Once Trump captured the GOP and ascended to the presidency in 2017, that bubble served him and his interests. Within it, for example, his supporters wereconvinced by asprawling conspiracy theory portraying the then-president as the victim of a shadowy “deep state” cabal that justified vast retribution.

TheJanuary 6 insurrection presented Trump’s propagandists with a crossroads. Rupert Murdoch, whose media empire includes right-wing bastions like Fox News,The Wall Street Journal, andNew York Post,privately sought for him to become a “non person.” But Tucker Carlson and his allies at Fox and elsewhere insteadwent to work creating a counternarrative in which Trump was blameless. Peoplewho knew better either played along or actively participated in the whitewashing of that day.

Trump’s various indictments for a host of crimes providedadditional hinge points. Right-wing media figures who could have used evidence of his abject criminality as a rationale for cutting him loose instead rallied to him and sought to delegitimize those seeking to bring him to justice.

The right-wing media bubble’seagerness toexcuse Trump’s actions gave him a dominant position in the Republican primary. As he romped to the nomination, his opponents complained that they wereunable to gain traction because the party’s propaganda wing had united behind him.

Trump again became the nominee of one of the two major parties. He selected Ohio Sen. JD Vance, aCarlson favorite, as his running mate, and demonstrated the importance of the right-wing echo chamber bygiving Carlson himself a prime-time speaking slot at the Republican National Convention.

With the general election set between Trump and Vice President Kamala Harris, right-wing propagandists went to work holding the GOP base together with a combination of grievance-mongering and silence.

Theyflooded the zone with a bogus narrative of “migrant crime” while ignoring evidence that violent crime was actually plummeting from its Trump-era high.

They instructed their audiences to treat immigrants as a scapegoat,falsely claiming that federal disaster aid desperately needed to respond to hurricanes had beensiphoned off to benefit migrants and ginning upgrotesque lies about Haitian immigrants eating pets.

Theylashed out at the press, urging the Republican base to treat Trump’s poor showing in his debate against Harris as the result of media bias.

When an unprecedented string offormer Republican officials andTrump’s own former administration aides came forward with dire warnings of what Trump did in his first term and could do in a second one, they hid the news from their audiences.

And they kept quiet on a host of unpopular aspects of Trump’s policy agenda, fromSocial Security toreproductive rights, while beating back burgeoning scandals over his allegedJanuary 6 crimes,communications with Russian President Vladimir Putin, and apolitical event at Arlington National Cemetery.

Journalists and political strategists will spend the next weeks and months grappling for explanations as to how Trump returned to the White House. But without the support of the right-wing propaganda machine, he would not have been in position to sweep his party’s nomination in the first place — and in an evenly divided country amid aglobal anti-incumbent wave, that provided a strong position to win the presidency.

Now, the same propagandists who helped him back to power are poised to help him carry out his extreme agenda ofdestruction andretribution.