zionist land purchase and settlement naturally stemmed from, and in a sense hinted at, the underlying thrust of the ideology, which was to turn an Arab-populated land into a State with an overwhelming Jewish majority."
Morris 2001，第676–682頁, "Zionism was a colonizing and expansionist ideology and movement ... Zionist ideology and practice were necessarily and elementally expansionist ... Zionism was politically expansionist in the sense that from the start, its aim was to turn all of Palestine (and in the movement's pre-1921 maps, the East Bank of the Jordan and the area south of the Litani River as well) into a Jewish state ... The Zionists were intent on politically, or even physically, dispossessing and supplanting the Arabs; their enterprise, however justified in terms of Jewish suffering and desperation, was tainted by a measure of moral dubiousness ... Zionism had always looked to the day when a Jewish majority would enable the movement to gain control over the country ... Palestine would not be transformed into a Jewish state unless all or much of the Arab population was expelled."
Conforti 2024，第485頁: "The crisis in the Enlightenment movement in the late nineteenth century gave way to the rise of alternative ideologies, such as Jewish nationalism and socialism. Early Zionist thinkers, such as Peretz Smolenskin (1842–1885), sharply criticized the Enlightenment scholars and their universalist approach."
Shillony 2012，第88頁: "[Zionism] arose in response to and in imitation of the current national movements of Central, Southern, and Eastern Europe"
LeVine & Mossberg 2014，第211頁: "The parents of Zionism were not Judaism and tradition, but anti-Semitism and nationalism. The ideals of theFrench Revolution spread slowly across Europe, finally reaching thePale of Settlement in theRussian Empire and helping to set off theHaskalah, or Jewish Enlightenment. This engendered a permanent split in the Jewish world, between those who held to a halachic or religious-centric vision of their identity and those who adopted in part the racial rhetoric of the time and made the Jewish people into a nation. This was helped along by the wave ofpogroms inEastern Europe that set two million Jews to flight; most wound up inAmerica, but some chose Palestine. A driving force behind this was theHovevei Zion movement, which worked from 1882 to develop a Hebrew identity that was distinct fromJudaism as a religion."
Gelvin 2014，第93頁: "The fact thatPalestinian nationalism developed later than Zionism and indeed in response to it does not in any way diminish the legitimacy of Palestinian nationalism or make it less valid than Zionism. All nationalisms arise in opposition to some 'other'. Why else would there be the need to specify who you are? And all nationalisms are defined by what they oppose. As we have seen, Zionism itself arose in reaction to anti-Semitic and exclusionary nationalist movements in Europe. It would be perverse to judge Zionism as somehow less valid than European anti-Semitism or those nationalisms. Furthermore, Zionism itself was also defined by its opposition to the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants of the region. Both the 'conquest of land' and the 'conquest of labor' slogans that became central to the dominant strain of Zionism in theYishuv originated as a result of the Zionist confrontation with the Palestinian 'other'."
Gorny 1987，第210頁: "This set of assumptions was intended to stress the equal status of the Jews vis-à-vis the rest of the world, and to provide the basis for their superior right to Palestine."
Shapira 1992，第41–42頁: "The basic assumption regarding the right of Jews to Palestine—a right that required no proof—was a fundamental component of all Zionist programs. In contrast with other prospective areas for Jewish settlement, such as Argentina or East Africa, it was generally believed that no one could deny the right of the Jews to their ancestral land... The slogan 'A land without a people for a people without a land' was common among Zionists at the end of the nineteenth, and the beginning of the twentieth, century. It contained a legitimation of the Jewish claim to the land and did away with any sense of uneasiness that a competitor to this claim might appear."
Slater 2020: "According to the standard Zionist and then the Israeli narrative, for a number of reasons the land of Palestine rightfully belongs to the Jewish people—and no others, including today's Palestinians."
Khalidi 2006: "[T]he Zionist claim to Palestine, which since even before the establishment of the state of Israel had depended in some measure on arguing that there was no legitimacy to the competing Arab claim"
Alam 2009: "Zionism was a messianic movement to restore Palestine to its divinely appointed Jewish owners... Conversely, the Palestinian, whether his ancestors were the ancient Canaanites or Hebrews, would forfeit all rights to his lands; he had become a usurper."
Sternhell 1999: "Like all Zionists, Gordon did not recognize the principle of majority rule, and he refused to acknowledge the right of the majority to 'take from us what we have acquired through our work and creativity.' Moreover, he had confidence in the spiritual vitality of the Yishuv, its energy and motivation, and believed it was supported by the entire Jewish people. In 1921, he spoke in much stronger terms than he had between 1909 and 1918: 'For Eretz Israel, we have a charter that has been valid until now and that will always be valid, and that is the Bible, and not only the Bible.'... And now came the decisive argument: 'And what did the Arabs produce in all the years they lived in the country? Such creations, or even the creation of the Bible alone, give us a perpetual right over the land in which we were so creative, especially since the people that came after us did not create such works in this country, or did not create anything at all.' The founders accepted this point of view. This was the ultimate Zionist argument."
Dubnov 2011:[页码请求] "Relatively recent examples of the search for this "core" idea in Zionism (which tends to label ideological diversity as "heresy" or "deviation") can be found in Gorny and Netzer, "'Avodat ha-hoveh ha-murhevet'"; Halpern and Reinharz,Zionism and the Creation of a New Society; and Shimoni,The Zionist Ideology. Older studies that are based on a similar presupposition include Heller,The Zionist Idea, and most famously Hertzberg,The Zionist Idea."
Seidler 2012，第176頁 "conflicting founding designs...express the formative ideological background underlying the very idea of the State of Israel."
Boyarin 2025，第137–160頁}: "What we call Zionism, despite the existence of a World Zionist Organization and then a Zionist state, is in fact a catchall for numerous, often contradictory currents of thought."
Shindler 2015:[页码请求] "Zionism was never a monolithic movement. It would be more correct to speak of a range of different varieties of Zionism. Herzl's General Zionism immediately began to flow into different ideological streams."
^Hertzberg, Arthur.The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader. Atheneum. 1959.
^Herzl, Thedor.The Diaries of Theodor Herzl. The Universal Library. 1962.
^33.033.1Herzl, Theodor (1896). "Palästina oder Argentinien?". Der Judenstaat (in German). sammlungen.ub.uni-frankfurt.de. p. 29 (31). Retrieved 27 May 2016，p.27（29）
^Tessler, Mark A. (1994). A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）. Indiana University Press. Retrieved 2016-06-22. p55-56The suggestion that Uganda might be suitable for Jewish colonization was first put forward by Joseph Chamberlain, the British colonial secretary, who said that he had thought about Herzl during a recent visit to the interior of British East Africa. Herzl, who at that time had been discussing with the British a scheme for Jewish settlement in Sinai, responded positively to Chamberlain's proposal, in part because of a desire to deepen Zionist-British cooperaion and, more generally to show that his diplomatic efforts were capable of bearing fruit.
^E. Schweid, "Rejection of the Diaspora in Zionist Thought", inEssential Papers on Zionism, ed. By Reinharz & Shapira, 1996,ISBN 0-8147-7449-0, p.133
^Adam Rovner (12 December 2014). In the Shadow of Zion: Promised Lands Before Israel （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）. NYU Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-1-4798-1748-1.European Jews swayed and prayed for Zion for nearly two millennia, and by the end of the nineteenth century their descendants had transformed liturgical longing into a political movement to create a Jewish national entity somewhere in the world. Zionism'sprophet, Theodor Herzl, considered Argentina, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, Mozambique, and the Sinai Peninsula as potential Jewish homelands. It took nearly a decade for Zionism to exdusively concentrate its spiritual yearning on the spatial coordinates of Ottoman Palestine.
^Aviv, Caryn S.; Shneer, David. New Jews: The End of the Jewish Diaspora. NY: NYU Press. 2005.ISBN 0814740170.
^Naomi E. Pasachoff; Robert J. Littman (2005). A Concise History of the Jewish People. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 240–242.ISBN 978-0-7425-4366-9.
^ Naomi E. Pasachoff; Robert J. Littman (2005). A Concise History of the Jewish People. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 240–242.ISBN 978-0-7425-4366-9.Adam Rovner (12 December 2014). In the Shadow of Zion: Promised Lands Before Israel （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）. NYU Press. p. 81. ISBN 978-1-4798-1748-1. On the afternoon of the fourth day of the Congress a weary Nordau brought three resolutions before the delegates: (1) that the Zionist Organization direct all future settlement efforts solely to Palestine; (2) that the Zionist Organization thank the British government for its other of an autonomous territory in East Africa; and (3) that only those Jews who declare their allegiance to the Basel Program may become members of the Zionist Organization." Zangwill objected… When Nordau insisted on the Congress’s right to pass the resolutions regardless, Zangwill was outraged. “You will be charged before the bar of history,” he challenged Nordau… From approximately 1:30 p.m. on Sunday, July 30, 1905, a Zionist would henceforth he defined as someone who adhered to the Basel Program and the only “authentic interpretation” of that program restricted settlement activity exclusively to Palestine. Zangwill and his supporters could not accept Nordau’s “authentic interpretation" which they believed would lead to an abandonment of the Jewish masses and of Herzl’s vision. One territorialist claimed that Ussishkin’s voting bloc had in fact “buried political Zionism”.
^Adam Rovner (12 December 2014). In the Shadow of Zion: Promised Lands Before Israel （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）. NYU Press. p. 81. ISBN 978-1-4798-1748-1. On the afternoon of the fourth day of the Congress a weary Nordau brought three resolutions before the delegates: (1) that the Zionist Organization direct all future settlement efforts solely to Palestine; (2) that the Zionist Organization thank the British government for its other of an autonomous territory in East Africa; and (3) that only those Jews who declare their allegiance to the Basel Program may become members of the Zionist Organization." Zangwill objected… When Nordau insisted on the Congress’s right to pass the resolutions regardless, Zangwill was outraged. “You will be charged before the bar of history,” he challenged Nordau… From approximately 1:30 p.m. on Sunday, July 30, 1905, a Zionist would henceforth he defined as someone who adhered to the Basel Program and the only “authentic interpretation” of that program restricted settlement activity exclusively to Palestine. Zangwill and his supporters could not accept Nordau’s “authentic interpretation" which they believed would lead to an abandonment of the Jewish masses and of Herzl’s vision. One territorialist claimed that Ussishkin’s voting bloc had in fact “buried political Zionism”.
^Ėstraĭkh, G. In Harness: Yiddish Writers' Romance with Communism. Judaic traditions in literature, music, and art.Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 2005. p. 30
^Hacohen 1991, p. 262 #2:"In meetings with foreign officials at the end of 1944 and during 1945, Ben-Gurion cited the plan to enable one million refugees to enter Palestine immediately as the primary goal and top priority of the Zionist movement.
^Hakohen 2003, p. 46: "After independence, the government presented the Knesset with a plan to double the Jewish population within four years. This meant bringing in 600,000 immigrants in a four-year period. or 150,000 per year. Absorbing 150,000 newcomers annually under the trying conditions facing the new state was a heavy burden indeed. Opponents in the Jewish Agency and the government of mass immigration argued that there was no justification for organizing large-scale emigration among Jews whose lives were not in danger, particularly when the desire and motivation were not their own."
^Hakohen 2003, p. 246–247: "Both the immigrants' dependence and the circumstances of their arrival shaped the attitude of the host society. The great wave of immigration in 1948 did not occur spontaneously: it was the result of a clear-cut foreign policy decision that taxed the country financially and necessitated a major organizational effort. Many absorption activists, Jewish Agency executives, and government officials opposed unlimited, nonselective immigration; they favored a gradual process geared to the country's absorptive capacity. Throughout this period, two charges resurfaced at every public debate: one, that the absorption process caused undue hardship; two, that Israel's immigration policy was misguided."
^Hakohen 2003, p. 47: "But as head of the government, entrusted with choosing the cabinet and steering its activities, Ben-Gurion had tremendous power over the country's social development. His prestige soared to new heights after the founding of the state and the impressive victory of the IDF in the War of Independence. As prime minister and minister of defense in Israel's first administration, as well as the uncontested leader of the country's largest political party, his opinions carried enormous weight. Thus, despite resistance from some of his cabinet members, he remained unflagging in his enthusiasm for unrestricted mass immigration and resolved to put this policy into effect."
^Hakohen 2003, p. 247: "On several occasions, resolutions were passed to limit immigration from European and Arab countries alike. However, these limits were never put into practice, mainly due to the opposition of Ben-Gurion. As a driving force in the emergency of the state, Ben-Gurion—both prime minister and minister of defense—carried enormous weight with his veto. His insistence on the right of every Jew to immigrate proved victorious. He would not allow himself to be swayed by financial or other considerations. It was he who orchestrated the large-scale action that enabled the Jews to leave Eastern Europe and Islamic countries, and it was he who effectively forged Israel's foreign policy. Through a series of clandestine activities carried out overseas by the Foreign Office, the Jewish Agency, the Mossad le-Aliyah, and the Joint Distribution Committee, the road was paved for mass immigration."
^Gilbert, Israel: A History (London 1997), pp.594–607
^Goldstein, Jonathan (1999), "The Republic of China and Israel", in Goldstein, Jonathan, China and Israel, 1948–1998: A Fifty Year Retrospective, Westport, Conn. and London: Praeger, pp. 1–39
^Shapira, Anita (2014). Israel a history. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. p. 15. ISBN 9780297871583.
^Lewis, Donald (2 January 2014). The Origins of Christian Zionism: Lord Shaftesbury And Evangelical Support For A Jewish Homeland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 380.ISBN 9781107631960.
^Murray, Iain (October 2014). the Puritan Hope. Edinburgh: Banner of Truth. p. 326.ISBN 9781848714786. "The Puritan Hope and Jewish Evangelism". Herald Magazine, Christian Witness to Israel. 2015. Archived from the original on 2016-06-29. Retrieved 2016-06-29. "John MacArthur, Israel, Calvinism, and Postmillennialism". American Vision. 2007-07-03. Archived from the original on 2016-06-29. Retrieved 2016-06-29.
^Sizer, Stephen (Dec 2005). Christian Zionism: Road-map to Armageddon?. Nottingham: IVP. p. 298. ISBN 9780830853687.
^Sermon preached in June 1864 to the British Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Jews
^'The Jew', July 1870, The Quarterly Journal of Prophecy
^Sermon preached 17th November 1839, after returning from a “Mission of Inquiry into the State of the Jewish People”
^Sermon preached June 1864 to London Society for promoting Christianity among the Jews
^"Islam, Islam, Laïcité, and Amazigh Activism in France and North Africa" (2004 paper), Paul A. Silverstein, Department of Anthropology, Reed College. Why not a Kurdish-Israeli Alliance? (Iran Press Service); anonymous (February 26, 2009). "Berbers, Where Do You Stand on Palestine?".MEMRI. Retrieved March 5, 2009.
^Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East, Volume 4, Reeva S. Simon, Philip Mattar, Richard W. Bulliet. Macmillan Reference USA, 1996. p. 1661
^Army of Shadows: Palestinian Collaboration with Zionism, 1917–1948. By Hillel Cohen. University of California Press, 2009. p. 84
E. Nimni (ed.),The Challenge of Post-Zionism, Zed Books, 2003ISBN 1-85649-893-X.
J. Reinharz and A. Shapira (ed.),Essential Papers on Zionism, New York University Press, 1996ISBN 0-8147-7449-0.
J. Mandel,The Arabs and Zionism before World War I, University of California Press, 1976.
Z. Sternhell,The Founding Myths of Israel – Nationalism, Socialism, and the making of the Jewish State, Princeton University Press, 1998ISBN 1-4008-0774-3.
G. Shafir,Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914, University of California Press, 1996ISBN 0-520-20401-8.
K. Armstrong,The Battle for God, Ballantine Books, 2001.ISBN 0-345-39169-1.
Stephen Sizer.Christian Zionism: Road map to Armageddon? (InterVarsity Press: 2004) - Very in-depth analysis of the historical, theological and political claims and influences of the movement.
Lawrence Jeffrey Epstein.Zion’s call: Christian contributions to the origins and development of Israel (Lanham : University Press of America, 1984)
Michael J. Pragai.Faith and fulfilment: Christians and the return to the Promised Land (London, England : Vallentine, Mitchell, 1985)
Irvine H. Anderson.Biblical interpretation and Middle East policy : the promised land, America, and Israel, 1917-2002 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005)
Paul Charles Merkley.The Politics of Christian Zionism 1891 – 1948 (London: Frank Cass, 1998)
Gorenberg, Gershom.The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the Struggle for the Temple Mount (New York: The Free Press, 2000).
Boyer, Paul. "John Darby Meets Saddam Hussein: Foreign Policy and Bible Prophecy,"Chronicle of Higher Education, supplement, 2003-02-14, pp. B 10-B11.
Selig Adler & Thomas E. Connolly.From Ararat to Suburbia: the History of the Jewish Community of Buffalo (Philadelphia: the Jewish Publication Society of America, 1960, Library of Congress Number 60-15834).
Anderson, Scott. Lawrence in Arabia: War, Deceit, Imperial Folly, and the Making of the Modern Middle East First. New York:Doubleday. 2013.ISBN 978-0307476418.
Asscher, Omri. Exporting political theology to the diaspora: translating Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook for Modern Orthodox consumption. Meta. 2021,65 (2): 292–311.ISSN 1492-1421.S2CID 234914976.doi:10.7202/1075837ar.
Balthaser, Benjamin. When Anti-Zionism Was Jewish: Jewish: Racial Subjectivity and the Anti-Imperialist Literary Left from the Great Depression to the Cold War.American Quarterly. June 2020,72 (2): 449–470.S2CID 226699923.doi:10.1353/aq.2020.0019.
Bareli, Avi. Forgetting Europe: Perspectives on the Debate about Zionism and Colonialism. Israeli Historical Revisionism: From Left to Right.Psychology Press. 2003.
Bar-Yosef, Eitan. A Villa in the Jungle: Herzl, Zionist Culture, and the Great African Adventure. Gelber, Mark H.; Liska, Vivian (编). Theodor Herzl: From Europe to Zion.De Gruyter. 2012.ISBN 978-3-11-093605-6.
Beauchamp, Zack.What is Zionism?.Vox. May 14, 2018 [May 2, 2024]. （原始内容存档于March 9, 2021）.
Cohen, Michael J. Zionism and British imperialism II: Imperial financing in Palestine. Journal of Israeli History: Politics, Society, Culture. 2011,30 (2): 115–139.doi:10.1080/13531042.2011.610119.
Cohen, Mitchell. Ber Borochov and Socialist Zionism. Cohen, Mitchell (编). Class Struggle and the Jewish Nation: Selected Essays in Marxist Zionism. New Brunswick: Transaction Books. 1984.
Cohen, Stuart A. Ideological components in Anglo-Jewish opposition to Zionism before and during the First World War: a restatement.Jewish Historical Studies. 1987–1988,30: 149–162.JSTOR 29779843.
Davidi, Avi; Stillman, Norman A.; Landau, Jacob M.; Yehuda, Zvi; Erbahar, Aksel. Zionism Among Sephardi/Mizraḥi Jewry. Stillman, Norman A. (编). Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World.Brill. 2010.doi:10.1163/1878-9781_ejiw_com_0022680.
Divine, Donna Robinson. David Shaary. "Plain Zionism" to "General Zionism": Unity and Split in the Early History of "General Zionism," 1929–1939.. Jerusalem: Rubin Mass, 1990. ix, 294 pp.(Hebrew).. AJS Review (Project MUSE). 1993,18 (2): 316–318.ISSN 0364-0094.doi:10.1017/s0364009400005092.
Doron, Joachim. Rassenbewusstsein und naturwissenschaftliches Denken im deutschen Zionismus während der wilhelminischen Ära [Racial Consciousness and Scientific Thinking in German Zionism during the Wilhelminian Era].Jahrbuch des Instituts für deutsche Geschichte. 1980,9: 389–427（德语）.
———. Classic zionism and modern anti-semitism: Parallels and influences (1883–1914). Studies in Zionism. 1983,4 (2): 169–204 308575843.doi:10.1080/13531048208575816.
Fishman, Joshua A. Nathan Birnbaum's First Phase: From Zionism to Eastern European Jewry (In Commemoration of his 120th Birthday). Shofar. 1985,4 (1): 17–27.ISSN 0882-8539.JSTOR 42940736.
Hacohen, Dvorah. BenGurion and the Second World War. Frankel, Jonathan (编). Studies in Contemporary Jewry: Volume VII: Jews and Messianism in the Modern Era: Metaphor and Meaning.Oxford University Press. 1991.ISBN 978-0-19-536198-8.
Hadawi, Sami. Bitter harvest: a modern history of Palestine. Interlink Books. 1991.
Laskier, Michael M. North African Jewry in the Twentieth Century: The Jews of Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria. New York:NYU Press. 1994.ISBN 9780814751299.
———. Explaining Transfer: Zionist Thinking and the Creation of the Palestinian Refugee Problem. Bessel, Richard; Haake, Claudia B. (编).Removing Peoples. Studies of the German Historical Institute London. Oxford:Oxford University Press. September 10, 2009: 349–360 [November 29, 2024].ISBN 978-0-19-956195-7.
———. What Is Left of the Israeli Left? (1948–2015). The Brown Journal of World Affairs (Brown Journal of World Affairs). 2015,22 (1): 351–367.ISSN 1080-0786.JSTOR 24591021.
Penkower, Monty Noam. American Jewry and the Holocaust: From Biltmore to the American Jewish Conference.Jewish Social Studies. Spring 1985,47 (2): 95–114.JSTOR 4467289.
Penslar, Derek J. Zionism, Colonialism and Postcolonialism. Israeli Historical Revisionism: From Left to Right.Psychology Press. 2003.
Roy, Sara. The Gaza Strip: The Political Economy of De-development. Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies USA, Inc. 2016.ISBN 978-0-88728-321-5.
Russell, C. T.; Gordon, H. L.; America, P. P. F. O. Zionism in Prophecy. Pastor Russell's Sermons. Brooklyn, NY: International Bible Students Association. 1917.
———. Colonizing Palestine: The Zionist Left and the Making of the Palestinian Nakba. Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic Societies and Cultures.Stanford University Press. 2023.ISBN 978-1-5036-0270-0.
Siddiqui, Fazzur Rahman. [REVIEW] P. R. Kumaraswamy, Squaring the Circle: Mahatma Gandhi and the Jewish National Home (New Delhi, Knowledge World, 2017), Pages: 234, Price: Rs. 920.00. Indian Foreign Affairs Journal. January–March 2018,13 (1): 78–82.JSTOR 45341112.
