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The following Document concerning the story of thelife and death of Jeanne d’Arc, Maid of Orleans, isprobably the only known instance in which a completebiographical record, of historical importance, has beenelicited by evidence taken on oath. These depositionscover the childhood of the Maid; the series of hermilitary exploits as Commander-in-Chief of the armiesof France; her capture, imprisonment, and death at thestake in the market-place of Rouen.

The official Latin text of the Trial and Rehabilitationof Jeanne d’Arc, rescued from oblivion amongthe archives of France, and published in the forties byQuicherat, has been faithfully, and now for the first time,rendered into English. This account, given by numerouscontemporary witnesses, of an episode which profoundlyaffected the history of Europe and determined thedestinies of England and France must appeal to thegeneral reader no less than to the student.

By the order of Pope Calixtus in 1455, the Trialof Jeanne d’Arc at Rouen, which had taken placetwenty-four years before, was reconsidered by a greatcourt of lawyers and churchmen, and the condemnationof Jeanne was solemnly annulled and declared wickedand unjust. By this re-trial posterity has been allowedto see the whole life of the village maiden of Domremy,as she was known first to her kinsfolk and her neighbours,and afterwards to warriors, nobles and churchmenwho followed her extraordinary career. Theevidence so given is unique in its minute and faith-worthynarration of a great and noble life; as indeedthat life is itself unique in all human history. Afterall that can be done by the rationalising process, themystery remains of an untutored and unlettered girlof eighteen years old, not only imposing her will uponcaptains and courtiers, but showing a skill and judgmentworthy, as General Dragomiroff says, of the greatestcommanders, indeed of Napoleon himself. While wemust give due weight and consideration to the age inwhich this marvel showed itself on the stage of history,an age of portents and prophecies, of thaumaturgists andsaints, yet when all allowance is made there remains thissane, strong, solid girl leaving her humble home, and inviiitwo short months accomplishing more than Cæsar orAlexander accomplished in so much time, and at an agewhen even Alexander had as yet achieved nothing.

The story is best given by the witnesses, and onlyindications or, so to speak, sign-posts are needed topoint out the way. Before the work of Jeanne can beeven vaguely apprehended something must be knownof how France stood at her coming. A century of misfortuneand sorrow, broken only by a parenthesis ofcomparative prosperity from 1380 to 1407, had lefther an easy prey to the hereditary enemy. Tornasunder by factions which distracted Church and Statealike, she was in no condition of health and courageto recover from the shock of the crushing disaster ofAgincourt. For although the English were unable atthe moment to follow up the victory they had gained,and Henry V. returned to England the bearer of barrenglory, still the breathing time was not put to goodaccount by the French, whose domestic jars made combinednational action impossible. At Henry’s secondcoming, regular resistance was hardly offered. Hisfleets and armies held the Channel and the ports andfortresses on both sides. The King of France wasinsane. His wife, Isabel of Bavaria, came to termswith the English King, and by the treaty of Troyes(1420) the Crown of France was to pass away fromthe Dauphin, whom his wretched mother would fainbastardise, to the issue of Henry and the PrincessCatherine, the ready instrument of her mother’s purpose.When Henry V. died the son born of this unhallowedmarriage was declared King of France and Englandunder the title of Henry VI. The poor child wasless than a year old. His able and resolute uncle John,ixDuke of Bedford, ruled France as Regent, and carriedthe arms of England in triumph against all who daredto dispute his nephew’s title. The Dauphin fled to thesouth, and abandoned to Bedford all territory north ofthe Loire. Paris was occupied and held by the English.The braver members of the Parliament and the Universityjoined the Dauphin at Poitiers, but the accommodatingand timid members did homage to Bedford andduly attorned to Henry VI. as to their lawful King.Orleans alone remained, of the strong places of France,in the hands of the patriot party. If Orleans fell,all organised opposition to Bedford would melt away.

As Orleans was the key of the military, so was Rheimsthe key of the political, situation. Rheims was the oldcity where for many centuries the Kings of France hadbeen crowned and consecrated. Such a ceremony broughtwith it in an especial manner the sacrosanct divinitywhich in the middle ages hedged a King.

It is noteworthy that Jeanne’s mission, as now definedand traced by French scholars, was the double one ofrescuing beleaguered Orleans and crowning the Dauphinat Rheims.

Orleans had withstood a stubborn siege of manymonths, but its fate seemed sealed. The Dauphin hadalmost given up the struggle. He had made futile appealsfor help to the King of Scotland, whose infant daughterwas betrothed to young Louis, afterwards the terribleLouis XI. To Naples also he made appeals, but nosuccour or hope came, and in despair he shut himselfup at Chinon, giving up the cause of France as lostunless aid came from on high. Jeanne came as themessenger of glad tidings, and announced herself as onesent by God to aid France in her extreme need.

xShe came from Lorraine, out of which no good thingcould come, as proverbs taught; for Lorraine had everbeen branded as false to God and false to man. Ambiguousin its relations to France and to the Empire, ithad, like most borderlands, the unstableness of characterwhich comes of social and political insecurity. Jeanne’snative town of Domremy was one of a cluster of hamletson the verge of France, in the smiling valley throughwhich a winding river made its way. Her father andmother were in a very humble station, having a littlepatch of land with rights of commonage on the villagepastures, and were, from the evidence of their neighbours,frugal, hard-working, and “well thought of.”

Jeanne herself was in no way marked out from hergirl friends by any special accomplishments or ambition.She prided herself solely on her domestic usefulness andher skill in household work. She was intensely pious,but in no way introspective or morbid. God and Hisangels and saints were as real to her, more real indeed,than the men and women of her native village. Thethoughts of sacred things subdued her soul to anunconsciousness of self, which marks her off even fromsuch beautiful spiritual natures as Teresa and Bridgetof Sweden and Catherine of Sienna, whose habit ofmind was less simple and less humble than hers. Sheseems to have grieved long and deeply on the misfortunesof France, which was to her the only countryclaiming her allegiance. For, although geographicallyin Lorraine, Domremy was part of the French Kingdom,and its people were devotedly on the side ofthe Dauphin and the national party. The Duke ofBurgundy, who had sided with the English, had onlyone adherent in Domremy, and he was treated, afterxithe manner of good-natured peasants, with a certainhumorous toleration by the patriots of the village.

Growing up in this atmosphere, Jeanne, who was bornon the feast of the Epiphany 1412, heard in her earliergirlhood of the sad state of her country torn asunder byfaction and treason, and presenting a very broken frontto the redoubtable armies of England, which had in thecourse of a century carried the banner of St. Georgeover all the lands from Calais to Cadiz without oncemeeting an enemy strong enough to look them in theface on a pitched field of battle.

Agincourt, and the carnage after Agincourt, revived inFrench minds the humiliation of Poitiers and the horrorsof Limoges, so that dread and hatred of the Englishwere the burden of every household story. Nor mustwe forget that in Europe then, as in Asia and Africanow, news spread apace, and unlettered folk got to knowin some strange way the doings of camps and courts.

Old prophecies too were on every lip. That weirdunrest which Shakespeare shadows forth in Peter ofPomfret and his sayings, shaking the throne of RichardII. by their very vagueness, was nowhere felt moreintensely than in Lorraine, with its blending of oldCeltic myths, German romances, and tales of Provençalminstrelsy in all hearts and memories.

Sublime above all these loomed the Church and itstremendous message. And so, from current history andfable and folk-lore, Jeanne’s imagination was fed, whileher soul was ready to receive any mandate which theLord of all things might deign to signify. She wasthirteen years old when the first message came to her.The Archangel Michael, as she states, appeared, and shewas struck with great fear; but afterwards she longedxiifor his coming and his words. He admonished her tobe pure and holy and religious, and she determined tobe so. Later on St. Catherine (the Virgin) and St.Margaret appeared to her, and told her that the Lordordered her to go into France and relieve Orleans. Inher examination she tells these things with greatparticularity, meeting all questions as to age, size,voice, dress, language, and surroundings of the angels,with a simple directness which carries conviction of herabsolute truthfulness.

Her doubts and misgivings as to her own unfitnessshe put aside as impertinences, when assured of herdivine mission. No shadow of spiritual inflation oregotism is to be seen in all these things. Rather sheheld by the belief that her very unworthiness in theworld’s eye was the cause of her being chosen as asimple instrument in the hands of the Lord.

Her uncle led her to Vaucouleurs in 1428; Robert deBaudricourt, whom she believed she was told to see,declined to give ear to her stories; but Jean de Metz,whose evidence is of absorbing interest, tells us how hewas overcome and won over to her by her compellingearnestness and faith. She came to Chinon with asmall escort, and she and her guard had to travel mostlyby night to avoid the Burgundians. “At Chinon,” saysJean de Metz, “she had to submit to long inquiries.”

The Dauphin was naturally loath to take a step sofull of peril, and indeed so fraught with the danger ofridiculous failure, without grave, anxious, and searchinginvestigation. He wished Jeanne to appear at Poitiersbefore the prelates and lawyers of Parliament. AtPoitiers she was subjected to the closest examination,and in the end convinced the lawyers and churchmenxiiiof her good faith and the reality of her visions andvoices. The Archbishop of Rheims, following “Gamalielin the Council of the Jews,” advised the Dauphin notto spurn the proffered help; and Charles, who hadbeen already impressed by the “revelations,” took theArchbishop’s advice, and placed his forces and hisfortune in her hands, trusting to divine help andsuccour. The armies of France were in marked contrastto those of England. French nobles had quasi-regalpower in their dominions, and only fitfully followed theroyal arms. In England, from the Conquest, the Kingwas supreme lord of all, and every one owed direct andimmediate allegiance to him. The English armies,unlike the French feudal array, were made up ofpeasants and artisans and adventurous young menseeking a career, and, in the last resort, as we knowfrom Falstaff, of losels and waifs and ne’er-do-wells.Whether Lord Melville’s famous saying that “the worstmen make the best soldiers” be or be not accepted, itseems true enough that for aggressive wars at anyrate the reckless bravery of adventurers goes very far.And Henry’s army, composed as it was of English,Welsh, and Irish, was in truth an army of intrepidcondottieri,intrepid to a fault, but lacking the chivalrousfeelings which with all their drawbacks the feudal systemand the knightly organisations tended to evolve.

Hardened and seasoned by years of warfare, theEnglish in 1429 were without serious opposition orcheck in their movements and attacks. No Frencharmy kept the field. The King’s authority was flouted.The Duke of Burgundy was openly for the Englishcause. The Duke of Brittany and Lorraine waveredfrom side to side. Money had run out, and the lastxivchance of success was staked in a bold throw on thestrange promises of the young country girl.

The evidence given by competent witnesses shows usclearly the magnitude of her achievements during themonths of May, June, and July, 1429: the relief ofOrleans; the victory of Patay; the capture of Troyes;and the triumphal march to Rheims, completing her workby the consecration of Charles in the old Cathedral,which had seen so many of his predecessors anointedand crowned within its walls.

But the marvel is that these stupendous achievementswere not the results of mere enthusiasm, great andpotent though that was, but of settled, farseeing skill andprudence on the part of Jeanne, joined to a strength ofsoul and purpose which multiplied the strength of thearmy tenfold.

Like Cromwell she “new-modelled” the army. Thelicentious gaiety of the feudal warrior had to give wayto the sobriety and seemliness which became a Christiancamp. The voluptuary and the blasphemer had toamend their lives. To revels succeeded prayers andfasts and vigils. Yet never for a moment did this greatamendment degenerate into formalism or hypocrisy.Like all great souls she awakened latent good and drovevice abashed from her presence without any consciousspiritual superiority in herself. Men were ashamed tobe base in such a presence. Nor did she ever become alaw unto herself, as the “illuminated” are so apt to be;rather she was more than ever observant of all the dutiesand claims and observances of ordinary religious obligation,being ever in heart the simple maid whom the Lordfor His own mysterious purpose, and without any meritof hers, had chosen for a mighty task.

xvThese great qualities won for her the ready submissionof the soldiers, while her name and fame brought leviesof ardent volunteers, from all sides, eagerly contendingfor the glory of serving under such a leader. Her framewas hardy and enduring. She wore armour night andday for a week at a time. She ate sparingly and drankhardly at all, moistening a crust in wine, or, greatlyfatigued, tasting a little as a restorative. While herwoman’s nature showed itself in her burst of tears whendishonouring names were flung at her by some brutalEnglish soldiers, or when she screamed at the sharp andsudden pain of the wound she received, still there alwayscame a quick moral reinforcement which restored herserene fortitude in the midst of indignities and perils.

Writers have differed and must go on differing withregard to the scope of her mission and the waning of herpowers after the coronation of Rheims. If she dictatedthe letter to Henry VI. in which the words occur, “bodyfor body you will be driven out of France,” we may, byconnecting this saying with her famous letter to theHussites—in which she threatened to chastise them,“Saracens” that they were, when her work was done andFrance cleared of her enemies—and from other scatteredphrases as well, come to the conclusion that in her beliefFrance was to be wholly freed, and freed by her as agentof the Lord. But the letter to Henry VI. is of doubtfulauthority, and her appeal to Charles after the coronationto be allowed to return to her father and mother,supported by contemporary authority, seems to showthat she looked upon her work as done, and the greatoutburst of weeping in the Cathedral was in all likelihoodthe sob of satisfied piety and patriotism, whose cares wereat an end and whose task was fulfilled even to fruition.

xviThis seems the true view, with which also the latestFrench students agree. Yielding to entreaty she threwherself further into the national struggle. She was stillbrave, still magnetic and inspiring, but no longer toherself or to others the sword in the hand of God.

But if in the campaign of May and June she showedthe wonderful military genius to which so many competentwitnesses bear testimony, in the weary winterof the same year she shows a clearness and depth ofstatesmanship scarcely less astonishing. In moments ofnational peril there are always “wise” men who thinkthat further resistance is foolish and even criminal.Alfred had to deal with such time-servers. So hadBruce, and so later on had Washington. Jeanne witha sore heart found herself clogged and impeded bythese prudent men. Foremost amongst them was theArchbishop of Rheims, Regnault de Chartres. Hisprogramme was one of reconciliation. The Duke ofBurgundy was to become the ally of France, and as suchwas to act as negotiator and intermediary for a lastingpeace between Henry VI. and Charles VII. PoorCharles was weary of the war, and lent a ready ear tothe accommodator. In vain Jeanne warned him of thefolly of these plans. To strike, and strike quickly, atParis was her advice. Halting and hesitating, Charlesconsented. An army was placed at her disposal, but, justas victory seemed sure, she was ordered to desist, andBurgundy so duped the French King that he was allowedto go through the French lines into Paris, ostensibly totreat for peace, but in reality, as the event proved, toput himself under Bedford’s orders, and to hold Paris aslieutenant for the Regent and ally of the King of England.Had Jeanne’s advice been followed this shamefulxviitreason could never have come about. She hadknown and felt that the hatred of the Duke of Burgundyand his house against Charles VII. was too deep and toorooted to be pulled up in a moment. For twenty yearsFrance had been distracted by the factions of Burgundyand Orleans struggling for control. Fire and waterwere not more opposed. Burgundy looked to England,and Orleans to France. We must not too hastilycondemn these factions. Nations in the modern sensehad not fully arisen. The State was everything.Whether a great Anglo-French monarchy sitting inParis ruled over France, England, Ireland, and Wales,or a more domestic French line only ruled over Franceitself, was a question on which upright men might welltake opposite sides. Jeanne’s special merit was that shesaw the possibility of a great French nation, self-centred,self-sufficient, and she so stamped this message onthe French heart that its characters have never faded.Ecclesiastics, on the other hand, with their conception ofa Universal Empire and a Universal Church, thoughtlittle of National aspirations or claims. To them, anythingwhich would allay the bitter rivalries of France andEngland naturally appealed, seeing, as they did, in sucha change the promise of a return to the days beforethe Babylonian captivity at Avignon, and the bringingof all peoples into ready submission to Peter’s chair.Jeanne’s greatness is nowhere more manifest than inher willing loyalty to the Church and “our lord thePope,” while claiming for France absolute nationalindependence. Herein she stands alone. Dante’s twoswords (wielded by Pope and Emperor) were lethal tonational life. To the spiritual sword Jeanne bowed,but to no Emperor or King other than the anointedxviiiKing of France could the loyalty of a French heartbe due.

The winter of 1429 was spent in controversies ofwhich the opposing principles of imperialism andnationality are the true keys. In the early spring,Jeanne, who had bravely stood by the national cause,and heartened all who withstood the party of compromiseand surrender, saw only too clearly that forthe time the French hopes of success had given way.That brave night ride to relieve Compiègne was inmany respects a meeting of fate half way. No doubt,she defied augury, but signs of impending disastermultiplied; and when she fell into the hands of theBurgundians, she must have felt that while her ownagony began, the cause of France might well gathermore strength from her example as a sufferer, thanfrom her futile struggle against cowardice and treason.Into one short year her whole astounding publiccareer is crowded; Orleans, Patay, Troyes, Rheims,Paris, Compiègne; glory, exaltation, wreckage, andcaptivity. But France was at the end of it a consciousnation with an anointed King, and the work of deliverancewas assured.

The Trial and Rehabilitation.

The English had felt sorely the humiliations of theyear 1429. In Bedford’s report to the King’s Councilin London he told of those who were struck with fear bythe incantations of this “limb of the fiend” who hadstartled them from their security; and proclamationswere issued against those who in terror of the Maiddeserted the army. Now that she, who had workedsuch mischief to them, was in their hands, betrayed byxixher own countrymen,^[1] they wreaked vengeance uponher without stint.

The story of her prison life is a record of shame to hergaolers. Chained, mocked at, threatened, and insulted,her serenity never failed. She was in God’s hand, andshe bowed to His will.

Months of suffering and anxiety passed over her beforeher captors made up their minds as to the coursethey would take to bring about her death under thesemblance of legal execution. If she could be convictedby an ecclesiastical court of crimes against the faith, hercondemnation would redound to the fair fame of Englandand the pious ^[2] House of Lancaster, while covering theFrench and their sovereign with confusion as the alliesand associates of a minister of hell.

xxPliant churchmen were at hand to give countenanceand help in this undertaking—bishops full of zeal andloyalty for our sovereign lord Henry VI., by the graceof God King of France and England.

The worst of these servile churchmen was the wretchedBishop of Beauvais, Pierre Cauchon. Many other prelateswere Cæsar’s friends, but he sits exalted in solitaryinfamy. He came to the Burgundian camp and claimedhis victim in the name of Bedford, Regent of France forthe English King. Had Jeanne been detained by theBurgundians, it is impossible to believe that Charles VII.would not have procured her release. Had she beenheld as a prisoner of war by the English, it is verylikely that the shame of holding a woman captivein their hands would have made it possible to arrangefor her ransom. But once charged with heresy andtaken out of the hands of the Burgundians such hopesand chances were closed. Still, as an ecclesiasticalprisoner she would have been entitled to counsel andguidance by religious persons, the Church offering admonitionbefore preferring grave charges of rebellionagainst any of her children. But this would renderher punishment uncertain. Grave doctors of the law andeminent churchmen had at Poitiers, after long inquiry, declaredher worthy of trust and they might do so again.

Therefore it was determined that she should be heldin a lay prison though charged with an ecclesiasticaloffence. Cut off in this way from all spiritual help andinstruction, she was to be brought, when the process wasripe, before a well-chosen court bent on her destruction,and ready to entangle her in questions which mightentrap her into erroneous or heretical statements.

And once more we are confronted, if we try toxxirationalise her life and put away all belief in inspiration,with the amazing problem as to where and how this untutoredgirl drew her stores of logic, law, and theology.

The trial took place in Rouen Castle,^[3] the seat ofBedford’s government in France. The choosing ofher judges was committed to Cauchon, who selected themost sturdy adherents of the English. No formal chargewas preferred, but Jeanne was interrogated. This coursewas severely condemned by a distinguished lawyer namedLohier, who puts clearly before us the procedure andprinciples that should govern such a hearing.

There should be in the first place in all such trials adefinite indictment of the charges advanced against theaccused, who in turn ought to have due time to answerall the allegations with the assistance of counsel.

In Jeanne’s particular case, seeing that she had beenalready practically tried and acquitted at Poitiers at atrial presided over by the Archbishop of Rheims, themetropolitan of the Bishop of Beauvais, it was puttingher twice in peril for the same offence, and on the secondoccasion before an inferior court, a thing contrary to lawand reason. Moreover the venue was wrong. She hadbeen captured in one diocese as an ecclesiastical prisoner,and she was to be tried in another, and no assent of thechapter of Rouen could give jurisdiction in such a case.

xxiiFinally she was in a lay prison, held there by herpolitical enemies, which made it impossible for her tohave the liberty and spiritual assistance necessary tomeet ecclesiastical charges. The trial ought to havebeen held in an ordinary court and not in the Castle.

All these objections are of great substance and goto the very root of the inquiry. But more vital thanall was Jeanne’s own expostulation against trial beforeCauchon, who was her declared and bitter enemy, andthe mere instrument of her foes and gaolers.

Gross however as the injustice was, there were certainbarriers within which even Cauchon and his accompliceshad to work their wicked wills. As there were fearlesscanonists like Lohier, who, as members of a greatinternational Bar, were independent of any King orbishop, so the notaries, being apostolic and imperialofficers, were in no way amenable to Cauchon or hiscrew. Every word spoken in court is duly and faithfullyrecorded, and this record formed the basis for thepetition subsequently presented to the Pope by Jeanne’smother and brother when seeking amendment ofCauchon’s judgment.

The trial is one of the most enthralling dramas in allhistory. The caution, the skill, the simplicity withal,shown by Jeanne in her answers to bewildering andentrapping questions, well earned the praise bestowedtwenty years later by the accomplished lawyers who wroteon the case, sustaining the appeal for a new hearing.

The report gives all the details of the inquiry withfulness and accuracy, and when we carefully examine itscourse, we must agree with the canonists who said thatthe forms of law were indeed adhered to, but its spiritwas grossly violated. The judges in Jeanne’s casexxiiifortified themselves with the decision of the Universityof Paris, but that decision was procured by laying beforethe University what purported to be the statements ofJeanne, but what were in truth selected passages fromher statements torn from qualifying contexts and oftenwith the suppression of governing words.

Still this précis was also part of the record of theCourt, although attempts were made to suppress it, andat the re-hearing Cauchon and his fellow hirelings werevehemently condemned for this nefarious proceeding.

By a sentence, so obtained and so buttressed, Jeanned’Arc was done to death. The story of the executionis one of the most heart-rending incidents in history.No comment can deepen or add to the pathos of thenarrative given by the bystanders.

In 1450 King Charles VII. empowered GuillaumeBouillé, Rector of the University of Paris, to inquire intothe circumstances of Jeanne’s trial, condemnation, anddeath, and to report the result of his investigation.

Great lawyers gave their opinions, and declared thetrial void, as having been bad in substance as well as inform. But no regular judgment was pronounced.

Again in 1452 Pope Nicholas V., on appeal by Jeanne’smother, Isabel d’Arc, ordered inquiry, which duly tookplace, but without formal issue.

It is fortunate for truth and human interest that theseinquiries were abortive. Had they on general groundsannulled the proceedings under Cauchon, how muchwould have been lost to us!

We should never have had that delightful picture ofDomremy given by the simple people of the place. Norshould we have, as we have now, a sworn narrative ofJeanne’s private and public life laying bare her very soul.

xxivWhen Pope Calixtus ordered a full inquiry, heseemed to think, as Newman thought when writing the“Apologia,” that the less argument and the morenarrative and evidence that could be given the better;and so, instead of discussing the nature of angels, thelimits of Catholic obedience, the Great Schism,^[4] and theassurances of salvation of the just, he and his deputiesput aside such questions with patient contempt untilthey first made sure of the human side of the story.How Jeanne impressed her neighbours, her priest, andher kin; what kind of girl she was; what were heremployments; was she restive and ambitious or quietand satisfied; was her life pure; was she given tofoolish imaginings, or was she a sane, modest, unpretendingcountry maiden? Into all these things Cauchon hadmade inquiries, but as the answers were all favourableto the accused he suppressed the evidence.

The decree of Pope Calixtus has added a true romanceto human story. In all that we know of the world’sgreat ones we can find no parallel for the Maid ofDomremy. Perhaps only in Catholic France was sucha heroine possible. Certainly Teutonic Protestantismhas as yet given to the world none of the exalted typesof radiant and holy women such as those that illuminateLatin Christianity. Whether as a saint or a nation-maker,Jeanne’s place in world-history is assured.

PART I—THE TRIAL


I

FIRST PROCESS: THE LAPSE

	PAGE

TRIAL EX OFFICIO	3

Six Public Examinations	3

Nine Private Examinations	55

THE TRIAL IN ORDINARY	98

Exhortations and Admonitions	106

FINAL SESSION AND SENTENCE. RECANTATION	121

THE SENTENCE	129


II

SECOND PROCESS: THE RELAPSE

SENTENCE OF DEATH	142

SUBSEQUENT EXAMINATIONS AND PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE RELAPSE	147

Examination of Witnesses	147


xxviPART II—THE REHABILITATION

THE FIRST ENQUIRY: 1449	157

Examination of Witnesses	157

THE SECOND ENQUIRY: 1452; AND THIRD ENQUIRY: 1455–6	178

Examination of Witnesses	178

DEPOSITIONS AT DOMREMY: 1455	213

Examination of Witnesses	213

DEPOSITIONS AT ORLEANS: 1455	232

DEPOSITIONS IN PARIS: 1455–6	252

Examination of Witnesses	252

DEPOSITIONS AT ROUEN: 1455–6	298

SENTENCE OF REHABILITATION	321


APPENDIX	331

Note on Original Documents of the Process of Condemnation	331

Note on the Documents connected with the Trial of Rehabilitation	332

Introductory Note to the Trial	332

Act of Accusation prepared by the Promoter: The Seventy Articles	341

The Twelve Articles of Accusation	366

Introductory Note to the Rehabilitation	371


Chronological Table of Principal Events in the Life of Jeanne d’Arc	377


INDEX	385

		PAGE

Reputed Portrait of Jeanne d’Arc	Frontispiece.

Jeanne d’Arc’s House at Domremy	To face page	6

Rheims Cathedral	” ”	50

Church of Saint Remy	” ”	50

The Battle of “Herrings.” From a French Manuscript of the XVth Century	” ”	58

The Maid taken Prisoner. From a XVth Century MS.	” ”	58

Gate to the Palace of Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais	” ”	76

South Door of St. Ouen at Rouen	” ”	128

Court of Justice. From a Miniature by Jean Fouquet	” ”	142

Saint Lucien Tower, Beauvais. Jeanne is said to have passed a night in this tower on August 20, 1429	” ”	178

Facsimile of a Page of the Process of Jeanne d’Arc	” ”	210

Château de Vaucouleurs, called the “Porte de France”	” ”	222

Count de Dunois, Bastard of Orleans	” ”	232

Rheims Cathedral	” ”	240

Chinon	” ”	260

Orleans Cathedral	” ”	268

The Count de Richemont, Constable of France	” ”	280

Charles VII. (Gallery of the Louvre.)	” ”	282

xxviiiView of Blois.	Between pages	284–285

The Bridge of Orleans	To face page	288

1. On the last day of the English Siege, Sunday, May 8, 1429.

2. Shortly before its demolition in 1760.

Tomb of Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais	” ”	300

Jeanne d’Arc. From a Miniature of the XVth Century	” ”	306

The Battle of Patay	” ”	308

La Hire and Xantrailles. From a XVth Century MS.	” ”	308


IN THE TEXT.

The Old Castle of Rouen		3

Battle outside Orleans		135

Porte St. Honoré		157

The Hôtel de Ville: Compiègne		328


MAP.

France: 1429–1431	At end of volume.

2Information as to the OriginalDocuments of the Trial willbe found in the Appendix,p.331.

An Introductory Note on theMaid’s Capture at Compiègneand on the Procedure of herTrial is given in the Appendixon p.332.

I
FIRST PROCESS: THE LAPSE

TRIAL EX OFFICIO

Six Public Examinations

On Wednesday, February 21st, at 8 o’clock in themorning, in the Chapel Royal of the Castle of Rouen.The Bishop and 42 Assessors present.

We did first of all command to be read the Royalletters conveying surrender and deliverance of the saidwoman into Our hands; afterwards the letters of theChapter of Rouen, making concession of territory forOur benefit. This reading ended, M^tre. Jean d’Estivet,nominated by Us as Promoter of the Case, did, in Ourpresence, shew that the aforesaid woman of the nameof Jeanne hath been, by the Executor of Our Mandate,cited to appear in this place at this hour and day, hereto answer, according to law, to the questions to be putto her.

4The said Promoter did then produce Our Mandate, towhich is attached the document confirming its execution,and did read them all. Our said Promoter did thenrequire that the said woman should be placed before us,and, in terms of the citation, questioned by Us on diversArticles concerning the Faith, to the which We didagree. But as a preliminary, because the said womanhad asked to hear Mass beforehand, We did shew to theAssessors that, by the advice of well-known Doctors andMasters consulted by Us, it hath been decided, consideringthe crimes of which she is accused, and theimpropriety of the dress which she is wearing, that it isright to postpone permission to hear Mass and to assistin Divine Service.

In the meantime, the said woman was brought by theExecutor of Our Mandate, and set before Us.

We did then shew that the said Jeanne hath beenlately taken ^[5] in the territory of Beauvais; that many actscontrary to the Orthodox Faith have been committed byher, not only in Our Diocese, but in many others; thatthe public report, which imputes these misdeeds to her,hath spread in all estates of Christendom; that, in thelast place, the most Serene and most Christian our lordthe King hath sent and given her up to Us in order that,according to law and right, an action may be broughtagainst her in the matter of the Faith; that, acting uponthis common report, upon public rumour, and also oncertain information obtained by Us, of which mentionhath already been often enough made, by the adviceof men versed in sacred and secular Law, We haveofficially given commandment to cite the said Jeanne toappear before Us, in order through her to obtain truthful5answers to the questions to be put to her in matters ofthe Faith, and in order to act towards her according tolaw and right; which doth so appear in the letters thatthe Promoter hath shewn.

Then, desiring in this particular the blessed succourof Jesus Christ, Who is concerned in this, and wishingonly to fulfil the duties of Our office for the exaltationand preservation of the Catholic Faith, We did firstcharitably warn and require the said Jeanne, seated in Ourpresence, for the more prompt resolution of the Actionand the relief of her own conscience, to speak the wholetruth upon all questions which should be addressed toher touching the Faith; and We did exhort her to avoidall subterfuges and shufflings of such a nature as shouldturn her aside from a sincere and true avowal.

And in the first instance we did require her, in theappointed form, her hand on the Holy Gospels, toswear to speak truth on the questions to be addressedto her.

“I know not upon what you wish to question me:perhaps you may ask me of things which I ought not totell you.”

“Swear,” We did then say to her, “to speak truth onthe things which shall be asked you concerning the Faith,and of which you know.”

“Of my father and my mother and of what I did aftertaking the road to France, willingly will I swear; but ofthe revelations which have come to me from God, to noone will I speak or reveal them, save only to Charlesmy King; and to you I will not reveal them, even if itcost me my head; because I have received them invisions and by secret counsel, and am forbidden toreveal them. Before eight days are gone, I shall knowif I may reveal them to you.”

Again did We several times warn and require her to6be willing, on whatsoever should touch on the Faith, toswear to speak truly. And the said Jeanne, on herknees, her two hands resting on the Missal, did swearto speak truth on that which should be asked her andwhich she knewin the matter of the Faith, keepingsilence under the condition above stated, that is to say,neither to tell nor to reveal to any one the revelationsmade to her.

After this oath, Jeanne was interrogated by Us as toher name, and surname, her place of birth, the names ofher father and mother, the place of her baptism, hergodfathers and godmothers, the Priest who baptizedher, etc., etc.

“In my own country they call me Jeannette; since Icame into France I have been called Jeanne. Of mysurname I know nothing. I was born ^[6] in the villageof Domremy, which is really one with the village ofGreux. The principal Church is at Greux. My fatheris called Jacques d’Arc; my mother, Ysabelle. Iwas baptized in the village of Domremy.^[7] One of mygodmothers ^[8] is called Agnes, another Jeanne, a thirdSibylle. One of my godfathers is called Jean Lingué,another Jean Barrey. I had many other godmothers, orso I have heard from my mother. I was, I believe,baptized by Messire Jean Minet; he still lives, so far asI know. I am, I should say, about nineteen years ofage. From my mother I learned my Pater, my AveMaria, and my Credo. I believe I learned all thisfrom my mother.”

To this same question, which was many times put toher, she always answered: “No, I will not say my Paterto you, unless you will hear me in confession.”

“Willingly,” We said to her, “We will give you twowell-known men, of the French language, and beforethem you shall say your Pater.”

And then did We forbid Jeanne to go out of theprison which hath been assigned to her in the Castlewithout Our permission, under pain of the crime ofheresy.

“I do not accept such a prohibition,” she answered;“if ever I do escape, no one shall reproach me withhaving broken or violated my faith, not having given myword to any one, whosoever it may be.”

And as she complained that she had been fastenedwith chains and fetters of iron, We said to her:

“You have before, and many times, sought, We aretold, to get out of the prison, where you are detained;and it is to keep you more surely that it has been orderedto put you in irons.”

“It is true I wished to escape; and so I wish still: isnot this lawful for all prisoners?”

We then commissioned as her guard the noble manJohn Gris,^[9] Squire, one of the Body Guard of our Lordthe King, and, with him, John Berwoist and WilliamTalbot, whom We enjoined well and faithfully to guardthe said Jeanne, and to permit no person to have dealingswith her without Our order. Which the aforenamed,with their hands on the Gospels, did solemnly swear.

8Finally, having accomplished all the preceding, Weappointed the said Jeanne to appear the next day, at8 o’clock in the morning, before Us in the OrnamentRoom, at the end of the Great Hall of the Castle ofRouen.

Thursday, February 22nd, in the Ornament Room atthe end of the Great Hall of the Castle of Rouen. TheBishop and 48 Assessors present.

In their presence, We shewed that Jean Lemaître,Deputy of the Chief Inquisitor, had been summoned andrequired by Us to join himself to the present Action,with Our offer of communicating to him all that hathbeen done hitherto or shall be done in the future; butthat the said Deputy had replied, that, having beencommissioned by the Chief Inquisitor for the City andDiocese of Rouen only, and the actual Process beingdeduced by Us in a territory which hath been cededto Us by the Metropolitan Chapter, by reason ofOur Ordinary Jurisdiction, as Bishop of Beauvais, hehad thought it right to avoid all nullity and also for thepeace of his own conscience, to refuse to join himselfwith Us, in the quality of Judge, until he should receivefrom the Chief Inquisitor a Commission and moreextended powers: that, nevertheless, he would have noobjection to see the trial continue without interruption.

After having heard Us make this narration, the saidDeputy, being present, declared, addressing himself toUs, “That which you have just said is true. It hasbeen, as much as in me lies, and still is, agreeable to methat you should continue the Trial.”

We warned and required her, on pain of law, tomake oath as she had done the day before and toswear simply and absolutely to speak truth on all things9in respect of which she should be asked; to which sheanswered:

Again We required her to swear: we said to her, noteven a prince, required to swear in a matter of faith, canrefuse.

“I made oath to you yesterday,” she answered, “thatshould be quite enough for you: you burden me over-much!”

Then Maître Jean Beaupère, a well-known Professorof Theology, did, by Our order, question the saidJeanne. This he did as follows:

“First of all, I exhort you, as you have so sworn, totell the truth on that which I am about to ask you.”

“You may well ask me some things on which I shalltell you the truth and some on which I shall not tellit you. If you were well informed about me, you wouldwish to have me out of your hands. I have donenothing except by revelation.”

“Yes, I learnt to spin and to sew; in sewing andspinning I fear no woman in Rouen. For dread ofthe Burgundians, I left my father’s house and wentto the town of Neufchâteau,^[10] in Lorraine, to the houseof a woman named La Rousse, where I sojourned aboutfifteen days. When I was at home with my father, Iemployed myself with the ordinary cares of the house.I did not go to the fields with the sheep and the other10animals. Every year I confessed myself to my ownCuré, and, when he was prevented, to another Priestwith his permission. Sometimes, also, two or threetimes, I confessed to the Mendicant Friars; this wasat Neufchâteau. At Easter I received the Sacramentof the Eucharist.”

“Have you received the Sacrament of the Eucharistat any other Feast but Easter?”

“Pass that by [Passez outre]. I was thirteen whenI had a Voice from God for my help and guidance.The first time that I heard this Voice, I was verymuch frightened; it was mid-day, in the summer, inmy father’s garden. I had not fasted the day before.I heard this Voice to my right, towards the Church;rarely do I hear it without its being accompanied alsoby a light. This light comes from the same side as theVoice. Generally it is a great light. Since I came intoFrance I have often heard this Voice.”

“But how could you see this light that you speak of,when the light was at the side?”

To this question she answered nothing, but went onto something else. “If I were in a wood, I couldeasily hear the Voice which came to me. It seemedto me to come from lips I should reverence. I believeit was sent me from God. When I heard it for thethird time, I recognized that it was the Voice of anAngel. This Voice has always guarded me well, andI have always understood it; it instructed me to be goodand to go often to Church; it told me it was necessaryfor me to come into France. You ask me underwhat form this Voice appeared to me? You will hearno more of it from me this time. It said to me two orthree times a week: ‘You must go into France.’ Myfather knew nothing of my going. The Voice said tome: ‘Go into France!’ I could stay no longer. Itsaid to me: ‘Go, raise the siege which is being made11before the City of Orleans. ‘Go!’ it added, ‘to Robertde Baudricourt,^[11] Captain of Vaucouleurs: he will furnishyou with an escort to accompany you.’ And I repliedthat I was but a poor girl, who knew nothing of ridingor fighting. I went to my uncle and said that I wishedto stay near him for a time. I remained there eightdays. I said to him, ‘I must go to Vaucouleurs.’^[12] Hetook me there. When I arrived, I recognized Robertde Baudricourt, although I had never seen him. Iknew him, thanks to my Voice, which made me recognizehim. I said to Robert, ‘I must go into France!’Twice Robert refused to hear me, and repulsed me. Thethird time, he received me, and furnished me with men;^[13]the Voice had told me it would be thus. The Duke ofLorraine ^[14] gave orders that I should be taken to him. Iwent there. I told him that I wished to go into France.The Duke asked me questions about his health; butI said of that I knew nothing. I spoke to him little ofmy journey. I told him he was to send his son withme, together with some people to conduct me toFrance, and that I would pray to God for his health.I had gone to him with a safe-conduct: from thence12I returned to Vaucouleurs. From Vaucouleurs I departed,dressed as a man, armed with a sword givenme by Robert de Baudricourt, but without other arms.I had with me a Knight,^[15] a Squire, and four servants,with whom I reached the town of Saint Urbain, whereI slept in an Abbey. On the way, I passed throughAuxerre, where I heard Mass in the principal Church.Thenceforward I often heard my Voices.”

To this question she several times refused to answer.In the end, she said: “With that I charge no one.”Many times she varied in her answers to this question.Then she said:

“Robert de Baudricourt made those who went withme swear to conduct me well and safely. ‘Go,’ saidRobert de Baudricourt to me, ‘Go! and let come whatmay!’ I know well that God loves the Duke ofOrleans; I have had more revelations about the Dukeof Orleans than about any man alive, except my King.It was necessary for me to change my woman’s garmentsfor a man’s dress. My counsel thereon said well. Isent a letter to the English before Orleans,^[16] to makethem leave, as may be seen in a copy of my letter whichhas been read to me in this City of Rouen; there are,nevertheless, two or three words in this copy which werenot in my letter. Thus, ‘Surrender to the Maid,’ shouldbe replaced by ‘Surrender to the King.’ The words,‘body for body’ and ‘chieftain in war’ were not in myletter at all.^[17]

“I went without hindrance to the King. Havingarrived at the village of Saint Catherine de Fierbois, I13sent for the first time to the Castle of Chinon,^[18] wherethe King was. I got there towards mid-day, and lodgedfirst at an inn. After dinner, I went to the King, whowas at the Castle. When I entered the room where hewas I recognized him among many others by the counselof my Voice, which revealed him to me. I told himthat I wished to go and make war on the English.”

“Spare me. Pass on. Before the King set me towork, he had many apparitions and beautiful revelations.”

“I will not tell you; it is not yet time to answer youabout them; but send to the King, and he will tell you.The Voice had promised me that, as soon I came to theKing, he would receive me. Those of my party knewwell that the Voice had been sent me from God; theyhave seen and known this Voice, I am sure of it. MyKing and many others have also heard and seen theVoices which came to me: there were there Charles deBourbon ^[19] and two or three others. There is not a daywhen I do not hear this Voice; and I have much need ofit. But never have I asked of it any recompense butthe salvation of my soul. The Voice told me to remainat Saint-Denis, in France; I wished to do so, but,against my will, the Lords made me leave. If I had14not been wounded, I should never have left. Afterhaving quitted Saint-Denis, I was wounded in thetrenches before Paris;^[20] but I was cured in five days.It is true that I caused an assault to be made beforeParis.”

And as it appeared that enough had been done forto-day, We have postponed the affair to Saturday next,at 8 o’clock in the morning.

Saturday, 24th February, in the same place. TheBishop and 62 Assessors present.

In their presence We did require the aforenamedJeanne to swear to speak the truth simply and absolutelyon the questions to be addressed to her, without addingany restriction to her oath. We did three times thusadmonish her. She answered:

“Give me leave to speak. By my faith! you maywell ask me such things as I will not tell you. Perhapson many of the things you may ask me I shallnot tell you truly, especially on those that touch on myrevelations; for you may constrain me to say thingsthat I have sworn not to say; then I should be perjured,which you ought not to wish.” [Addressing theBishop:] “I tell you, take good heed of what you say,you, who are my Judge;^[21] you take a great responsibilityin thus charging me. I should say that it is enoughto have sworn twice.”

“You may surely do without this. I have swornenough already twice. All the clergy of Rouen andParis cannot condemn me if it be not law. Of mycoming into France I will speak the truth willingly;but I will not say all: the space of eight days wouldnot suffice.”

“Of my coming I will willingly speak truth, but notof the rest; speak no more of it to me.”

“You render yourself liable to suspicion in not beingwilling to swear to speak the truth absolutely.”

“I will say willingly what I know, and yet not all. Iam come in God’s name; I have nothing to do here;let me be sent back to God, whence I came.”

“Again we summon and require you to swear, underpain of going forth charged with that which is imputedto you.”

“A last time we require you to swear, and urgentlyadmonish you to speak the truth on all that concernsyour trial; you expose yourself to a great peril by sucha refusal.”

Then, by Our order, she was questioned by MaîtreJean Beaupère, a well-known Doctor, as follows:

“Yesterday I heard them three times,—once in themorning, once at Vespers, and again when the AveMaria rang in the evening. I have even heard themoftener than that.”

“I did thank it. I was sitting on the bed; I joinedmy hands; I implored its help. The Voice said to me:‘Answer boldly.’ I asked advice as to how I shouldanswer, begging it to entreat for this the counsel of theLord. The Voice said to me: ‘Answer boldly; Godwill help thee.’ Before I had prayed it to give mecounsel, it said to me several words I could not readilyunderstand. After I was awake, it said to me: ‘Answerboldly.’” [Addressing herself to Us, the said Bishop:]“You say you are my judge. Take care what you aredoing; for in truth I am sent by God, and you placeyourself in great danger.”

“I have never found it give two contrary opinions....This night again I heard it say: ‘Answer boldly.’”

“I will not answer you about that. I have revelationstouching the King that I will not tell you.”

“I have not been advised about these things. Giveme a delay of fifteen days,^[23] and I will answer you. Ifmy Voice has forbidden me, what would you say aboutit? Believe me, it is not men who have forbiddenme. To-day I will not answer: I do not know if Iought, or not; it has not been revealed to me. Butas firmly as I believe in the Christian Faith and thatGod hath redeemed us from the pains of Hell, thatVoice hath come to me from God and by HisCommand.”

“The Voice that you say appears to you, does it comedirectly from an Angel, or directly from God; or does itcome from one of the Saints?”

“The Voice comes to me from God; and I do nottell you all I know about it: I have far greater fear ofdoing wrong in saying to you things that would displeaseit, than I have of answering you. As to thisquestion, I beg you to grant me delay.”

“My Voices have entrusted to me certain things totell to the King, not to you. This very night they toldme many things for the welfare of my King, which Iwould he might know at once, even if I should drinkno wine until Easter, ... the King would be the morejoyful at his dinner!”

“Can you not so deal with your Voices that they willconvey this news to your King?”

“I know not if the Voice would obey, and if it be18God’s Will. If it please God, He will know how toreveal it to the King, and I shall be well content.”

“Why does not this Voice speak any more to yourKing, as it did when you were in his presence?”

“I do not know if it be the Will of God. Withoutthe grace of God I should not know how to do anything.”

“This night, did your Voice give you counsel andadvice as to what you should answer?”

“The last two occasions on which you have heard thisVoice, did a brightness come?”

“I will not tell you all; I have not leave; my oathdoes not touch on that. My Voice is good and to behonoured. I am not bound to answer you about it. Irequest that the points on which I do not now answermay be given me in writing.”

“You shall not know yet. There is a saying amongchildren, that ‘Sometimes one is hanged for speakingthe truth.’”

“If I am not, may God place me there; if I am, mayGod so keep me. I should be the saddest in all theworld if I knew that I were not in the grace of God.But if I were in a state of sin, do you think the Voicewould come to me? I would that every one could hearthe Voice as I hear it. I think I was about thirteenwhen it came to me for the first time.”

“Do the Domremy people side with the Burgundiansor with the opposite party?”

“I knew only one Burgundian ^[24] at Domremy: Ishould have been quite willing for them to cut off hishead—always had it pleased God.”

“They were Burgundians. As soon as I knew thatmy Voices were for the King of France, I loved theBurgundians no more. The Burgundians will have warunless they do what they ought; I know it by my Voice.The English were already in France when my Voicesbegan to come to me. I do not remember being withthe children of Domremy when they went to fightagainst those of Maxey for the French side: but Icertainly saw the Domremy children who had foughtwith those of Maxey coming back many times, woundedand bleeding.”

“I have already answered this also. When I wasbigger and had come to years of discretion, I did notlook after them generally; but I helped to take them to20the meadows and to a Castle called the Island,^[25] for fearof the soldiers. I do not remember if I led them in mychildhood or no.”

“Not far from Domremy there is a tree ^[26] that theycall ‘The Ladies’ Tree’—others call it ‘The Fairies’Tree’; near by, there is a spring where people sickof the fever come to drink, as I have heard, and toseek water to restore their health. I have seen themmyself come thus; but I do not know if they werehealed. I have heard that the sick, once cured, cometo this tree ^[27] to walk about. It is a beautiful tree, abeech, from which comes the ‘beau may’—it belongsto the Seigneur Pierre de Bourlement,^[28] Knight. Ihave sometimes been to play with the young girls, tomake garlands for Our Lady of Domremy. Often Ihave heard the old folk—they are not of my lineage—saythat the fairies haunt this tree. I have also heard one ofmy Godmothers, named Jeanne, wife of the Maire Auberyof Domremy, say that she has seen fairies there; whether21it be true, I do not know. As for me, I never sawthem that I know of. If I saw them anywhere else, Ido not know. I have seen the young girls putting garlandson the branches of this tree, and I myself have sometimesput them there with my companions; sometimeswe took these garlands away, sometimes we left them.Ever since I knew that it was necessary for me to comeinto France, I have given myself up as little as possibleto these games and distractions. Since I was grown up,I do not remember to have danced there. I may havedanced there formerly, with the other children. I havesung there more than danced. There is also a woodcalled the Oak-wood, which can be seen from my father’sdoor; it is not more than half-a-league away. I do notknow, and have never heard if the fairies appear there;but my brother told me that it is said in the neighbourhood:‘Jeannette received her mission at the Fairies’Tree.’ It is not the case; and I told him the contrary.When I came before the King, several people asked meif there were not in my country a wood, called the Oak-wood,because there were prophecies ^[29] which said thatfrom the neighbourhood of this wood would come amaid who should do marvellous things. I put no faithin that.”

“Give me one, and I will take it and begone; otherwise,22no. I am content with what I have, since itpleases God that I wear it.”

This done, We stayed the interrogation, and put offthe remainder to Tuesday next, on which day We haveconvoked all the Assessors, at the same place and hour.

Tuesday, February 27th, in the same place. TheBishop and 54 Assessors present.

In their presence, We required the said Jeanne toswear to tell the truth on everything touching herTrial.

“Willingly will I swear,” she answered, “to tell thetruth on everything touching the trial, butnot upon allthat I know.”

Then, by Our order, Maître Beaupère began to questionher. And first he inquired of her, how she hadbeen since the Saturday before?

“I did not quite understand it; and up to the moment23when I returned to my room, I heard nothing that I mayrepeat to you.”

“It said to me, ‘Answer them boldly.’ I takecounsel with my Voice about what you ask me. I willtell willingly whatever I shall have permission from Godto reveal; as to the revelations concerning the King ofFrance, I will not tell them without the permission ofmy Voice.”

“On some points, yes; on others you may ask me foran answer that I shall not give, not having had leave.For, if I answered without leave, I should no longerhave my Voices as warrant. When I have permissionfrom Our Saviour, I shall not fear to speak, because Ishall have warrant.”

“This Voice that speaks to you, is it that of an Angel,or of a Saint, or from God direct?”

“It is the Voice of Saint Catherine and of SaintMargaret.^[30] Their faces are adorned with beautifulcrowns, very rich and precious. To tell you this I haveleave from Our Lord. If you doubt this, send toPoitiers, where I was examined before.”

“How do you know if these were the two Saints?How do you distinguish one from the other?”

“I know quite well it is they; and I can easilydistinguish one from the other.”

24“By the greeting they give me. It is seven yearsnow since they have undertaken to guide me. I knowthem well because they were named to me.”

“I will tell you no more just now; I have notpermission to reveal it. If you do not believe me, go toPoitiers. There are some revelations which come tothe King of France, and not to you, who are questioningme.”

“I have not leave to say; nevertheless, I have alwayshad counsel from them both.”

“I did not distinguish them at first. I knew wellenough once, but I have forgotten. If I had leave, Iwould tell you willingly: it is written in the Register atPoitiers.^[31] I have also received comfort from SaintMichael.”

“I did not say anything to you about thevoice ofSaint Michael; I say I have had great comfort fromhim.”

“It was Saint Michael: I saw him before my eyes;he was not alone, but quite surrounded by the Angelsof Heaven. I came into France only by the order ofGod.”

“I saw them with my bodily eyes as well as I seeyou; when they went from me, I wept. I should haveliked to be taken away with them.”

“You will have no more answer about it from me to-day.My Voices said to me, ‘Reply boldly.’ Once Itold the King all that had been revealed to me, becauseit concerned him; but I am no longer free to revealto you all that Saint Michael said to me.” [To MaîtreBeaupère:] “I wish you could get a copy of this bookat Poitiers, if it please God.”

“Have your Voices forbidden you to make knownyour revelations without leave from them?”

“I will answer you no more about it. On all thatI have leave, I will answer willingly. I have not quiteunderstood if my Voices have forbidden me to answer.”

“What sign do you give that you have this revelation26from God, and that it is Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret that talk with you?”

“How can you make sure of distinguishing suchthings as you are free to tell, from those which areforbidden?”

“On some points I have asked leave, and onothers I have obtained it. I would rather have beentorn asunder by four horses than have come into Francewithout God’s leave.”

“What concerns this dress is a small thing—less thannothing. I did not take it by the advice of any man inthe world. I did not take this dress or do anything butby the command of Our Lord and of the Angels.”

“All I have done is by Our Lord’s command. If Ihad been told to take some other, I should have doneit; because it would have been His command.”

“All that I have done by the order of Our Lord Ithink has been well done; I look for good surety andgood help in it.”

“In this particular case, this taking of man’s dress,do you think you did well?”

“There was plenty of light everywhere, as wasseemly.” [Addressing herself to Maître Beaupère:]“It does not all come to you!”

“Was there an angel over the head of your Kingwhen you saw him for the first time?”

“There were more than three hundred Knights andmore than fifty torches, without counting the spirituallight.”

“You will not have them from me this year. Duringthree weeks I was questioned by the clergy at Chinonand at Poitiers. Before he was willing to believe me,the King had a sign of my mission; and the clergy ofmy party were of opinion that there was nothing butgood in my mission.”

28“Yes, and I heard there three Masses in one day.Afterwards, I went to the Castle of Chinon, whence Isent letters to the King, to know if I should be allowedto see him; saying, that I had travelled a hundredand fifty leagues to come to his help, and that I knewmany things good for him. I think I remember therewas in my letter the remark that I should recognizehim among all others. I had a sword I had taken atVaucouleurs. Whilst I was at Tours, or at Chinon, Isent to seek for a sword which was in the Churchof Saint Catherine de Fierbois, behind the altar; it wasfound there at once; the sword was in the ground, andrusty; upon it were five crosses; I knew by my Voicewhere it was. I had never seen the man who went toseek for it. I wrote to the Priests of the place, that itmight please them to let me have this sword, and theysent it to me. It was under the earth, not very deeplyburied, behind the altar, so it seemed to me: I do notknow exactly if it were before or behind the altar, but Ibelieve I wrote saying that it was at the back. As soon asit was found, the Priests of the Church rubbed it, and therust fell off at once without effort. It was an armourerof Tours who went to look for it. The Priests ofFierbois made me a present of a scabbard; those of Tours,of another; one was of crimson velvet, the other ofcloth-of-gold. I had a third made of leather, very strong.When I was taken prisoner I had not got this sword.I always bore the sword of Fierbois from the time I had29it up to my departure from Saint-Denis,^[33] after the attackon Paris.”

“I neither blessed it, nor had it blessed: I should nothave known how to set about it. I cared very much forthis sword, because it had been found in the Church ofSaint Catherine, whom I love so much.”

“Have you sometimes placed your sword upon analtar; and, in so placing it, was it that your sword mightbe more fortunate?”

“I offered at Saint-Denis a sword and armour;^[35] butit was not this sword. I had that at Lagny; fromLagny to Compiègne, I bore the sword of this Burgundian;it was a good sword for fighting—very goodfor giving stout buffets and hard clouts. To tell whatbecame of the other sword does not concern this Case,and I will not answer about it now. My brothers have30all my goods—my horses,^[36] my sword, so far as I know,and the rest, which are worth more than twelve thousandcrowns.”

“When you were at Orleans, had you a standard, orbanner;^[37] and of what colour was it?”

31“I had a banner of which the field was sprinkled withlilies; the world was painted there, with an angel ateach side; it was white, of the white cloth called‘boccassin’; there was written above, I believe, ‘JhesusMaria’; it was fringed with silk.”

“The words ‘Jhesus Maria’ were they written above,below, or on the side?”

“I have told you often enough, that I had nothingdone but by the command of God. It was I, myself,who bore this banner, when I attacked the enemy, tosave killing any one, for I have never killed any one.”

“He gave me ten or twelve thousand men. First, Iwent to Orleans, to the fortress of Saint Loup, andafterwards to that of the Bridge.”

“I do not remember. I was quite certain of raisingthe siege of Orleans; I had revelation of it. I told thisto the King before going there.”

“Before the assault, did you not tell your followersthat you alone would receive the arrows, cross-bolts, andstones, thrown by the machines and cannons?”

“No; a hundred and even more of my people werewounded. I had said to them: ‘Be fearless, and youwill raise the siege.’ Then, in the attack on the Bridgefortress, I was wounded in the neck by an arrow orcross-bolt;^[38] but I had great comfort from Saint Catherine,and was cured in less than a fortnight. I did not interruptfor this either my riding or work. I knew quite wellthat I should be wounded; I had told the King so,but that, notwithstanding, I should go on with mywork. This had been revealed to me by the Voices ofmy two Saints,^[39] the blessed Catherine and the blessedMargaret. It was I who first planted a ladder againstthe fortress of the Bridge, and it was in raising thisladder that I was wounded in the neck by this cross-bolt.”

“It was the Lords of my party who answered theEnglish that they should not have the fortnight’s delaywhich they asked, telling them that they were to retireat once, they and their horses. As for me, I told themof Jargeau to retire if they wished, with their doublets,^[41]33and their lives safe; if not, they would be taken byassault.”

“Had you any revelation from your counsel, that isto say from your Voices, to know whether it was rightor not to give this fortnight’s respite?”

At this point, the rest of the enquiry hath been postponedto another day. We have fixed for Thursday thenext Meeting, at the same place.

In their presence, We summoned and required Jeannesimply and absolutely to take her oath to speak the truthon that which should be asked her.

“I am ready,” she replied, “as I have already declaredto you, to speak the truth on all I know touching thisCase; but I know many things which do not touchon this Case, and of which there is no need to speakto you. I will speak willingly and in all truth onallwhich touches this Case.”

“On what I know touching the Case, I will speak thetruth willingly; I will tell you as much as I would tothe Pope of Rome, if I were before him.”

“What do you say of our Lord the Pope? and whomdo you believe to be the true Pope?”

“Did you not receive a letter from the Count34d’Armagnac, asking you which of the three Pontiffs ^[42] heought to obey?”

“The Count did in fact write to me on this subject.I replied, among other things, that when I should be atrest, in Paris or elsewhere, I would give him an answer.I was just at that moment mounting my horse when Isent this reply.”

At this juncture, We ordered to be read the copy ofthe Count’s letter and of Jeanne’s reply, which are thusexpressed:

“My very dear Lady—I humbly commend myself toyou, and pray, for God’s sake, that, considering thedivisions which are at this present time in the HolyChurch Universal on the question of the Popes, forthere are now three contending for the Papacy—oneresiding at Rome, calling himself Martin V., whom allChristian Kings obey; another, living at Paniscole, inthe Kingdom of Valence, who calls himself Clement VII.;the third, no one knows where he lives, unless it be theCardinal Saint Etienne and some few people with him,but he calls himself Pope Benedict XIV. The first,who styles himself Pope Martin, was elected at Constancewith the consent of all Christian nations; he whois called Clement was elected at Paniscole, after thedeath of Pope Benedict XIII., by three of his Cardinals;the third, who dubs himself Benedict XIV., was electedsecretly at Paniscole, even by the Cardinal Saint Etienne.You will have the goodness to pray Our Saviour JesusChrist that by His infinite Mercy He may by youdeclare to us which of the three named is Pope in truth,and whom it pleases Him that we should obey, now and35henceforward, whether he who is called Martin, he whois called Clement, or he who is called Benedict; and inwhom we are to believe, if secretly, or by any dissembling,or publicly; for we are all ready to do thewill and pleasure of Our Lord Jesus Christ.

“Count d’Armagnac, my very good and dear friend,I, Jeanne, the Maid, acquaint you that your messagehas come before me, which tells me that you have sentat once to know from me which of the three Popes,mentioned in your memorial, you should believe. Thisthing I cannot tell you truly at present, until I amat rest in Paris or elsewhere; for I am now too muchhindered by affairs of war; but when you hear thatI am in Paris, send a message to me and I will informyou in truth whom you should believe, and what I shallknow by the counsel of my Righteous and SovereignLord, the King of all the World, and of what you shoulddo to the extent of my power. I commend you toGod. May God have you in His keeping! Writtenat Compiègne, August 22nd.”

“Did you say that you might know, by the counsel ofthe King of Kings, what the Count should hold on thissubject?”

36“I did not know how to inform him on this question,as to whom he should obey, because the Count himselfasked to know whomGod wished him to obey. But formyself, I hold and believe that we should obey our Lordthe Pope who is in Rome. I told the messenger ofthe Count some things which are not in this copy; and,if the messenger had not gone off immediately, he wouldhave been thrown into the water—not by me, however.As to the Count’s enquiry, desiring to know whom Godwished him to obey, I answered that I did not know;but I sent him messages on several things which havenot been put in writing. As for me, I believe in ourLord the Pope who is at Rome.”

“Why did you write that you would give an answerelsewhere if you believed in the Pope who is atRome?”

“That answer had reference to other things than thematter of the sovereign Pontiffs.”

“Did you say that on the matter of the three sovereignPontiffs you would have counsel?”

“I never wrote nor gave command to write on thematter of the three sovereign Pontiffs.” And thisanswer she supported by oath.

“Are you in the habit of putting the Names ‘JhesusMaria,’ with a cross, at the top of your letters?”

“On some I put it, on others not; sometimes I put across as a sign for those of my party to whom I wroteso that they should not do as the letters said.”

Here a letter was read from Jeanne to our Lord theKing, to the Duke of Bedford, and others, of thefollowing tenour:—

“King of England; and you, Duke of Bedford, whocall yourself Regent of the Kingdom of France; you,William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk; John, Lord Talbot;37and you, Thomas, Lord Scales, who call yourselvesLieutenants to the said Duke of Bedford: give satisfactionto the King of Heaven: give up to the Maid, whois sent hither by God, the King of Heaven, the keys ofall the good towns in France which you have takenand broken into. She is come here by the order of Godto reclaim the Blood Royal. She is quite ready to makepeace, if you are willing to give her satisfaction, bygiving and paying back to France what you have taken.And as for you, archers, companions-in-arms, gentlemenand others who are before the town of Orleans, returnto your own countries, by God’s order; and if this benot done, then hear the message of the Maid, whowill shortly come upon you, to your very great hurt.King of England, I am a Chieftain of war and, if this benot done, wheresoever I find your followers in France,I will make them leave, willingly or unwillingly; if theywill not obey, I will have them put to death. I am senthere by God, the King of Heaven, body for body, todrive them all out of the whole of France. And if theywill obey, I will have mercy on them. And do notthink in yourselves that you will get possession of therealm of France from God the King of Heaven, Son ofthe Blessed Mary; for King Charles will gain it, thetrue heir: for God, the King of Heaven, so wills it, andit is revealed to him [the King] by the Maid, and he willenter Paris with a good company. If you will notbelieve the message of God and of the Maid and actaright, in whatsoever place we find you we will entertherein and make so great a disturbance that for athousand years none in France will be so great. Andbelieve surely that the King of Heaven will send greaterpower to the Maid, to her and her good men-at-arms,than you can bring to the attack; and, when it comes toblows, we shall see who has the better right from theGod of Heaven. You, Duke of Bedford, the Maid38prays and enjoins you, that you do not come to grievoushurt. If you will give her satisfactory pledges, you mayyet join with her, so that the French may do the fairestdeed that has ever yet been done for Christendom. Andanswer, if you wish to make peace in the City of Orleans;if this be not done, you may be shortly reminded ofit, to your very great hurt.Written this Tuesday inHoly Week, March 22nd, 1428.”

“Yes, excepting three words. In place of ‘give upto the Maid,’ it should be ‘give up to the King.’ Thewords ‘Chieftain of war’ and ‘body for body’ were notin the letter I sent. None of the Lords ever dictatedthese letters to me; it was I myself alone who dictatedthem before sending them. Nevertheless, I alwaysshewed them to some of my party. Before seven yearsare passed, the English will lose a greater wagerthan they have already done at Orleans; they will loseeverything in France.^[43] The English will have inFrance a greater loss than they have ever had, andthat by a great victory which God will send to theFrench.”

“I know it well by revelation, which has been madeto me, and that this will happen within seven years; andI am sore vexed that it is deferred so long. I know itby revelation, as clearly as I know that you are beforeme at this moment.”

“You will not have any more. Nevertheless, Iheartily wish it might be before Saint John’s Day.”

39“I said that before Martinmas many things would beseen, and that the English might perhaps be overthrown.”^[44]

“What did you say to John Gris, your keeper, on thesubject of the Feast of Saint Martin?”

“Since last Tuesday, have you had any conversewith Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret?”

“I see them always under the same form, and theirheads are richly crowned. I do not speak of the restof their clothing: I know nothing of their dresses.”

“I know well enough. I recognize them by theirvoices, as they revealed themselves to me; I knownothing but by the revelation and order of God.”

“I know nothing about it. I do not know if theyhave arms or other members. They speak very welland in very good language; I hear them very well.”

“I refer me to God. The voice is beautiful, sweet,and low; it speaks in the French tongue.”

[Addressing herself to Us, the Bishop:] “You haveone of mine; give it back to me. The Burgundianshave another of them. I pray you, if you have my ring,shew it to me.”

“My father or my mother. I think the Names ‘JhesusMaria’ are engraved on it. I do not know who hadthem written there; there is not, I should say, any stonein the ring; it was given to me at Domremy. It wasmy brother who gave me the other—the one you have.”[Continuing to address herself to Us, the Bishop:] “Icharge you to give it to the Church. I never curedany one with any of my rings.”

“Did Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret speak toyou under the tree of which mention has been made?”

“That is not in your Case: not at all. Upon othersubjects, they told me that my King would be reestablishedin his Kingdom, whether his enemies willedit or no; they told me also that they would lead me toParadise: I begged it of them, indeed.”

“There was another, but I will not tell it; that doesnot touch on the Case. In three months I will tell youthe other promise.”

“Have your Voices said that before three months youwill be delivered from prison?”

“That is not in your Case. Nevertheless I do notknow when I shall be delivered. But those who wish tosend me out of the world may well go before me.”

“Has not your counsel told you that you will bedelivered from your actual prison?”

“Speak to me in three months, and I will answer.Moreover, ask of those present, upon oath, if this toucheson the Trial.”

We, the said Bishop, did then take the opinion ofthose present: and all considered that this did touch onthe Trial.

“I have already told you, you shall not know all.One day I must be delivered. But I wish to have leaveto tell you the day: it is for this I ask delay.”

“Do you want me to tell you what concerns the Kingof France? There are a number of things that do nottouch on the Case. I know well that my King willregain the Kingdom of France. I know it as well as Iknow that you are before me, seated in judgment. I42should die if this revelation did not comfort me everyday.”

“I never have had one. But I have heard thatthere is one near our home, though I have never seen it.I have heard it is a dangerous and evil thing to keep.I do not know for what it is [used].”

“I have heard that it is in the earth, near the tree ofwhich I spoke before; but I do not know the place.Above this mandrake, there was, it is said, a hazeltree.”

“To make money come; but I do not believe it.My Voice never spoke to me of that.”

“Why should it have been cut off? I have not seenSaint Michael since I left the Castle of Crotoy. I donot see him often. I do not know if he has hair.”

43“I know nothing about it. It was a great joy to seehim; it seemed to me, when I saw him, that I was notin mortal sin. Saint Catherine and Saint Margaretwere pleased from time to time to receive my confession,each in turn. If I am in mortal sin, it is without myknowing it.”

“I do not know if I am in mortal sin, and I do notbelieve I have done its works; and, if it please God, Iwill never so be; nor, please God, have I ever done orever will do deeds which charge my soul!”

“I have always answered that you will not drag thisfrom my lips. Go and ask it of him.”

“Have you sworn not to reveal what shall be askedof you touching the Trial?”

“I have already told you that I will tell you nothingof what concerns my King. Thereon I will notspeak.”

“Of what I have promised to keep secret, I will tellyou nothing. I have already said, even here, that Icould not tell you without perjury.”

“To Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret; and thishath been shewn to the King. I promised them,without their asking it of me, of my own free-will, ofmyself, because too many people might have questionedme had I not promised it to my Saints.”

44“I do not take account of any one else, although therewere many people near.”

“I think my King took with joy the crown that hehad at Rheims; but another, much richer, would havebeen given him later. He acted thus to hurry on hiswork, at the request of the people of the town of Rheims,to avoid too long a charge upon them of the soldiers. Ifhe had waited, he would have had a crown a thousandtimes more rich.”

“I cannot tell you without incurring perjury; and,though I have not seen it, I have heard that it is richand valuable to a degree.”

This done, we put an end to the interrogation andpostponed the remainder to Saturday next, 8 o’clockin the morning, in the same place, summoning all theAssessors to be present.

In their presence, We required the said Jeanne simplyand absolutely to swear to speak the truth on whatshould be asked of her. She replied:

Afterwards, because she had said, in previous Enquiries,that Saint Michael had wings, but had saidnothing of the body and members of Saint Catherineand Saint Margaret, We asked her what she wishedto say thereon.

45“I have told you what I know; I will answer younothing more. I saw Saint Michael and these two Saintsso well that I know they are Saints of Paradise.”

“I have told you what I know; but to tell you all Iknow, I would rather that you made me cut my throat.All that I knowtouching the Trial I will tell youwillingly.”

“I saw them with my eyes; and I believe it was theyas firmly as I believe there is a God.”

“Do you think that God did from the first create themin this form and fashion?”

“That is not in your Case. I refer me to the Case.If all concerned you, I would tell you all. By myfaith, I know neither the day nor the hour that I shallescape!”

“Yes, truly, they have told me that I shall be delivered,but I know neither the day nor the hour. Theysaid to me: ‘Be of good courage and keep a cheerfulcountenance.’”

“When you first came to the King, did he ask youif you had any revelation about your change ofdress?”

46“I have answered you about that. I do not rememberif I was asked. It is written at Poitiers.”

“Do you not remember if the Masters who questionedyou in the other Consistory, some during a month, othersduring three weeks, questioned you about your changeof dress?”

“I do not remember. But they asked me where Ihad assumed this man’s dress; and I told them it wasat Vaucouleurs.”

“Did the aforesaid Masters ask you if it were by orderof your Voice that you took this dress?”

“Did not your King, your Queen, or some of yourparty, tell you to take off this man’s dress?”

[Here commences the French Version, or Minute, whichis collated with the Latin Text.]

“Yes, truly; and I answered that I would not takeit off without leave from God. The Demoiselle deLuxembourg ^[49] and the Lady de Beaurevoir ^[50] offeredme a woman’s dress, or cloth to make one, telling me towear it. I answered them that I had not leave fromOur Lord, and that it was not yet time.”

47“Did Messire Jean de Pressy ^[51] and others at Arrasnever offer you a woman’s dress?”

“Do you think that you would have done wrong orcommitted mortal sin by taking a woman’s dress?”

“I did better to obey and serve my Sovereign Lord,who is God. Had I dared to do it, I would sooner havedone it at the request of these ladies than of any otherladies in France, excepting my Queen.”

“When God revealed it to you that you should changeyour dress, was it by the voice of Saint Michael, SaintCatherine, or Saint Margaret?”

“When your King first set you to work, and whenyou had your banner made, did not the men-at-armsand others have their pennons made in the style ofyours?”

“It is well to know that the Lords retained their ownarms. Some of my companions-in-arms had them madeat their pleasure; others not.”

“It was of white satin; and on some there werefleur-de-lys. In my company I had only two or threelances. But my companions-in-arms now and then hadthem made like mine. They only did this to know theirmen from others.”

“Have you sometimes said that the pennons whichwere like yours would be fortunate?”

48“I sometimes said to my followers: ‘Go in boldlyamong the English!’ and I myself did likewise.”

“Did you put, or did you ever cause to be put, HolyWater on the pennons when they were carried for thefirst time?”

“That is not in your Case. If I ever did see anysprinkled, I am advised not to answer about it.”

“Have you not yourself carried cloth, or caused itto be carried, in procession round an altar or a church,and afterwards employed this cloth for pennons?”

“When you were before Jargeau, what did you bearat the back of your helmet? Was it not somethinground?”^[52]

49“I suppose after the fashion of the town of Troyeswho sent him to me, saying that they feared Jeannewas not a thing that came to them from God.When he approached me, Brother Richard made thesign of the Cross and sprinkled Holy Water; andI said to him: ‘Approach boldly, I shall not flyaway!’”

“Have you never seen, nor had made, any images orpicture of yourself and in your likeness?”

“I saw at Arras a painting ^[54] in the hands of a Scot: itwas like me. I was represented fully armed, presentinga letter to my King, one knee on the ground. I havenever seen, nor had made, any other image or paintingin my likeness.”

“In the house of your host at Orleans, was there nota picture in which was painted three women, with thesewords: ‘Justice, Peace, Union’?”

“Do you not know that the people of your party hadservices, masses, and prayers offered for you?”

“I know nothing of it; if they had any service, it wasnot by my order; but if they prayed for me, my opinionis they did not do ill.”

“I do not know if they believed it, and in this Irefer to their own feeling in this matter. But eventhough they do not believe, yet am I sent from God.”

“In what spirit did the people of your party kiss yourhands and your garments?”

“Many came to see me willingly, but they kissed myhands as little as I could help. The poor folk came tome readily, because I never did them any unkindness:on the contrary, I loved to help them.”

“None at all. Brother Richard, so far as I remember,entered at the same time as I and our people; I donot recall seeing him at the entry.”

“I did not stop there at all, and did not even sleepthere: I know nothing of his sermon.”

“At Troyes I did, to one child. At Rheims, I do notremember it, nor at Château-Thierry. I was Godmothertwice at Saint-Denis, in France. Usually, I gave to theboys the name of Charles, in honour of my King; andto the girls, Jeanne. At other times, I gave such namesas pleased the mothers.”

“Did not the good women of the town touch withtheir rings that which you wore on your finger?”

“Many women touched my hands and my rings;but I know nothing of their feelings nor their intention.”

“Who of your people, before Château-Thierry, caughtbutterflies in your standard?”

“What did you do at Rheims with the gloves withwhich your King was consecrated?”

“There were favours of gloves for the knights andnobles at Rheims. There was one who lost his gloves;I did not say he would find them again. Mystandard has been in the Church of Rheims; and itseems to me it was near the altar.^[55] I myself bore itfor a space there. I do not know if Brother Richardheld it.”

“When you were going through the country, did youoften receive the Sacraments of Penance and theEucharist in the good towns?”

“It was bought for 200 saluts.^[56] If he received these200 saluts, I do not know. There was a place fixedat which they were to be paid. I wrote to him thathe might have his horse back if he wished; as for me,52I did not wish it, because it was worth nothing forweight-carrying.”

“The child was three days old. It was broughtbefore the image of Our Lady. They told me that theyoung girls of the village were before this image, andthat I might wish to go also and pray God and OurLady to give life to this infant. I went and prayedwith them. At last, life returned to the child, whoyawned three times, and was then baptized; soonafter, it died, and was buried in consecrated ground.It was three days, they said, since life had departedfrom the child; it was as black as my coat; when ityawned, the colour began to return to it. I was withthe other young girls, praying and kneeling beforeOur Lady.”

“Did they not say in the village that it was donethrough you, and at your prayer?”

“Did not Catherine shew you a lady, robed in white,who, she said, sometimes appeared to her?”

“That a white lady came to her, dressed in cloth-of-gold,who told her to go through the good cities withheralds and trumpets which the King would give to her,and proclaim that any one who had gold, silver, or anyconcealed treasure should bring it immediately: thatthose who did not do so, and who had anything hidden,she would know, and would be able to discover thetreasure. With these treasures, she told me, she wouldpay my men-at-arms. I told Catherine that she shouldreturn to her husband, look after her home, and bring53up her children. And in order to have some certaintyas to her mission, I spoke of it, either to SaintCatherine or to Saint Margaret, who told me that themission of this Catherine was mere folly and nothingelse. I wrote to the King as to what he should doabout it; and, when I afterwards went to him, I told himthat this mission of Catherine was only folly and nothingmore. Nevertheless, Brother Richard wished to set herto work; therefore were they both displeased with me,—BrotherRichard and she.”

“Did you never speak with the said Catherine on theproject of going to La Charité-sur-Loire?”

“She did not advise me to go there: it was too cold,and she would not go. She told me she wished to visitthe Duke of Burgundy in order to make peace. I toldher it seemed to me that peace would be found onlyat the end of the lance. I asked her if this white ladywho appeared to her came to her every night? and Isaid that, to see her, I would sleep one night with herin the same bed. I went to bed; I watched till midnight;I saw nothing, and then went to sleep. Whenmorning came, I asked her if the White Lady had come.‘Yes, Jeanne,’ she answered me, ‘while you were asleepshe came; and I could not awaken you.’ Then I askedher if she would come again the following night. ‘Yes,’she told me. For this reason I slept by day that Imight be able to watch the night following. I went tobed with Catherine; watched all the night following:but saw nothing, although I asked her often, ‘Will shenever come?’ and she always answered me, ‘Yes, in amoment.’”

“I made an assault there; but I neither threw, norcaused to be thrown, Holy Water by way of aspersion.”

“I wished to go into France. The men-at-arms toldme it was better to go first to La Charité.”

“About four months. When I knew that the Englishwere come to take me, I was very angry; nevertheless,my Voices forbade me many times to leap. In the end,for fear of the English, I leaped, and commended myselfto God and Our Lady. I was wounded. When I hadleaped, the Voice of Saint Catherine said to me I wasto be of good cheer,^[58] for those at Compiègne wouldhave succour. I prayed always for those at Compiègne,with my Counsel.”

“Some said I was dead. As soon as the Burgundianssaw I was alive, they reproached me with havingleapt.”

“Did you not say then, that you would rather die thanbe in the hands of the English?”

“I said I would rather give up my soul to God thanbe in the hands of the English.”

“Were you not then very angry, to the extent ofblaspheming the Name of God?”

“On the subject of Soissons ^[59] and the Captain whosurrendered the town, did you not blaspheme God, andsay, if you got hold of this Captain you would havehim cut in quarters?”

55“I have never blasphemed any of the Saints; thosewho say so have misunderstood.”

This done, Jeanne was conducted back to the placewhich had been assigned as her prison.

Nine Private Examinations.

The Bishop decrees that the Enquiries, if any arethought necessary, shall henceforth be made in private.

Afterwards, We, the Bishop, did say that, in pursuingthis Process and without in any way discontinuing it, Wewould call before Us some Doctors and Masters, expertsin law, religious and civil, in order, by them, to gatherup and collect what shall seem to them of a nature to begathered up and collected, in Jeanne’s Declarations, asthese have already been established by her own answersset down in writing. Their labour ended, if there shouldremain any points, on the which it would seem Jeanneshould submit to more full enquiry, We will make, forthis supplementary examination, choice of certain Doctors;and in this manner We shall not fatigue all andeach of the Masters, who, at this moment, assist Us insuch great numbers. These new enquiries shall also beput into writing, in order that the above-named Doctorsand other approved men of science may deliberate andfurnish their opinion and advice at the right moment.In the meantime, We invite all the Assessors to studyat home the Process, and what they have already gatheredfrom it; to search out the consequences of which theaffair is susceptible; and to submit the result of theirdeliberations either to Us, or to the Doctors who shallbe appointed by Us—if they do not prefer rather toreserve themselves for the time and place when theyshall have deliberated in full maturity; and to give theiropinion on full knowledge of the Process.

56In the meantime, We expressly forbid all and eachto leave Rouen without Our permission before the fullcompletion of the Process.

Sunday, March 4th, and the Monday, Tuesday,Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th,and 9th of the same month, We, the Bishop, assembledin Our dwelling, many grave Doctors-and Masters-in-law,sacred and civil, who were charged by Us to collectall that has been confessed or answered by Jeanne inthese Enquiries, and to extract therefrom the points onwhich she answered in an incomplete manner, and whichseem to these Doctors susceptible of further examination.This double work having been effected by them,We, the said Bishop, by the advice of the said Doctors,decide that there is occasion to proceed to furtherenquiries. But because Our numerous occupations donot permit Us to attend ourselves,^[60] we appoint, to proceedtherein, the venerable and discreet person, JeanDelafontaine, Master of Arts and Licentiate in CanonLaw, who will interrogate the said Jeanne in Our name.We have for this appointed the 9th March, in presenceof the Doctors and Masters, Jean Beaupère, Jacques deTouraine, Nicolas Midi, Pierre Maurice, Thomas deCourcelles, Nicolas Loyseleur, and Guillaume Manchon.

Saturday, March 10th, We, the Bishop, repaired tothe part of the Castle of Rouen given to Jeanne as aprison, where, being assisted by Maître Jean Delafontaine,the Commissary appointed by Us, and by thevenerable Doctors and Masters in Theology, NicolasMidi, and Gerard Feuillet (witnesses, Jean Fécard,Advocate; and Maître Jean Massieu, Priest), We summoned57Jeanne to make and take oath to speak the truthon what should be asked of her. She replied:

“I promise to speak truth on what touches your Case;but the more you constrain me to swear, the later will Itell you.”

Afterwards, the examination of Jeanne by Maître JeanDelafontaine took place as follows:

“On the faith of the oath you have just taken, fromwhence had you started when you went the last time toCompiègne?”

“When you were at Compiègne, were you severaldays before you made your sally or attack?”

“I arrived there secretly early in the morning,^[61] andentered the town without the enemy knowing anythingof it; and that same day, in the evening, I made thesally in which I was taken.”

“If they did ring them it was not by my order orknowledge; I do not think it was so, and I do notremember to have said they rang.”

“During the Easter week of last year, being in thetrenches of Melun, it was told me by my Voices—thatis to say, by Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret—‘Thouwilt be taken before Saint John’s Day; and so it mustbe: do not torment thyself about it: be resigned; Godwill help thee.’”

“Before this occasion at Melun, had not your Voicesever told you that you would be taken?”

“Yes, many times and nearly every day. And I askedof my Voices that, when I should be taken, I might diesoon, without long suffering in prison; and they said tome: ‘Be resigned to all—thus it must be.’ But theydid not tell me the time; and if I had known it, I should58not have gone. Often I asked to know the hour: theynever told me.”

“Did your Voices command you to make this sallyfrom Compiègne, and signify that you would be taken ifyou went?”

“If I had known the hour when I should be taken, Ishould never have gone of mine own free-will; I shouldalways have obeyed their commands in the end, whatevermight happen to me.”

“When you made this sally from Compiègne had youany Voice or revelation about making it?”

“That day I did not know at all that I should betaken, and I had no other command to go forth; butthey had always told me it was necessary for me tobe taken prisoner.”

“I passed by the bridge and the boulevard, and wentwith the company of followers of my side against thefollowers of my Lord of Luxembourg. I drove themback twice against the camp of the Burgundians, andthe third time, to the middle of the highway. TheEnglish who were there then cut off the road fromme and my people, between us and the boulevard.For this reason, my followers retreated, and, in retreatingtowards the fields, on the Picardy side, nearthe boulevard, I was taken. Between Compiègne andthe place where I was taken there is nothing but thestream and the boulevard with its ditch.”

“Did you not have on the banner you carried arepresentation of the world, painted with two angels,etc.?”

“Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret told me that59I was to take my banner and to carry it boldly, and tohave painted on it the King of Heaven. I told myKing, much against my will: that is all I can tell ofthe signification of this painting.”

“I never had one; but my King has granted arms tomy brothers,—that is to say, a shield azure, two fleurs-de-lysof gold, and a sword betwixt. These arms Idescribed in this town to a painter, because he asked whatarms I bore. The King gave them to my brothers,[to please ^[62] them,] without request from me and withoutrevelation.”

“I was on horseback; the one which I was ridingwhen I was taken was a demi-charger.”

“My King, or his people, from the King’s money.I had five chargers from the King’s money, withoutcounting my hacks, of which I had more than seven.”

“I asked nothing from my King, except good arms,good horses, and money to pay my household.”

“The ten or twelve thousand I was worth is not muchtreasure to carry on war, very little indeed; and suchgoods are my brothers’, in my opinion; what I haveis my King’s own money.”

“It was beautiful, honourable, and most credible; thebest and richest in the world.”

60“Then why will you not tell it and shew it, since youwished to have the sign ^[64] of Catherine de la Rochelle?”

“I might not have asked to know the sign of the saidCatherine, had that sign been as well shewn beforenotable people of the Church and others, Archbishopsand Bishops, as mine was before the Archbishop ofRheims and other Bishops whose names I know not.There were there also Charles de Bourbon, the Sire dela Tremouille, the Duke d’Alençon,^[65] and many otherknights, who saw and heard it as well as I see thosewho speak to me to-day; and, besides, I knew already,through Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret, that thedoings of this Catherine were as nothing.”

“It is well to know it; it will last a thousand yearsand more. My sign is with the King’s treasure.”

“I will tell you nothing more about it. No man inthe world could devise so rich a thing as this sign; butthe sign that you need is that God may deliver me fromyour hands; that is the most sure sign He could sendyou. When I was about to start to see my King, myVoices told me: ‘Go boldly; when thou art before theKing, he shall have a sure sign to receive thee andbelieve in thee.’”

“When the sign came to your King, what reverencedid you make to it? Did it come from God?”

“I thanked Our Lord for having delivered me fromthe trouble that I had with the clergy of my party, whowere arguing against me; and I knelt down severaltimes. An Angel from God, and from none other, sentthe sign to my King; and for this I have many times61thanked Our Lord. The priests of that party ceased toattack me when they had recognized the sign.”

“When my King and those who were with him hadseen the sign and also the Angel ^[66] that brought it, I askedmy King if he were satisfied. He answered, Yes.Then I left, and went to a little chapel close by. I havesince heard that, after I left, more than three hundredpersons saw the said sign. For love of me and that Ishould not be questioned about it, God permitted certainmen of my party to see the sign in reality.”

Monday, March 12th, in the morning; in Jeanne’sprison.—Present: The Bishop, assisted by Jean Delafontaine,Commissary; Nicholas Midi and Gerard Feuillet;and as their witnesses: Thomas Fiefvet, Pasquier deVaux, and Nicolas de Houbent.

In presence of all the above-named, We required thesaid Jeanne to swear to speak truth on what should beasked her.

She replied: “On what touches your Case, as I havesaid already, I will willingly speak truth.” And thus didshe make oath.

“Yes, he spoke to him; and he told my King it62was necessary that I should be set to work, so that thecountry might be soon relieved.”

“Was the Angel who bore the sign to your King thesame Angel who had before appeared to you?”

“Has not the Angel, then, failed you with regard tothe good things of this life, in that you have been takenprisoner?”

“I think, as it has pleased Our Lord, that it is for mywell-being that I was taken prisoner.”

“How can he fail me, when he comforts me everyday? My comfort comes from Saint Catherine andSaint Margaret.”

“They often come without being called; and othertimes, if they do not come soon, I pray Our Lord tosend them.”

“When you promised Our Saviour to preserve yourvirginity, was it to Him that you spoke?”

“It would quite suffice that I give my promise tothose who were sent by Him—that is to say, to SaintCatherine and Saint Margaret.”

“Who induced you to have cited a man of the townof Toul on the question of marriage?”

“I did not have him cited; it was he, on the contrary,who had me cited; and then I swore before the Judgeto speak the truth. And besides, I had promised63nothing to this man. From the first time I heard myVoices, I dedicated my virginity for so long as it shouldplease God; and I was then about thirteen years of age.My Voices told me I should win my case in this town ofToul.”

“As to your visions, did you speak of them to yourCuré or to any other Churchman?”

“No; only to Robert de Baudricourt and to my King.It was not my Voices who compelled me to keep themsecret; but I feared to reveal them, in dread that theBurgundians might put some hindrance in the way ofmy journey; and, in particular, I was afraid that myfather would hinder it.”

“Do you think that you did right to go without leavefrom your father or mother, when you should ‘honouryour father and mother’?”

“In all things I obeyed them well, except in that ofthe journey: but afterwards I wrote to them, and theyforgave me.”

“If God commanded, it was right to obey. If Godcommanded it, had I had a hundred fathers and mothers,and had I been a king’s daughter, I should have gone.”

“Did you ask your Voices if you should announceyour departure to your father and mother?”

“As to my father and mother, my Voices would havebeen quite willing I should tell them, had it not been forthe trouble I should have caused them in speaking of this.As for myself, I would not have told them at any price.My Voices agreed that I might either speak to myfather and mother or be silent.”

“Very often they came among the faithful [i.e., inchurch] without being seen; and often I saw themamong the faithful.”

“I have not permission to tell you. Eight days fromthis, I will tell you willingly what I know.”

“Did not your Voices call you ‘Daughter of God,daughter of the Church, great-hearted daughter’?”

“Before the raising of the Siege of Orleans andevery day since, when they speak to me, they call meoften, ‘Jeanne the Maid, Daughter of God.’”

“Since you call yourself a daughter of God, why doyou not willingly say ‘Our Father’?”

“I do say it willingly. Last time, when I refused, itwas because I meant that my Lord of Beauvais shouldhear me in confession.”

The same day, Monday, in the afternoon, in the sameplace.—Present: Jean Delafontaine, Commissary; NicolasMidi; Gerard Feuillet; Thomas Fiefvet; Pasquierde Vaux; and Nicolas de Houbent.

The said Jeanne was interrogated as follows by Ourorder by the said Jean Delafontaine:

“When I was still with my father and mother, mymother told me many times that my father had spokenof having dreamed that I, Jeannette, his daughter, wentaway with the men-at-arms. My father and mothertook great care to keep me safe, and held me much insubjection. I obeyed them in everything, except in thecase at Toul—the action for marriage. I have heardmy mother say that my father told my brothers: ‘Truly,65if I thought this thing would happen that I havedreamed about my daughter, I would wish you to drownher; and, if you would not do it, I would drown hermyself!’ He nearly lost his senses when I went toVaucouleurs.”

“Did these thoughts and dreams come to your fatherafter you had your visions?”

“Was it at the request of Robert de Baudricourt orof yourself that you took man’s dress?”

“All that I have done of good, I have done by thecommand of my Voices. As to the dress, I will answerabout it another time: at present I am not advised, butto-morrow I will answer.”

“No; even now if I were with those of my own sideand in this man’s dress, it seems to me it would bea great good for France to do as I did before I wastaken.”

“I should have taken enough English prisoners inFrance to have exchanged him back; if I had not takenenough in France, I should have crossed the sea to seekhim in England, by force.”

“Did Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret tell youabsolutely and without condition that you would takeenough English to get the Duke d’Orléans, who is inEngland, or that otherwise you would cross the sea toseek him?”^[67]

66“Yes, and I said so to my King: and he allowed meto treat with the English lords who were then prisoners.^[68]If I had continued three years without hindrance, Ishould have delivered him. To do this, it needed lesstime than three years and more than one. But I donot remember about it.”

Monday, March 12th, assembled in Our dwelling,summoned by Us, the religious and discreet person,Brother Jean Lemaître, of the Order of Saint Dominic,Deputy of the Inquisitor of the Evil of Heresy in theKingdom of France, in presence of the Venerable anddiscreet persons the Lords and Masters, Thomas Fiefvet,Pasquier de Vaux, Nicolas de Houbent, BrotherYsambard de la Pierre.

We, the Bishop, did shew to the said Deputy, that,at the outset of the Action for Heresy brought by usagainst the woman, commonly called Jeanne the Maid,We had summoned and required him, the said Deputy,to join with us; and that we had offered to communicateto him the acts, documents and, in one word, all wepossess bearing on the matter of the Process. He hadthen made a difficulty, not being, he told Us, commissionedexcept for the City and Diocese of Rouen;and the Action in question being deduced by Us; byright of our jurisdiction of Beauvais, on territory concededto Us for this purpose. For this cause, in orderto give all security to this matter and by an excess ofprecaution, We have, by the advice of the Masters,decided to write about it to the Chief Inquisitor, requestinghim to come himself without delay to Rouen, orspecially to appoint a Deputy to whom, for the deduction67and completion of the Process, he might wish to give fullpowers. The said Inquisitor hath received Our letter,and acceding with kindness to Our request, for thehonour and exaltation of the Orthodox Faith, he hathspecially commissioned and appointed for this Actionthe said Brother Jean Lemaître, as doth appear in theletters patent furnished and attested with the seal of theInquisition.

In consequence of this letter, We, the Bishop, summonand require the said Brother Jean Lemaître, here present,in the terms of the said letter, to join with us in this saidAction.

To which the said Brother answered: that he wouldexamine the Commission addressed to him, the Processsigned by the registrars, and all that it should please Usto communicate to him; and that, all being seen andexamined by him, he will give Us an answer and will dofor the Holy Inquisition that which is right.

We, the Bishop, added: that the said Deputy hadbeen present at a great part of the Process; that hehad, in consequence, been able to hear a great part ofJeanne’s answers; that nevertheless We held ourselvessatisfied by what he had just said, and would certainlycommunicate to him the Process and all that had alreadybeen done, that he may take fuller cognizance of everything.

Tuesday, March 13th, in the prison. Present:The Bishop and Brother Jean Lemaître, assisted byJean Delafontaine, Nicolas Midi, and Gerard Feuillet;witnesses, Nicolas de Houbent and Ysambard de laPierre.

The said Brother Jean Lemaître declared to Us thatseeing the letter addressed to him which we had yesterdaycommunicated, together with the other circumstances68of the Process, and all being well considered, he joinshimself to Us and is ready to proceed with Us accordingto law and right.

We, the Bishop, then made known with gentleness toJeanne this intervention, exhorting and warning her, forthe salvation of her soul, to speak the truth on all whichshould be asked of her.

And then, the Deputy of the Chief Inquisitor, wishingto proceed regularly in the Process, hath declared hischoice of the Officers whose names follow:

1. As Promoter from the Holy Inquisition, MessireJean d’Estivet, Canon of the Churches of Bayeux andBeauvais.

2. As Registrar of his office, Messire Nicolas Taquel,Priest of the Diocese of Rouen, Notary Public andRegistrar of the Archiepiscopal Court of Rouen.

4. As keepers of the prison, the noble man, JohnGris, Squire of the Body Guard of Our Lord the King,and John Berwoist. These, We, the Bishop, had, withthe exception of Messire Nicolas Taquel, but only inthat which concerns Our office, already appointed to thesame functions, as confirmed for Our part in the lettersabove quoted, and as confirmed by the said Inquisitorby his letters, of which mention follows. The saidofficers did then take oath, between the hands of thesaid Deputy, to faithfully fulfil their functions.

[Here follow the three letters of Nomination of thePromoter, d’Estivet; the Registrar, Taquel; and theUsher, Massieu: dated Tuesday, March 13th: signedBoisguillaume, Manchon: the nomination of Taquel,Registrar, is dated March 14th.]

69All which precedes having already taken place, as hasbeen said up to the present time, We, the Bishop, andBrother Jean Lemaître, Deputy of the Inquisitor, havefrom this moment proceeded together to all the remainderof the Process, and have questioned or caused questionsto be made as it had begun.

Tuesday, March 13th.—Present: The Bishop, andBrother Jean Lemaître, Jean Delafontaine, NicolasMidi, Gerard Feuillet; in the presence of Nicolas deHoubent and of Brother Ysambard de la Pierre.

“Have you promised and sworn to Saint Catherinethat you will not tell this sign?”

“I promised and swore not to tell this sign, and formy own sake, because I was pressed too much to tell it,and then I said to myself: ‘I promise not to speak ofit to any one in the world.’ The sign was that an Angelassured my King, in bringing him the crown, that heshould have the whole realm of France, by the meansof God’s help and my labours; that he was to start meon the work—that is to say, to give me men-at-arms;and that otherwise he would not be so soon crownedand consecrated.”

“I have heard her since yesterday, and she has severaltimes told me to reply boldly to the Judges on what theyshall ask me touching my Case.”

“How did the Angel carry the crown? and did heplace it himself on your King’s head?”

“The crown was given to an Archbishop—that is,to the Archbishop of Rheims—so it seems to me, in the70presence of my King. The Archbishop received it, andgave it to the King. I was myself present. The crownwas afterwards put among my King’s treasures.”

“The day, I do not know; of the time, it was fullday. I have no further recollection of it. Of the monthit was March or April, it seems to me. In this presentmonth of March or next April it will be two years since.It was after Easter.”^[69]

“It is well to know it was of fine gold; it was sorich that I do not know how to count its riches or toappreciate its beauty. The crown signified that myKing should possess the Kingdom of France.”

“He came from above, and I presume that he cameby Our Lord’s command; he came in by the door of theroom. When he came before my King, he did himreverence by bowing before him, and pronouncing thewords I have already said; and at the same time theAngel put him in mind of the great patience he had hadin presence of so many tribulations. From the door,the Angel walked, and touched the earth, in comingto the King.”

“My opinion is that there was quite the space ofa lance-length [about 10 feet]; and he returned theway he came. When the Angel came, I accompaniedhim and went with him by the staircase to the King’sChamber. The Angel went in first, then myself, and Isaid to the King: ‘Sire, there is your sign; take it.’”

“I was nearly always at prayer that God might sendthe sign to the King; and I was at my lodging, at thehouse of a worthy woman,^[70] near the Castle of Chinon,when he came; afterwards, we went together to theKing. He was accompanied by other Angels whom noone saw. Had it not been for love of me, and tofree me of trouble from those that accused me, I thinkthat many who saw the Angel would not have seen him.”

“I believe that the Archbishop of Rheims saw him,and so did the Lords d’Alençon, la Trémouille, andCharles de Bourbon. As to the crown, many Clergyand others saw it who did not see the Angel.”

“Some resembled him well enough, others not: atleast, so far as I saw. Some had wings, others werecrowned. In company with them were Saint Catherineand Saint Margaret, who were with the Angel aforesaid,72and the other Angels also, right up to the King’sChamber.”

“He left me in that little Chapel. I was much vexedat his going; I wept; willingly would I have gone withhim—that is to say, my soul.”

“After the departure of the Angel, did you remainhappy [or ^[71] were you in great fear?”]

“He did not leave me in either fear or terror; but Iwas grieved at his going.”

“He came for a great purpose: I was in hopes thatthe King would believe the sign, and that they wouldcease to argue with me, and would aid the good peopleof Orleans. The Angel came for the merits of the Kingand of the good Duke d’Orléans.”^[72]

“It has pleased God so to do by a simple maiden, inorder to drive back the enemies of the King.”

“It was brought from God; no goldsmith in theworld would know how to fashion it so rich and fair.”

“I do not remember about it; I will think it over.”[Remembering:] “Yes, it smelt good, and will smellgood always, if it be well guarded, as it should be. Itwas in the form of a crown.”

“What sign had your King and the people who werewith him and yourself, to believe that it was an Angel?”

“The King believed it by the teaching of the Clergywho were there, and by the sign of the crown.”

“What have you to say about a married priest and alost cup that you were to have pointed out?”^[73]

“When you came before Paris, had you revelationsfrom your Voices to go there?”

“No, I went at the request of the gentlemen whowished to make an attack or assault-at-arms; I intendedto go there and break through the trenches.”

“After I had had, in the trenches of Melun,^[75] revelationthat I should be taken, I consulted more oftenwith the Captains of the army; but I did not tell themI had had any revelation that I should be taken.”

“Was it well to attack the town of Paris on the dayof the Festival of the Nativity of Our Lady?”

“It is well done to observe the Festival of the BlessedMary, and on my conscience it seems to me that it was,and ever will be, well to observe these festivals, fromone end to the other.”

74Wednesday, March 14th.—Jean Delafontaine, Commissary,assisted by Nicolas Midi and Gerard Feuillet.Witnesses: Nicolas de Houbent and Ysambard de laPierre.

“I had heard that the people of Compiègne, all,to the age of seven years, were to be put to fire andsword; and I would rather have died than live aftersuch a destruction of good people. That was one of thereasons. The other was that I knew I was sold to theEnglish; and I had rather die than be in the hands ofmy enemies, the English.”

“Saint Catherine told me almost every day not toleap, that God would help me, and also those at Compiègne.I said to Saint Catherine: ‘Since God willhelp those at Compiègne, I wish to be there.’ SaintCatherine said to me, ‘Be resigned, and do not falter:you will not be delivered before seeing the King ofEngland.’ I answered her: ‘Truly I do not wish tosee him; I would rather die than fall into the hands ofthe English.’”

“Is it true that you said to Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret: ‘Will God leave these good people of Compiègneto die so horribly’?”

“I did not say ‘so horribly,’ but, ‘How can God leavethese good people of Compiègne, who have been, andare, so loyal to their lord, to die?’ After having fallen,I was two or three days without eating.^[76] By the leap I75was so injured that I could neither eat nor drink; andall the time I was consoled by Saint Catherine, whotold me to confess, and to beg pardon of God; andwithout fail, those at Compiègne would have help beforeSaint Martin’s Day in the winter. Then I began torecover and to eat, and was soon cured.”

“No; but, in leaping, I commended myself to God.I hoped by means of this leap to escape, and to avoidbeing delivered up to the English.”

“When speech returned to you, did you not blasphemeand curse God and His Saints? This is proved byallegation.”

“I have no memory of having ever blasphemed andcursed God and His Saints, in that place or elsewhere.”

“Sometimes Saint Catherine answers me, but I fail tounderstand because of the great disturbance in the prisonand the noise made by my guards. When I make arequest to Saint Catherine, both my Saints makerequest to Our Lord; then, by order of Our Lord, theygive answer to me.”

“When your Saints come to you, have they a lightwith them? Did you not see the light on a certainoccasion when you heard the Voices in the Castle,without knowing if the Voice were in your room?”

“There is never a day that my Saints do not come tothe Castle; and they never come without light. Andas to this Voice of which you speak, I do not rememberif on that occasion I saw the light or even SaintCatherine. I asked three things of my Voices:—1. My76deliverance; 2. That God would come to the help ofthe French, and protect the towns under their control;3. The salvation of my soul. [Addressing herself tothe Judges:] If it should be that I am taken to Paris,grant, I pray you, that I may have a copy of my questionsand answers, so that I may lend them to those atParis, and that I may be able to say to them: ‘Thus wasI questioned at Rouen; and here are my answers’:in this way, I shall not have to trouble again over somany questions.”

“You said that my Lord of Beauvais puts himself ingreat danger by bringing you to trial; of what dangerwere you speaking? In what peril or danger do weplace ourselves, your Judges and the others?”

“I said to my Lord of Beauvais, ‘You say that youare my Judge; I do not know if you are, but take heednot to judge wrongly, because you would put yourselfin great danger; and I warn you of it, so that, if OurLord should punish you for it, I shall have done myduty in telling you.’”

“Saint Catherine has told me that I shall have help;I do not know if this will be to be delivered from prison,or if, whilst I am being tried, some disturbance mayhappen, by which I shall be delivered. The helpwill come to me, I think, in one way or the other.Besides this, my Voices have told me that I shall bedelivered by a great victory; and they add: ‘Be resigned;have no care for thy martyrdom; thou wiltcome in the end to the Kingdom of Paradise.’ Theyhave told me this simply, absolutely, and without fail.What is meant by my martyrdom is the pain and adversitythat I suffer in prison; I do not know if I shallhave still greater suffering to bear; for that I refer meto God.”

“Since your Voices told you that you would come in77the end to the Kingdom of Paradise, have you feltassured of being saved and of not being damned inHell?”

“I believe firmly what my Voices have told me, thatI shall be saved; I believe it as firmly as if I werealready there.”

“After this revelation, do you believe that you cannotcommit mortal sin?”^[77]

The same day, Wednesday, March 14th, in the afternoon.Present: Jean Delafontaine, Commissary, assistedby Nicolas Midi and Gerard Feuillet. Witnesses:Brother Ysambard de la Pierre and Jean Manchon.

“On the subject of the answer that I made to youthis morning on the certainty of my salvation, I meanthe answer thus: provided that I keep the promisemade to Our Lord, to keep safe the virginity of mybody and soul.”

“Have you any need to confess, as you believe bythe revelations of your Voices that you will be saved?”

“I do not know of having committed mortal sin; but,if I were in mortal sin, I think that Saint Catherine andSaint Margaret would abandon me at once. I do notthink one can cleanse one’s conscience too much.”

“Since you have been in the prison, have you neverblasphemed or cursed God?”

“No; sometimes I said: ‘bon gré Dieu,’ or ‘SaintJean,’ or ‘Notre Dame’: those who have reportedotherwise may have misunderstood.”

78“To take a man at ransom, and to put him to death,while a prisoner, is not that mortal sin?”

“I consented that he should die if he had merited it,because he had confessed to being a murderer, thief, andtraitor; his trial lasted fifteen days; he had for Judgethe Bailly of Senlis and the people of the Court atLagny. I had given orders to exchange this Franquetagainst a man of Paris, landlord of the Hôtel de l’Ours.When I learnt the death of the latter, and the Bailly toldme that I should do great wrong to justice by giving upFranquet, I said to the Bailly, ‘As my man is dead, dowith the other what you should do, for justice.’”

“We recall to you:—1. That you attacked Paris ona Feast Day; 2. That you had the horse of my Lordthe Bishop of Senlis; 3. That you threw yourself downfrom the Tower of Beaurevoir; 4. That you wear aman’s dress; 5. That you consented to the death ofFranquet d’Arras: do you not think you have committedmortal sin in these?”

“For what concerns the attack on Paris, I do notthink myself to be in mortal sin; if I have so done, it isfor God to know it, and the Priest in confession. As tothe horse of my Lord the Bishop of Senlis, I firmlybelieve I have not sinned against Our Lord: the horsewas valued at 200 gold crowns, of which he receivedassignment; nevertheless, this horse was sent back tothe Sire de la Trémouille, to restore it to my Lord ofSenlis; it was no good for me to ride; besides, it wasnot I who took it; and, moreover, I did not wish to79keep it, having heard that the Bishop was displeasedthat it had been taken from him, and, beyond all this,the horse was of no use for warfare. I do not know ifthe Bishop was paid, nor if his horse was restored tohim; I think not. As to my fall from the Tower atBeaurevoir, I did not do it in despair, but thinking tosave myself and to go to the help of all those brave folkwho were in danger. After my fall, I confessed myselfand asked pardon. God has forgiven me, not for anygood in me: I did wrong, but I know by revelationfrom Saint Catherine that, after the confession I made,I was forgiven. It was by the counsel of Saint Catherinethat I confessed myself.”

“Yes, and my penance came to me in great partfrom the harm I did myself in falling. You ask meif I believe this wrong which I did in leaping to bemortal sin? I know nothing about it, but refer me toGod. As to my dress, since I bear it by command ofGod and for His service, I do not think I have donewrong at all; so soon as it shall please God to prescribeit, I will take it off.”

The following Thursday, March 15th, in the morning.Present: Jean Delafontaine, Commissary, assisted byNicolas Midi and Gerard Feuillet. Witnesses: Nicolasde Houbent and Brother Ysambard de la Pierre.

First of all, Jeanne was charitably exhorted, warned,and required, if she had done anything which might beagainst our Faith, that she should refer it to the decisionof Holy Mother Church.

“Let my answers,” she said, “be seen and examinedby the Clergy: then let them tell me if there be anythingagainst the Christian Faith. I shall know surely by mycounsel what it is, and will say afterwards what shall be80judged and decided. And, moreover, if there be anythingwrong against the Christian Faith which Our Lordcommanded, I should not wish to maintain it, and shouldbe very sorry to be in opposition.”

Then we explained to her about the Church Triumphantand the Church Militant, and the differencebetween them. Required to submit to the decision ofthe Church Militant what she had said or done, whetherof good or ill:

“Upon the oath that you have taken, tell us, how didyou think to escape from the Castle of Beaulieu betweentwo planks of wood?”^[78]

“Never was I prisoner in such a place that I wouldnot willingly have escaped. Being in that Castle, Ishould have shut my keepers in the tower, if it had notbeen that the porter espied me and encountered me. Itdid not please God that I should escape this time: itwas necessary for me to see the English King,^[79] as myVoices had told me, as has been already said.”

“Have you had permission from God or your Voicesto leave prison when it shall please you?”

“If I saw the door open, I should go: that would beleave from Our Lord. If I saw the door open, and my81keepers and the other English beyond power of resistance,truly I should see in it my leave and help sentme by Our Lord. But without this leave, I shallnot go, unless I make a forcible attempt to go,^[80] and solearn if Our Lord would be pleased: this on the strengthof the proverb, ‘Help thyself, and God will help thee’:I say this in order that, if I do escape, no one may sayI did so without God’s leave.”

“When you asked to hear Mass, did it not seem toyou that it would be more proper to be in female dress?Which would you like best, to have a woman’s dress tohear Mass, or to remain in a man’s dress and nothear it?”

“Give me assurance beforehand that I shall hearMass if I am in female attire, and I will answer you this.”

“Very well, I give you assurance of it: you shall hearMass if you put on female attire.”

“And what say you, if I have sworn and promised toour King my Master, not to put off this dress? Well,I will answer you this: Have made for me a long dressdown to the ground, without a train; give it to me to goto Mass, and then on my return I will put on again thedress I have.”

“I say it to you once again, do you consent to wearfemale attire to go and hear Mass?”

“I will take counsel on this, and then I will answeryou: but I beseech you, for the honour of God andOur Lady permit me to hear Mass in this goodtown.”

“Send me a dress like a daughter of your citizens—thatis to say, a long ‘houppeland.’^[81] I will wear itto go and hear Mass. I beseech you as earnestly as I82can, permit me to hear it in the dress I wear at thismoment and without changing anything!”

“My words and deeds are all in God’s Hands: in all,I wait upon Him. I assure you, I would say or donothing against the Christian Faith: in case I havedone or said anything which might be on my soul andwhich the clergy could say was contrary to the ChristianFaith established by Our Lord, I would not maintain it,and would put it away.”

“I will not answer you anything more about it now.Send me a cleric on Saturday; and, if you do not wishto come yourself, I will answer him on this, with God’shelp; and it shall be put in writing.”

“Yes; and if perchance I have not done so, I haveafterwards asked of them grace and pardon. I shouldnot know how to do them such great reverence asbelongs to them, for I believe firmly they are SaintCatherine and Saint Margaret. I believe the same ofSaint Michael.”

“For those who are Saints of Paradise, offerings arevoluntarily made of candles, etc.: have you never madean offering of lighted candles, or other things, to theSaints who come to you, in the Church or elsewhere, orhad Masses said?”

“No, unless it be in the offering of the Mass, in thehands of the Priest, in honour of Saint Catherine, oneof the Saints who appeared to me. I have never lightedas many candles as I wish to Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret, who are in Paradise; and I firmly believe itis they who come to me.”

83“When you place lights before the image of SaintCatherine, do you place them in honour of the one whoappears to you?”

“I do it in honour of God, of Our Lady, and ofSaint Catherine who is in Heaven, and of her whoappears to me.”

“Do you place these lights in honour of SaintCatherine, who has shewn herself to you, who hasappeared to you?”

“Yes, I make no difference between the one who hasappeared to me, and the one who is in heaven.”^[82]

“With all my power I accomplish the command thatOur Lord sends me through my Voices, in so far asI understand them. My Voices command nothing butby the good pleasure of Our Lord.”

“I have already answered you thereon: read yourbook again well, and you will find it. At the requestof the men-at-arms, there was an assault made beforeParis, and, at the request of the King himself, one alsobefore La Charité. These were neither against nor bythe order of my Voices.”

“All that I could and knew how to do, I have doneand accomplished to the best of my power. As to thematter of the fall from the keep of Beaurevoir, I did itagainst their command; but I could not control myself.When my Voices saw my need, and that I neither knewhow, nor was able, to control myself, they saved my lifeand kept me from killing myself. Whatever things I84did in my greatest undertakings, they always helped me;and that is a sign they are good spirits.”

“By the speech and language of the Angels. Ibelieve firmly that they were Angels.”

“I believed it at once, and I had the will to believeit. When Saint Michael came to me, he said to me:‘Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret will come to thee;follow their counsel; they have been chosen to guidethee and counsel thee in all that thou hast to do: believewhat they shall tell thee, it is the order of Our Lord.’”

“If the devil were to put himself in the form orlikeness of an angel, how would you know if it were agood or an evil angel?”

“I should know quite well if it were Saint Michael ora counterfeit. The first time I was in great doubt if itwere Saint Michael; and I was much afraid. I hadseen him many times before I knew it was SaintMichael.”

“Why did you recognize him sooner that time, whenyou say you believed it was he, than the first time heappeared to you?”

“The first time I was a young child, and I was muchafraid; afterwards, he had taught me so well, and it wasso clear to me, that I believed firmly it was he.”^[83]

“Above all things he told me to be a good child, andthat God would help me,—to come to the help of the85King of France, among other things. The greater partof what he taught me is already in the book in whichyou are writing: he told me of the great misery therewas in the Kingdom of France.”

“On Saturday I will reply, with other things which Ishould answer, as it shall please God.”

“Do you not think it a great sin, and one whichoffends Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret whoappeared to you, to act against their commands?”

“Yes, certainly; and the greatest I have ever committed,in my opinion, has been the leap from the Towerof Beaurevoir; for the which I have besought theirmercy, and for all other offences I may have doneagainst them.”

“Will Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret take bodilyvengeance for this offence?”

“You have asserted that, for speaking the truth, menwere sometimes hanged: do you, then, know any crimeor fault in yourself for which you should die, if youconfessed it?”

The following Saturday, March 17th:—Present: JeanDelafontaine, Commissary, assisted by Nicolas Midi,and Gerard Feuillet, in the presence of Ysambard de laPierre and of Jean Massieu.

The said Jeanne was required to take the oath alreadymade by her. Afterwards, she was again interrogated:

“In the form of a true honest man [‘prud homme’];of his dress and the rest I will say nothing more. As tothe Angels, I saw them with my eyes; you will hearnaught else about it. I believe the deeds and words of86Saint Michael, who appeared to me, as firmly as Ibelieve that Our Saviour Jesus Christ suffered Deathand Passion for us. And that which makes me believeit, is the good counsel, comfort, and good doctrine whichhe has given me.”

“Will you, in respect of all your words and deeds,whether good or bad, submit yourself to the decision ofour Holy Mother the Church?”

“The Church! I love it, and would wish to maintainit with all my power, for our Christian Faith; it is not Iwho should be prevented from going to Church andhearing Mass! As to the good deeds I have done andmy coming to the King, I must wait on the King ofHeaven, who sent me to Charles, King of France, sonof Charles, who was King of France. You will seethat the French will soon gain a great victory, that Godwill send such great doings that nearly all the Kingdomof France will be shaken by them. I say it, so that,when it shall come to pass, it may be remembered thatI said it.”

“I refer myself to God Who sent me, to Our Lady,and to all the Saints in Paradise. And in my opinionit is all one, God and the Church; and one shouldmake no difficulty about it. Why do you make adifficulty?”

“There is a Church Triumphant in which are Godand the Saints, the Angels, and the Souls of the Saved.There is another Church, the Church Militant, in whichare the Pope, the Vicar of God on earth, the Cardinals,Prelates of the Church, the Clergy and all good Christiansand Catholics: this Church, regularly assembled, cannoterr, being ruled by the Holy Spirit. Will you refer87yourself to this Church which we have thus just definedto you?”

“I came to the King of France from God, from theBlessed Virgin Mary, from all the Saints of Paradise,and the Church Victorious above, and by their command.To this Church I submit all my good deeds, all that Ihave done or will do. As to saying whether I willsubmit myself to the Church Militant, I will not nowanswer anything more.”

“What do you say on the subject of the female attirewhich is offered to you, to go and hear Mass?”

“I will not take it yet, until it shall please Our Lord.And if it should happen that I should be brought tojudgment, [and that I have to divest myself in Court,]^[84] Ibeseech the lords of the Church to do me the grace toallow me a woman’s smock and a hood for my head; Iwould rather die than revoke what God has made medo; and I believe firmly that God will not allow it tocome to pass that I should be brought so low that I maynot soon have succour from Him, and by miracle.”

“As you say that you bear a man’s dress by thecommand of God, why do you ask for a woman’s smockat the point of death?”

“She was held and considered a good and honestwoman, neither divineress nor sorceress.”

“You said you would take a woman’s dress, that youmight be let go: would this please God?”

“If I had leave to go in woman’s dress, I should soonput myself back in man’s dress and do what God hascommanded me: I have already told you so. For nothingin the world will I swear not to arm myself and put ona man’s dress; I must obey the orders of Our Lord.”

“You have had such answers as you will have fromme, and none others shall you have: I have told youwhat I know of it for certain.”

“Of the love or hate God may have for the English,or of what He will do for their souls, I know nothing;but I know quite well that they will be put out ofFrance, except those who shall die there, and thatGod will send victory to the French against theEnglish.”

“I do not know if God hated the French; but Ibelieve that He wished them to be defeated for theirsins, if they were in sin.”

“What warrant and what help do you expect to havefrom Our Lord for wearing this man’s dress?”

“For this dress and for other things that I have done,I wish to have no other recompense than the salvationof my soul.”

“My whole suit of white armour [‘album harnesiumsuum;’Gallicè, ‘un blanc harnoys,’] as beseems a soldier,with a sword I had won before Paris.”

“In devotion, and as is the custom of soldiers whenthey have been wounded. Having been wounded before89Paris, I offered them at Saint Denis, because that isthe war-cry of France.”

“What was the purpose of these five crosses whichwere on the sword that you found at Saint Catherineof Fierbois?”

“Who prompted you to have painted on yourstandard Angels with arms, feet, legs, and clothing?”

“Why did you not have painted the brightness thatcomes to you with the Angels and the Voices?”

The same day, March 17th, afternoon. Present: TheBishop and the Deputy Inquisitor, assisted by JeanBeaupère, Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, PierreMaurice, Gerard Feuillet, Thomas de Courcelles, JeanDelafontaine; in presence of Brother Ysambard de laPierre and John Gris.

“Did the two Angels painted on your standard representSaint Michael and Saint Gabriel?”

“They were there only for the honour of Our Lord,Who was painted on the standard. I only had thesetwo Angels represented to honour Our Lord, Who wasthere represented holding the world.”

90“Were the two Angels represented on your standardthose who guard the world? Why were there notmore of them, seeing that you had been commanded byGod to take this standard?”

“The standard was commanded by Our Lord, by theVoices of Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret, whichsaid to me: ‘Take the standard in the name of the Kingof Heaven’; and because they had said to me ‘Take thestandard in the name of the King of Heaven,’ I had thisfigure of God and of two Angels done; I did all by theircommand.”

“Did you ask them if, by virtue of this standard, youwould gain all the battles wherever you might findyourself, and if you would be victorious?”

“The hope of being victorious, was it founded on yourstandard or on yourself?”

“If any one but you had borne this standard,would he have been as fortunate as you in bearingit?”

“If one of the people of your party had sent you hisstandard to carry, would you have had as much confidencein it as in that which had been sent to you byGod? Even the standard of your King, if it had beensent to you, would you have had as much confidence init as in your own?”

“I bore most willingly that which had been ordainedfor me by Our Lord; and, meanwhile, in all I waitedupon Our Lord.”

91“For what purpose was the sign you put on yourletters and these words: ‘Jhesus Maria’?”

“The clerks who wrote my letters put it; some toldme that it was suitable for me to put these two words:‘Jhesus Maria.’”

“Was it never revealed to you that if you lost yourvirginity, you would lose your happiness, and that yourVoices would come to you no more?”

“Do you think, and do you firmly believe, that yourKing did right in killing, or causing to be killed, myLord the Duke of Burgundy?”

“It was a great injury to the Kingdom of France;and, whatever there may have been between them, Godsent me to the help of the King of France.”

“As you have declared to my lord of Beauvais thatyou will reply to him and his Commissioners as youwould before our most holy Lord the Pope, and as thereare many questions which you will not answer, wouldyou reply before the Pope more fully than before us?”

“I have answered you all the truth that I know; andif I know anything which comes to my memory that Ihave left unsaid, I will tell it willingly.”

“Does it not seem to you that you are bound to replymore fully to our Lord the Pope, the Vicar of God, on allthat might be asked you touching the Faith and thematter of your conscience, than you should to us?”

“Very well; let me be taken before him, and I willanswer before him all I ought to answer.”

“Of what material was one of your rings, on whichwas written ‘Jhesus Maria’?”

92“I do not exactly know; if it were of gold, it was notfine gold; I do not know if it were of gold or of brass;there were three crosses on it, and no other mark that Iknow of, except ‘Jhesus Maria.’”

“Why was it that you generally looked at this ringwhen you were going into battle?”

“For pleasure, and in honour of my father andmother; I had that ring in my hand and on my fingerwhen I touched Saint Catherine as she appeared to me.”

“In their honour, I often put crowns on their imagesin the Churches. As to those who appeared to me, Inever gave any to them that I can remember.”

“When you placed crowns of flowers on the tree ofwhich you spoke before, did you put them in honour ofthose who appeared to you?”

“When these Saints came to you, did you do them noreverence? did you bend the knee before them? didyou bow?”

“Yes: and, so far as I could do them reverence, Idid; I know it is they who are in the Kingdom ofParadise.”

“I have never done or known anything about them; butI have heard of them, and that they came on Thursdays;but I do not believe it; I think it is sorcery.”

“Did not they wave your standard round the head ofyour King when he was consecrated at Rheims?”

“Why was it taken to the Church of Rheims for theconsecration more than those of other captains?”

Meeting at the Bishop’s house of the Doctors andAssessors to consider the Case. Sunday of the Passionof our Saviour, 18th day of the month of March. TheBishop and Jean Lemaître, assisted by twelve Assessors,present.

We, the said Bishop, shewed that Jeanne had latelybeen questioned during eight days, and that a greatnumber of her replies had been put in writing; to-daywe have need of the opinion of the Assessors as to themode of procedure.

Then We caused to be read a great number of assertionswhich, by Our order, have been extracted byseveral Masters from the answers of Jeanne: so that, bymeans of these assertions, they, the said Assessors, willbe able the better to take up the Process as a whole, andthus decide more certainly on what remains to be done.

After this shewing, the said Lords and Masters diddeliberate with great solemnity and maturity; and eachof them did give us his opinion.

Each of the Doctors and Masters shall have the matterto examine and study for his own part in all diligence,94and to make research in authentic books for the opinionof the Doctors on each of the said assertions. On Thursdaynext, We will re-assemble anew to confer upon them.On that day, each one shall submit to Us his opinion.

Besides this, we have given orders that between thisand then shall be extracted from the questions andanswers of Jeanne certain Articles, which shall be movedagainst her in the Court before Us, the Judges.

[The Seventy Articles prepared by the Promoter,which form the Act of Accusation for the Trial in Ordinary,were read to Jeanne by Thomas de Courcelles, onTuesday, March 27th. These Articles will be found,with Jeanne’s replies to them, in the Appendix. TheSeventy Articles were afterwards reduced to Twelve byMaître Nicolas Midi. These are given in the Appendix,p.341.]

Another Meeting in the Bishop’s house, in which it isdecided to compile Articles from the said Extracts.

And the following Thursday, 22nd March, under thepresidence of Us, the Bishop, and Maître Jean Lemaître,assisted by 23 Assessors.

In presence of the above, have been reported sundryassertions gathered and considered in the matter, in anotable and scientific manner, by many Doctors andMasters. In view of these assertions, after having theopinions conferred thereon at length with each of theAssessors, We, the Judges, did conclude and give orderthat the assertions thus extracted from the register ofthe declarations of Jeanne shall be drawn up in a verysmall number of Articles under the form of propositions;that the Articles thus prepared shall be communicatedat once to all and each of the Doctors and Masters, whocan thus the more easily pronounce their opinion.

On the question of whether Jeanne ought to be95again interrogated and examined later on, We will proceedin such sort, with the help of Our Lord, that Ourcase may be conducted to the praise of God and theexaltation of the Faith, being affected by no blemish.

On the following Saturday, March 24th, in the prisonof Jeanne; Maître Jean Delafontaine, Commissioner forUs, the Bishop, and Brother Jean Lemaître; assisted byJ. Beaupère, N. Midi, P. Maurice, G. Feuillet, Thomasde Courcelles, Enguerrand de Champrond.

In presence of the above-named, We caused to be readto Jeanne the Register which contained the questionsmade to her and her answers. This reading was madein the presence of the said Jeanne by G. Manchon,Registrar, and in the French language.

But before proceeding to this reading, Our Promoter,Messire d’Estivet, offered to prove, in case Jeanne shouldnot recognize some of her answers, that all the contentsof the said Register, questions and answers, had beenpronounced as they were there written. And on herside, Jeanne made oath that, during the reading, whichwas about to be made, she would add or change nothingin her answers that was not the truth.

“I have as surname d’Arc or Rommée: in my countrythe girls take the name of their mother.”

“Let the questions and answers, all that has to beread, be read without stopping: if I do not contradict atall, I hold it true and acknowledged.”

“Give me a woman’s dress to go and rejoin my mother;96I will take it that I may get out of prison, because whenI am outside I will consider as to what I should do.”

“I believe certainly to have so spoken as it is writtenin the Register, and as has been read; I do not contradicton any point.”

Palm Sunday, 25th day of March, in the morning,in the prison of Jeanne, in the Castle of Rouen, We,the Bishop, did make an address to Jeanne, in thepresence of the venerable Lords and Masters, J. Beaupère,N. Midi, P. Maurice, Thomas de Courcelles.

We told her, that many times already and notablyyesterday, she had requested, because of the solemnity ofthese days and the time, that she might be permitted tohear Mass to-day, Palm Sunday; in consequence, Wewere come to ask her if, supposing this favour wereaccorded to her, she would consent to put off her man’sdress, and to take the dress of a woman, as formerly shehad been accustomed to wear it in her birth-place, and asworn by all the women of her country?

The said Jeanne answered by again asking of Uspermission to hear Mass in the dress she now wears, andin the same dress to receive the Eucharist on EasterDay.

“Reply,” We said to her, “to what we ask you; tellus, in the event of your being permitted to hear Mass,if you will consent to abandon the dress you wear.”

“I have not consulted thereon,” she said, “and cannotyet take a woman’s dress.”

“Do you wish to have counsel of your Saints to knowif you ought to take woman’s garments?”

“May I not then,” she said, “be permitted to hear97Mass in the state in which I am? I desire it ardently!As to changing my dress, I cannot: it is not in mypower.”

All the Assessors then joined themselves with Us,and each exhorted her, for so great a benefit, and tosatisfy the feeling of devotion with which she seemedanimated, to consent to take the only garment which wassuitable to her sex.

“That,” she declared, “is not in my power: if it were,it would soon be done!”

“Speak of it to your Voices,” said the Assessors, “toknow if you may again take your woman’s dress, in orderthat at Easter you may receive the Viaticum.”

“I cannot change my dress: I cannot therefore receivethe Viaticum. I beg of you, my Lords, permit meto hear Mass in man’s dress; this dress does not weighupon my soul, and is not contrary to the laws of theChurch.”

Of all the preceding, Master Jean d’Estivet, Promoter,hath asked that there may be delivered to him a PublicInstrument, in the presence of the Lords and Masters,Adam Hillet, William Brolbster, and Pierre Orient, ofthe Clergy of Rouen, London and Châlons, respectively.

Monday after Palm Sunday, 26th day of March, inBishop’s House. Present: The Bishop and BrotherJean Lemaître, assisted by 12 Assessors.

In presence of the above, We caused to be readcertain Articles comprising that one which the Promoterintendeth to produce against Jeanne.

After the reading of these Articles, it was decidedthat, following the preliminary trial until now conductedfrom our Office, as We, the Bishop, and subsequentlyWe, the Deputy, have decreed and concluded, it will beexpedient to proceed henceforward by an action inOrdinary.

It was also decided that the Articles just readhave been well put together; that Jeanne should bequestioned and heard upon each of them; that theseArticles shall be proposed, in the name of the Promoter,by some grave advocate, or by the Promoterhimself; that if Jeanne should refuse to answer aftera Canonical monition shall have been addressed to her,as a preliminary, the said Articles shall be held asacknowledged.

Following on this decision, We, the Judges, gave orderthat the Articles of which we treat shall, from to-morrow99be proposed by our Promoter; and that Jeanne shouldbe, in like manner, interrogated upon each of them andheard in answer.

The next day, Tuesday after Palm Sunday, 27th dayof March, in the room near the Great Hall of the Castleof Rouen. The Promoter opened the case. Present: TheBishop and Brother Jean Lemaître, assisted by 38Assessors.

He then shewed the text of the accusation drawn upby him against Jeanne, in the which are found stated theArticles just spoken of, and of which the tenour shall bewritten below.

This done, We, the Judges, did request the Lords andMasters here present to deliberate and to give Us theiropinion.

And first,Maître Nicolas de Venderès said: thatJeanne should in the first place be compelled to swearwhat the Promoter hath rightly demanded; that shouldJeanne refuse to swear, she be accounted contumaciousand excommunicate, and be proceeded against accordingto law.

Maître Jean Basset: That the Articles should be readto her before she be excommunicated.

Maître Geoffrey de Crotay: That she should be givenat least three days before being declared excommunicate100and convicted; in civil matters there is always a threedays’ delay for taking the oath.

Maître Gilles Deschamps: That the Articles shouldbe read to her, and that a day should be assigned for herto answer.

The Lord Abbot of Fécamp: She is bound to speakthe truth on what touches the Case; that, if she has notalready been summoned to that effect, she be so summonedwith the due legal interval.

Maître Jean de Châtillon: She is bound to speak thetruth, her own affairs being in question.

The Lord Prior of Longueville: For those things towhich she does not know how to answer, it seems to beexacting too much to wish her to reply by “I believe”or “I do not believe.”

Maître Jean Beaupère: To questions of fact on whichshe has certain knowledge she should reply at once; toothers, on which she has not certain knowledge or whichrelate to law, delay should be granted if she asks for it.

Maître Nicolas Midi: The same, with this addition:That the Jurists should be consulted in order to decideif she should be constrained to swear from the presenttime.

Maître Jean de Nibat: As to the Articles he wouldrefer to the Jurists; as to the oath, she is bound to swearregarding such things as touch on the Trial or the101Faith; if on other subjects she should ask delay, let itbe granted to her.

Maître Thomas de Courcelles: She should answer;each Article should be read to her, and she shouldanswer them in order. As to delay, it should begranted to her on such points of the subject as sheshould request it.

Maître André Marguerie: She ought to swear onwhat touches the Case: as to doubtful points she shouldbe allowed delay.

Maître Denis Gastinel: She ought to swear; thePromoter is right to demand her oath; as to what actionshould be taken in case she should refuse, it would benecessary for him to consult his books.

Then We, the Judges, considering the request of thePromoter, by the advice of each of the Assessors,gave order, and do give order, that the Articles justproduced by the Promoter shall at once be read andshewn in French to the said Jeanne, who, on each ofthem, shall answer according to knowledge; and if thereare any points on which she asks delay, delay of rightshall be granted to her.

Then the Promoter did abjure all calumny—that is tosay, affirmed upon oath, that he was not led to bringthese Articles against the said Jeanne by favour, rancour,hate or fear, but was solely animated by zeal for the Faith.

These preliminaries being completed, We, the Bishop102did address to Jeanne a Canonical Admonition. Wetold her that all the Assessors were ecclesiastical personsof consummate knowledge, experts in law, human anddivine, who desired and intended to proceed against her,as they had already done up to this time, with kindnessand piety, and that, far from seeking vengeance orpunishment, they desired, on the contrary, only herinstruction and return into the way of truth and salvation.“But because you are neither well enough taught norinstructed in these arduous matters, by yourself, toprovide what you should do or say, We offer you tochoose for counsel such of the Assessors as you shall bepleased to point out; if you do not of yourself knowhow to make this choice, We offer to do it for you, and topoint out to you some who will counsel you on what youhave to answer or do, on the condition always, that inmatters of pure faith you will answer yourself, andcharging you to swear to speak the truth on those thingswhich are personal to yourself.”

“First, as to that on which you admonish me for mygood and for our Faith, I thank you and all the companyalso; as to the counsel which you offer me, also Ithank you; but I have no intention of desisting from thecounsel of Our Lord. As to the oath that you wishme to make, I am ready to speak the truth on all thattouches the Case.”

After this, by Our order were read the Articlescontained in the document which the Promoter hath justdeposited. Each of these Articles was read to Jeannein the French language by Thomas de Courcelles; andshe was called upon to reply in succession to each ofthese Articles: which she did. The completion of this103formality hath filled up the end of the Sitting for thisday, and all the Sitting of the next day.

And the following Saturday, the last day of the monthof March, Easter Eve, under the presidency of Us, theaforesaid Judges, in Jeanne’s prison, being assisted bythe Lords and Masters, Jean Beaupère, J. de Touraine,N. Midi, P. Maurice, G. Feuillet, G. Haiton, and T. deCourcelles; Guillaume Muton and John Gris, witnesses:

Jeanne hath been questioned as follows, touchingsundry points on which she did, as hath been seen,ask delay for reply:

“Will you refer yourself to the judgment of theChurch on earth for all you have said or done, be itgood or bad? Especially will you refer to the Churchthe cases, crimes, and offences which are imputed to youand everything which touches on this Trial?”

“On all that I am asked I will refer to the ChurchMilitant, provided they do not command anythingimpossible. And I hold as a thing impossible to declarethat my actions and my words and all that I haveanswered on the subject of my visions and revelations Ihave not done and said by the order of God: this, I willnot declare for anything in the world. And that whichGod hath made me do, hath commanded or shallcommand, I will not fail to do for any man alive. Itwould be impossible for me to revoke it. And in casethe Church should wish me to do anything contrary tothe command which has been given me of God, I willnot consent to it, whatever it may be.”

“If the Church Militant tells you that your revelationsare illusions, or diabolical things, will you defer tothe Church?”

104“I will defer to God, Whose Commandment Ialways do. I know well that that which is contained inmy Case has come to me by the Commandment of God;what I affirm in the Case is, that I have acted by theorder of God: it is impossible for me to say otherwise.In case the Church should prescribe the contrary, Ishould not refer to any one in the world, but to Godalone, Whose Commandment I always follow.”

“Do you not then believe you are subject to theChurch of God which is on earth, that is to say toour Lord the Pope, to the Cardinals, the Archbishops,Bishops, and other prelates of the Church?”

“Have you then command from your Voices not tosubmit yourself to the Church Militant, which is onearth, nor to its decision?”

“I answer nothing from my own head; what I answeris by command of my Voices; they do not order me todisobey the Church, but God must be served first.”

This done we did retire, postponing to another daythe continuation of this present Trial for Belief.

Choice is made of assertions on which the deliberationshould bear, and these assertions are drawn up inTwelve Articles.

The Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday after Easter,the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th of April, in the year of Our Lord,1431.

We, the Judges, have convoked sundry Doctors andMasters with whom we have carefully examined theSeventy Articles which have been recently transcribed,105together with the questions and answers of Jeanne,attached to each of these Seventy Articles.

This examination carried out, We did decide that it isexpedient to extract from this collection certain assertionsand propositions, and to embody these assertions andpropositions in Twelve Articles only, which shall thuscomprehend, in a summary and succinct manner, thegreater part of the sayings of the Accused.

These Twelve Articles having been prepared, We, theJudges, did decree that it is expedient to transmit theseArticles to the Doctors, and others, expert in laws Divineand human, in order to have from them, for the benefitof the Faith, advice and counsel on the character of theassertions therein contained. [The Twelve Articles ofAccusation will be found in the Appendix, p.366.]

The following Thursday, April 5th, We, the Judges,sent the Articles in question to each of the Doctors andMasters having knowledge thereof, whom we knew wereto be found in this town. We accompanied our missivewith a letter of requisition for each of them, couched inthese terms:

“We, Pierre, by the Divine mercy Bishop ofBeauvais, and Brother Jean Lemaître, Vicar of theInquisition, To you, such an one [here followeth thename, surname, and quality of the Doctor or Master],we pray you, and for the good of the Faith, require you,that before Tuesday next you will give us in writing andunder your seal wholesome counsel on the subject of theassertions borne in the Twelve Articles hereto annexed,in order to know if, the said assertions being by youmaturely weighed, considered, and compared, all or anyof them seem to you contrary to the Orthodox Faith, or,on any point contrary to Holy Writ, to the decisions106of the Holy Roman Church, to the decisions of Doctorsapproved by the Church, or to the Canonical sanction;and if all or any seem to you scandalous, audacious,disturbing to the Commonwealth, injurious, criminal,contrary to good manners, or culpable in any othermanner whatsoever; and in effect for you to say whatappears to you should be enacted with regard to themin a matter of Faith. Written at Rouen, Thursdayafter Easter, April 5th, the year of our Lord, 1431.”

Exhortations and Admonitions.

Wednesday, 18th day of April, We, the Judges, havingcognizance already by the deliberations and opinions ofa great number of Doctors in Theology and in CanonLaw, of Licentiates and other Graduates, of the manyand considerable errors brought out in the replies andassertions of the said Jeanne, and knowing that she dothexpose herself, if she doth not correct herself, to seriousdangers:

For this reason, We did decide to exhort her charitably,to admonish her gently, and to cause her to be gentlyadmonished by many men of knowledge and probity,Doctors and others, in order to lead her back into theway of truth and to a sincere profession of our Faith.

To this end, We did to-day repair to the place of herprison, having with us Guillaume Lebouchier, Jacquesde Touraine, Maurice de Quesnay, Nicolas Midi,Guillaume Adelie, Gerard Feuillet, and GuillaumeHaiton.

In their presence We, the Bishop, did begin to speakto Jeanne, who declared herself ill.^[87] We told her that107the Doctors and Masters who accompanied Us werecome to see her in a friendly and charitable way, to visither in her suffering and to bring her consolation andcomfort. Then, We recalled to her, that she had beenduring many days, and at divers times, and in presenceof many ecclesiastics full of wisdom, questioned onpoints, grave and difficult, concerning the Faith; thatshe had made answers, varied and diverse, which wiseand lettered men have examined with the most scrupulousattention; that they have noted many of her wordsand avowals which, from the point of view of the Faith,have appeared to them perilous; but that she is only apoor illiterate woman, who knoweth not the Scriptures.We come to her and We offer her learned and wise men,watchful and honest, who will give her, as is their duty,the knowledge which she hath not. And at the sametime We did exhort the Doctors and Masters herepresent to give to Jeanne, counsel profitable to thesalvation of her body and soul, and this in virtue of theduty which binds them to the doctrine of the true Faith.If Jeanne should know others who appear to her moreapt than the Doctors here present, We offer to sendthem to her to counsel and instruct her on what sheshould do, maintain, and believe. We added that weare all Clergy, always disposed by vocation, will andinclination, to seek by all means the salvation of bodyand soul, absolutely, as we should do it for our nearestand for ourselves. We shall be happy to furnish hereach day with such men to procure her the instructionthat We owe her, and to do towards her all that theChurch is accustomed to do in such circumstances, shewho shutteth not the fold against the repentant lamb.108Finally We told her to take into great consideration thisadmonition which We address to her for her salvation,and to follow it up efficiently: for, if she should act inopposition to Our words, if she should be obstinate inher own mind in consulting only her inexperienced brain,we must abandon her; and she can see to what peril shedoth expose herself in this case. It is this peril whichWe seek to avoid for her with all the power of Ouraffection.

“I thank you for what you say to me for my salvation.It seems to me, seeing how ill I am, that I am ingreat danger of death: if it be that God may do Hispleasure on me, I ask of you that I may have confession,and my Saviour also, and that I may be put in holyground.”

“If you will have the rights [droits] and Sacramentsof the Church,” We said to her, “you must do as goodCatholics do, and submit yourself to the Church. If youpersevere in your intention of not submitting to theChurch, you cannot have the Sacraments you askadministered to you, except the Sacrament of Penance,which We are always ready to give you.”

“The more you fear for your life, on account of theillness that you have, the more should you amend; youwill not have the rights of a Catholic if you do notsubmit to the Church.”

“If my body dies in prison, I trust that you will haveit put in holy ground; if you do not have it put there, Iplace my trust in God!”

“You said in your Trial that if you had said or doneanything against the Christian Faith established by OurLord, you would not maintain it.”

109“You say you have had many revelations from God bySaint Michael, Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret: ifany good person were to come affirming that he hadrevelations from God touching your mission, would youbelieve him?”

“There is no Christian in this world who could cometo me and say he had had a revelation but that I shouldknow if he were speaking truly or not; I should knowit by Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret.”

“You imagine then that God can reveal nothing toany one which is unknown to you?”

“I know well that He can; but for me, I should notbelieve in this case any man or woman if I had not somesign.”

“We summon you, We exhort you, We beseech youto take counsel of the Clerks and notable Masters herepresent, and to believe in the counsel that they will giveyou for the salvation of your soul. And once more Weask you if you will submit to the Church Militant yoursayings and your doings?”

“Whatever may happen to me, I will do and sayno other thing than what I have already said in theTrial.”

Here the venerable Doctors who were assisting Us didexhort her with the most lively instance and did striveto obtain from her that she would submit herself andher acts to the Church Militant. They cited to hera number of authorities taken from Holy Scripture, andshewed her numerous examples. They enlarged uponthese authorities and these examples. One of theDoctors,^[88] in his exhortation, brought forward thispassage of Matthew, chapter xviii.: “If thy brother110sin against thee, go and tell him his fault between theeand him alone”; and this other, “If he will not hearthe Church, let him be unto thee as a heathen-man anda publican.” He shewed to Jeanne these truths inFrench, and said to her at the end, that if she would notsubmit to the Church and obey it, the Church mustabandon her as an Infidel [sarrazine].

“I am a good Christian,” she answered, “I have beenbaptized; I shall die a good Christian!”

“As you ask that the Church should administer theEucharist to you, why will you not submit to the Church?It would be administered to you at once.”

“Of this submission I will say no more than I havesaid: I love God, I serve Him; I am a good Christian;I wish to help and maintain the Church with all mypower.”

“Do you not wish that a good and notable processionmight be ordained to restore you to a good estate if youare not therein?”

Wednesday, the 2nd day of May, the Judges held asitting in the room of the Castle of Rouen near the GreatHall of the same Castle; assisted by 63 Assessors.

“After having been thoroughly questioned, this womanhath had to reply to the Articles judicially preparedagainst her by the Promoter; then We have had asummary made of her avowals and declarations in asuccinct and abridged form of assertions in TwelveArticles, which We have addressed to the Doctors and111other persons consummate in knowledge of Theology, ofCivil Law and of Canon Law, in order to have theiradvice. By the answers which many amongst themhave for some time past been sending, We have been ableto recognize that, in their eyes, this woman hath fallenshort in many things: but nothing as regards this has asyet been decided by Us; and before We come to a finaldecision, many honest men, conscientious and wise, havethought it would be well to seek by all means to instructher on the points in which she seems to be lacking,and to reinstate her in the way and knowledge of thetruth. This result We have always desired, and Weardently desire it still. For We ought all to bend ourselvesthereto, We who live in the Church, and in theministration of holy things; We ought to strive to shewto this woman with all gentleness that she is, by her wordsand by her actions, outside the Faith, the truth, andreligion, and to warn her charitably to think of hersalvation.

“We were indeed penetrated with this idea when Weattempted to convince her, in sending to her, diverstimes and privately, eminent Doctors, sometimes one,sometimes another. These Doctors have responded toour call with the greatest zeal, and have occupiedthemselves with her with the greatest gentleness,abstaining in every way from coercion. But the cunningof the Devil has continued to prevail, and their effortshave been able to produce nothing.

“Now that it has become certain to Us that privateadmonitions are of no effect with her, it appears to Usopportune to assemble you together in a solemn manner,in order that this woman should be admonished beforeyou with gentleness and charity on the necessity of herreturn [to truth]. Perchance your presence and theexhortations of some among you will better induce herto humility and obedience, and turn her back from112continuing obstinate in her own ideas; perchance shewill believe the counsels of worthy men, of the wise,versed in the science of the laws, divine and human;she will cease to expose herself to the gravest dangersinto which body and soul can fall.

“In order to address to her this solemn admonition,We have chosen an ancient Master in Theology, verylearned and singularly well versed in these matters,Maître Jean de Châtillon, Archdeacon of Evreux, who,if it so please him, will shortly accept this charge ofdemonstrating clearly to this woman sundry points on thewhich her error is evident, according to what we havealready gathered from the opinions which have reachedUs, and who will persuade her to leave the criminal pathwhere she now is, to return again to that of truth.

“It is for this purpose that this woman will be broughtbefore you presently; she will, therefore, receive in yourpresence a solemn admonition. Now, if there be any oneamong you who thinketh that he hath anything to sayor do which may facilitate her return, or instruct her ina manner profitable to the salvation of her body andsoul, we beseech him not to hesitate to open himself toUs or to state his views publicly.”

We, the Bishop, in our name and in the name of theother Judge, did give her counsel to attend to themonitions about to be made to her by the aforesaid LordArchdeacon, Professor in Sacred Theology, who wasabout to say many things profitable to the salvation ofher body and soul, and that she ought to agree, for if shedid not, she would expose herself to great dangers bothsoul and body.

Then we, the said Judges, did invite the said LordArchdeacon to proceed with charity to the performance113of the said monitions. Obeying our order, the saidLord Archdeacon did begin to instruct the said Jeanne,by shewing her a great number of things contained ina schedule whose tenour will be presently transcribed. Hefirst shewed her that all the faithful in Christ are boundand obliged to believe the Christian Faith, and certainArticles of this Faith; and he did warn and beseech her,by means of a general monition, to correct and amendboth herself and her deeds; he reminded her that thiswas the advice of the venerable Doctors and Masters ofconsummate experience and skill.

“Read your book” [speaking of the writing whichthe Lord Archdeacon held in his hand], “read your book,then I will answer. I rely upon God, my Creator, foreverything. I love Him with all my heart.”

Afterwards the Lord Archdeacon, proceeding tospecial monitions, did, in conformity with a writingwhich he had under his eyes, speak as follows:

[Here follows, in the Original Documents, an Exhortationin Six Articles, addressed to Jeanne in the Frenchlanguage by the Archdeacon, on her submission to theChurch, her dress, her Visions and Revelations.]

“I believe indeed in the Church which is here below;but for my words and deeds, as I have said elsewhere,I rely on and refer me to the only God. I believe114that the Church Militant cannot err or fail; but asto my words and deeds, I submit them and refer allto God, Who caused me to do what I have done. Isubmit me to God, my Creator, Who caused me to doall these things; I refer me to God thereupon and to myown self.”

“Do you mean by this to say that you have no judgeon earth? Is not our Holy Father, the Pope, yourjudge?”

“I will say nothing else to you. I have a goodMaster, that is God; it is to Him I look in everythingand to none other.”

“If you will not believe in the Church, if you will notbelieve that Article of the Creed, ‘the Church, One,Holy, Catholic,’ you will be declared a heretic and, byother judges, punished with the pains of fire.”

“I will say no more to you, and, if I saw the fire,I should say all that I am saying to you, and naughtelse.”^[89]

“If a General Council—that is to say, our HolyFather the Pope, the Cardinals, Bishops and others—werehere, would you not then refer and submit yourselfto this Holy Council?”

“As to my garments, I will indeed take a long dressand a woman’s hood to go to Church and to receivethere the Sacrament of the Eucharist—as I said elsewhere—providedthat, directly after, I may put offthat dress and take again what I bear at this moment.”And when it was suggested to her that she had takenthis dress without necessity, especially while in prison,115she said: “When I have done that for which I am sentby God, I will resume woman’s dress.”

“Will you leave off wearing this dress and the believingthat you do right in wearing it? Will you resume awoman’s dress?”

“When Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret came toyou, did you make the sign of the Cross?”

“As to my revelations, I refer me to my Judge—thatis to say, to God. My revelations came to me fromGod direct.”

“On the subject of the sign given to your King, willyou refer to the Archbishop of Rheims, to the Sire deBoussac,^[90] to Charles de Bourbon, to the Seigneur de laTrémouille, and to Etienne, called La Hire, to whomor to some of whom you say that you shewed the crown,these being present when the Angel brought it to theKing, who afterwards gave it to the Archbishop? orwill you consent to refer to some of your party who maywrite under their seal about it?”

“Give me a messenger and I will write to them aboutthis Trial.” [She would not believe in, or refer otherwiseto them.]

“I refer to my Judge—that is to say, to Our Lord—andto what I have before answered, which is written inthe book.”

“If three or four Clergy of your party are sent to you,116coming under a safe conduct, will you refer yourself tothem on the subject of your apparitions and of all thatis contained in your trial?”

“Let them come; I will answer.” [She would not refernor otherwise submit to them on the subject of the trial.]

“Will you refer or submit yourself to the Church ofPoitiers, where you were examined?”

Afterwards, to conclude, she was anew and in full,generally warned by the Lord Archdeacon to submit tothe Church under pain of being abandoned by theChurch. He said, and repeated to her, that, if theChurch abandoned her, she would be in great peril bothof body and soul, and would fall into danger of thepains of eternal fire as to her soul and, by sentence ofother Judges, into danger of temporal fire for her body.

“You will not do what you say against me withoutevil overtaking you, body and soul!”

“Tell us a reason, one only, why you should refuse torefer yourself to the Church.”

Afterwards, many Doctors and competent people ofdivers estates and faculties, set themselves to admonishand to counsel her with gentleness. They exhorted herto submit to the Church Universal, to our Holy Fatherthe Pope, and to the Sacred General Council. Theyexplained to her the peril to which she exposed bothsoul and body in refusing to submit herself and her deedsto the judgment of the Church Militant.

And then We, the Bishop, told Jeanne to think wellover it, to take good heed to the monitions, counsels,and exhortations which had just been made to her, andto reflect on them most seriously.

We told her that she could think over it at once, andanswer as she wished. But, as she would reply no more,we retired, and Jeanne was conducted back to prison.

Wednesday, May 9th, We, the Judges, being in thegreat Tower of the Castle of Rouen, assisted by thereverend Fathers, Doctors and Masters whose namesfollow: the Reverend Father Abbot of Corneille deCompiègne, Jean de Chatillon, Guillaume Erard, AndréMarguerie, Nicolas de Venderès, Guillaume Haiton,Aubert Morel, Nicolas Loyseleur, Jean Massieu: didcause Jeanne to be brought before us.

To speak the truth to Us on divers and numerouspoints on which she hath hitherto refused to reply orhath replied untruthfully, the which are established inthe highest degree by informations, proofs, and gravepresumptions. A great number of these points wereread and shewn to her. Then she was told that, if shewould not tell the truth, she would immediately be putto the torture, the instruments of which were here, inthis same tower, under her eyes. There also werepresent the executioners, who by Our order had made allthe necessary preparations for torturing her, in order tobring her back by this means into the way and knowledgeof the truth, and thus to procure for her salvationboth of body and soul, which she doth exposeto such grave peril by her lying inventions.

“Truly if you were to tear me limb from limb, andseparate soul and body, I will tell you nothing more;and, if I were to say anything else, I should always afterwardsdeclare that you made me say it by force. Last118Thursday ^[91] I received comfort from Saint Gabriel; Ibelieve it was Saint Gabriel: I knew by my Voicesit was he. I asked counsel of my Voices if I ought tosubmit to the Church, because the Clergy were pressingme hard to submit, and they said to me: ‘If thouwillest that God should come to thy help, wait on Himfor all thy doings.’ I know that Our Lord hath alwaysbeen the Master of all my doings, and that the Devilhath never had power over them. I asked of my Voicesif I should be burned, and my Voices answered me:‘Wait on Our Lord, He will help thee.’”

“On the subject of the crown which you say wasgiven to the Archbishop of Rheims, will you deferto him?”

“Make him come here, and I will hear him speak, andthen I will answer you. Nevertheless, he dare not saythe contrary to what I have said thereon.”

Seeing the hardness of her heart, and her manner ofreplying, We, the Judges, fearing that the punishment ofthe torture would profit her little, decided that it wasexpedient to delay it, at least for the present, and untilWe have had thereupon more complete advice.

Saturday, May 12th, in the abode of Us, the Bishop,^[92]We, the Judges, having taken our seats, assisted by thevenerable Doctors and Masters whose names follow:—RaoulRoussell, Nicolas de Venderès, André Marguerie,Guillaume Erard, Robert Barbier, Denis Gastinel, JeanLedoux, Aubert Morel, Thomas de Courcelles, NicolasCoppequesne, Nicolas Loyseleur, Brother Ysambard de laPierre.

We, the Bishop, did make known to the Assessorswhat had taken place on the previous Wednesday, and119ask their counsel on what should be now done; We didin particular consult them on the question of submittingJeanne to the torture.

[Here follow the deliberations of the fourteen Assessorsconsulted, only two of whom, Aubert Morel and Thomasde Courcelles, recommended recourse to the torture.Nicolas Loyseleur considered it “a salutary medicine forher soul,” but nevertheless agreed that it should not beadopted.]

We, the Judges, after having gathered the opinion ofeach, taking into consideration the answers made byJeanne at the Sitting on Wednesday last, taking intoconsideration also the disposition of her mind, her willso energetically manifested, and all the other circumstancesof the Case, decide that it is neither profitablenor expedient to submit her to the torture; and for therest, We will proceed later.

[The Twelve Articles of the Indictment, or Accusation,were sent to the University of Paris, for their considerationand report, by the hands of Maîtres Jean Beaupère,Nicolas Midi, Jacques de Touraine, and GerardFeuillet, who left Rouen for this purpose on April 19th.On April 29th, the University was solemnly convokedat Saint-Bernard to consider the question; on May 14th,the deliberation of the Faculty of Theology and theFaculty of Decrees was submitted to all the Faculties,solemnly assembled for that purpose, and adopted bythe University as its own. Letters from the Universityof Paris were sent to the Bishop of Beauvais and toKing Henry VI. on the same day, by the messengersthen returning to Rouen.]

The Bishop communicates the Resolutions of the Universityof Paris [approving of the Twelve Articles], andasks the advice of all the Doctors present.

120Saturday, May 19th, in the Chapel of the ArchiepiscopalManor of Rouen.—Present: the Judges, assistedby 51 Assessors.

For a long time, We have been receiving a very considerablenumber of Resolutions and opinions, comingfrom notable Doctors and Masters, on the subject of theassertions made and confessed by Jeanne. We mightawhile since have proceeded to the conclusion of theProcess, basing Ourselves on these Resolutions, becausethese Resolutions were assuredly quite sufficient. Butin order to testify all honour and all respect towardsour Mother, the University of Paris; to have on thematter a more full and complete elucidation; to give toconsciences more guarantee and surety: We did decideto send the assertions in question to Our Mother theUniversity of Paris, and principally to the Faculties ofTheology and of Decrees; and to beseech the deliberationof the Doctors and Masters of the said University,principally of the said two Faculties of Theology andDecrees. The University—in particular, the said twoFaculties—being ardently enflamed with zeal for theFaith—have maturely and solemnly given their opinionupon each of the assertions, and have sent them to Usin the form of a Public Instrument.

This statement ended, We gave orders that the Resolutionscontained in the said Instrument should be read.

Afterwards, upon the reading of the Resolutions ofthe said two Faculties and the said University, each ofthe Doctors and Masters present did give and explainhis opinion: and this, in addition to the opinion alreadygiven for the most part in the deliberations reportedabove.

The opinion of all is in conformity with the Resolutions121of the University and of the two Faculties; and it dothbear not only on the qualifications to be given to theassertions comprised in the Twelve Articles, but alsoon the manner of proceeding which shall be followedfinally.

Here follow the deliberations of the Doctors andMasters; [agreeing with the Resolutions of the University,and advising that Jeanne should be againcharitably admonished and warned before a finalsentence be pronounced.]

We decided that Jeanne should be again warned toreturn into the way of truth and salvation of soul andbody.

Besides, and in accordance with the excellent deliberationswhich had just taken place, and with the counselsfull of sense just enunciated, We decided that We will,after this last monition, pronounce the closing of theProcess and give a day for the announcement of thesentence.

FINAL SESSION AND SENTENCE. RECANTATION.

Wednesday, May 23rd, We, the Judges, assisted by thereverend Fathers and Lords the Bishops of Thérouanneand de Noyon; and the Doctors and Masters Jean deChâtillon, Jean Beaupère, Nicolas Midi, GuillaumeErard,Pierre Maurice, André Marguerie and Nicolasde Venderès, seated ourselves in tribunal in a room in theCastle of Rouen, situated near the place which servesJeanne as prison.

We did cause the said Jeanne to be brought before Us,because We judged it profitable to shew her the pointson which the Faculties of Theology and Decrees of the122University of Paris have declared that she hath erredand fallen short; We have judged it profitable also tomake known to her the omissions, crimes and errorswhich, in the terms of the Resolutions of each of theseFaculties, exist on each of these same points; and afterwards,to warn her, or cause her to be warned, to abandonthese errors and shortcomings: to correct and submitherself, in fine, to the censure and judgment of Our HolyMother the Church.

Maître Pierre Maurice, Canon of the Church ofRouen, a celebrated Doctor in Theology, hath beencharged by us with this mission, and he hath fulfilled itby addressing to Jeanne the words written by him inFrench in a schedule thus expressed.

[Here follows a recapitulation of the Twelve Articles,with the opinion, adverse to Jeanne, given upon them bythe Clerics consulted.]

After these assertions had been thus shewn to her,and the decision of the University of Paris upon eachof them had been made known to her, Jeanne wasadmonished, in the French language, by the said DoctorPierre Maurice to pay great attention to the charactergiven to her sayings and deeds by this decision of theUniversity of Paris. Above all he did exhort her toreflect well on the gravity of the error contained in herrefusal to submit to the Church Militant.

“Jeanne, my very dear friend, it is now time, at theend of your Trial, to reflect well on all that has beensaid to you. This is the fourth time ^[93] that the LordBishop of Beauvais, the Lord Vicar of the Inquisition,and other Doctors who have been thereto appointed,have, either in public or in private, in honour andreverence for God, for the Faith, and the Law of Jesus123Christ, for the tranquillity of their own consciences andfor the alleviation of so great a scandal, admonished youwith the greatest zeal—so great is their care for thesalvation of your soul and body! Four times have beenmade known to you the perils which endanger your souland body, if you do not at last consent to correct yourselfand your sayings by submitting to the Church, yourselfand your deeds, and by accepting her judgment.

“Up to this time you have obstinately refused. Andalthough many others might long since have declaredthe Case heard and have given judgment upon you,nevertheless my Lords your Judges, enflamed with zealfor the salvation of your soul and body, desired, in orderto have their advice, to send your sayings and deeds tothe University, that light of all Science, that extirpatorof all error. The resolutions of the University of Parishave come to your Judges. They have then decided,always in the hope of your salvation, to admonish youonce again, to again call your attention to your errors,your scandals and all the faults that you have committedin such great number.

“They exhort you, your Judges, they beseech you,they admonish you by the bowels of Our Lord JesusChrist, Who hath suffered a cruel death for the redemptionof man, they beseech you to correct your words, tosubmit them to the judgment of the Church, as all thefaithful are bound and obliged to do. Do not allowyourself to be separated from Our Lord Jesus Christ,Who hath created you to be a sharer in His glory; donot choose the way of eternal damnation with theenemies of God, who daily set their wits to work to findmeans to trouble mankind, transforming themselvesoften, to this end, into the likeness of Our Lord, ofAngels and of Saints, as is seen but too often in thelives of the Fathers and in the Scriptures.

“Therefore, if such things have appeared to you, do124not believe them. The belief which you may have hadin such illusions, put it away from you. Believe ratherin the words and opinions of the University of Paris andother Doctors, who, knowing the law of God and HolyScripture, decide that no faith should be placed in suchapparitions, nor should faith be placed in any extraordinaryapparitions, in any novelty which is not supportedby Holy Scripture, by a sign, or by a miracle.

“You have very lightly believed in such things, youwho have not turned to God in earnest prayer that Hewould grant you certainty; you who, to enlighten yourself,have not applied to a prelate or a learnedecclesiastic. This you ought to have done: it was yourduty, considering your estate and the simplicity of yourknowledge.

“Let us take an example: If your King had givenyou a treasure to guard, forbidding you to receiveany one, whoever it might be, should you notrefuse to receive one who presented himself to you,saying he came by order of the King, unless he broughtyou a letter or some certain sign? For the Churchit is the same thing: when Our Lord Jesus Christ,ascending into Heaven, confided the government ofHis Church to the blessed Apostle Peter and hissuccessors, He forbade us to accept anything fromothers who might come in His Name, who shouldhave for the support of their mission only their ownsayings. You ought not to have put faith in thosewhom you say came to you; and we also, we oughtnot to believe in you, since Our Lord hath expresslycommanded the contrary.

“Reflect, Jeanne, upon this: if, when you were in yourKing’s realm, a soldier or another, born in his kingdomand placed under his dominion, had suddenly risen andsaid, ‘I will not obey the King, I will not submit eitherto him or his officers,’ would you not have said yourself125that this man should be condemned? But what willyou say of yourself, you, brought up in the Faith ofChrist, if you do not obey the officers of Christ—thatis to say, the Prelates of the Church? What judgmentwill you give on yourself? Cease, therefore, tohold this damnable speech, if you love God, yourCreator, your Spouse, and your Salvation: obey theChurch, consent to submit to its judgment; know wellthat, if you do not, if you persevere in your error,your soul will be condemned to eternal punishment;and, for your body, I fear much that it will come toperdition. [Anima vestra damnabitur supplicio perpetuocrucianda, et de corpore plurimum dubito ne in perditionemveniat.]

“Let not fear of the world hold you back; do not giveway to the fear of losing, by doing as I ask you, the greathonours you have received. The honour of God andthe salvation of your body and soul must be preferredbefore all. All is perishable, save only what I tell youto do. If you do it not, you separate yourself from theChurch and from the Faith to which you have sworn inHoly Baptism; you detach yourself from the authorityof the Church, from the Church which is led, ruled, andgoverned by the authority of the Spirit of God. Didnot God say to the chiefs of the Church: ‘He thatheareth you heareth Me, he that despiseth you despisethMe’? If you will not submit to the Church, youseparate yourself in deed, and you refuse at the sametime to submit yourself to God; you are in erroron this article of the Faith, ‘the Church, One, Holy,and Catholic.’ What this Church and her authorityis, hath been sufficiently explained to you in formermonitions.

“Thus have my Lords the Bishop of Beauvais andthe Vicar of the Inquisition, your Judges, charged me totell you.

126“And now, I admonish, I beseech, I exhort you, inthe name of your devotion to the Passion of yourCreator, and of the affection you should bear tothe salvation of your body and soul, I admonish, Ibeseech you, amend yourself, return into the way oftruth, obey the Church, submit to her judgment anddecision.

“In thus acting you will save your soul; you willredeem—so I believe—your body from death. But ifyou do not, if you persist, know that your soul willbe overwhelmed by damnation, and I fear for thedestruction of your body.

“As to my words and deeds, such as I have declaredthem in the Trial, I refer to them and will maintainthem.”

“Do you not, then,” We asked her, “think yourselfbound to submit your words and deeds to the ChurchMilitant, or to any other but God?”

She replied: “What I have always said in the Trial,and held, I wish still to say and maintain. If I werecondemned, if I saw the fire lighted, the faggotsprepared, and the executioner ready to kindle the fire,and if I myself were in the fire, I would not sayotherwise, and would maintain to the death all I havesaid.”^[94]

Then, We, the Judges, asked of the Promoter and ofJeanne herself if they had anything else to say. Theyreplied, No. In consequence, We did proceed to closethe Process, following the formula contained in a schedule127which We, the Bishop, held in Our hands, and whichwas thus expressed:

We, the Judges, competent in this Process, declareanew our competence in so far as is necessary;

Considering the declaration just made by the Promoterand the Accused that they have no more to say;

We declare the Process concluded;^[95] and, this conclusionpronounced, We summon you both to-morrowto hear the law which will be laid down by Us, and thesentence which shall be pronounced by Us, to be afterwardscarried out and proceeded with according to lawand right.

On Thursday after Whitsuntide, the 24th day of Mayin the morning, We, the Judges, did repair to a solemnAssembly, publicly held in the Cemetery of the Abbeyof Saint-Ouen, at Rouen.^[96] We did have with us:—Themost reverend Father in Christ, Henry, by DivinePermission Priest of the Holy Roman Church, under thetitle of Saint Eusebius, usually called the Cardinal ofEngland; the reverend Fathers in Christ, the LordsBishops of Thérouanne, Noyon, and Norwich; the LordsAbbot ofSaint Trinité de Fécamp, of Saint Ouen ofRouen, of Jumièges, Bec, Cormeilles, Saint-Michel au Peril-de-la-Mer,Mortemer, and Preaux; the Priors of Longueville-la-Giffard,and Saint Lo of Rouen; and manyothers.

Jeanne was placed opposite to Us on a scaffold orplatform prepared for this purpose.

128First of all, We did charge Maître Guillaume Érard,Doctor in Theology, a preacher of great renown, topronounce a solemn sermon for the salutary admonitionof Jeanne and the great crowd which surrounded us.

This Doctor began by taking for text that Word ofGod in St. John, ChapterXV., “A branch cannot bearfruit of itself except it abide in the vine.” Then heexplained solemnly that all Catholics should abide in thetrue vine of the Holy Mother Church which Christ hadplanted: he shewed how Jeanne, by many errors andgrave crimes, had separated herself from Holy MotherChurch, to the great scandal of Christian people.Finally, he admonished and exhorted her and all thepeople by the most edifying teaching.

“Jeanne, behold my Lords your Judges, who, atdivers times, have summoned and required you tosubmit yourself, your words and deeds, to Our HolyChurch, shewing you that there doth exist in yourwords and deeds many things which, as it doth seem tothe Clergy, are not good either to say or maintain.”

“I will answer you. As to my submission to theChurch, I have answered the Clergy on this point. Ihave answered them also on the subject of all the thingsI have said and done. Let them be sent to Rome toour Holy Father the Pope, to whom after God I referme as to my words and deeds: I did them by God’s order;I charge no one with them, neither my King nor any oneelse. If there be any fault found in them, the blame ison me, and no one else.”

“Will you revoke all your words and deeds which aredisapproved by the Clergy?”

Then she was told that this answer would not suffice;129that it was not possible to send to seek the Pope fromsuch a distance; that the Ordinaries are Judges, each intheir own diocese; that it was necessary she should referto our Holy Mother the Church; and that she shouldhold as true all that the Clergy and other peoplecognizant thereof have said and decided on the subjectof her words and deeds.

But as this woman would say no more, We, theBishop, did then begin the reading of Our sentence asfollows:

THE SENTENCE

All the pastors of the Church who have it in theirhearts to watch faithfully over their flock, should, whenthe perfidious Sower of Errors works by his machinationsand deceits to infest the Flock of Christ, strivewith great care to resist his pernicious efforts with thegreatest vigilance and the most lively solicitude, andabove all in these perilous times, when so manyfalse prophets are come into the world with their sectsof error and perdition, according to the predictionthereof made by the Apostle. Their diverse andstrange doctrines might cause the faithful in Christ tostray, if Holy Mother Church, with the aid of wholesomedoctrine and canonical sanction, did not studywith great zeal to refute their inventions and errors.

Therefore, because that before Us, Pierre by theDivine Mercy Bishop of Beauvais, and before Us,Brother Jean Lemaître, Deputy in this City and Diocesefor Maître Jean Graverend, renowned Doctor Inquisitorin France for the Evil of Heresy, specially appointedfor this in this Case; because, before Us, competentJudges, thou, Jeanne, commonly called the Maid, hast130been indicted and cited in a Case of Faith, on accountof thy pernicious errors; after having seen andexamined with great attention the whole series of thyTrial ^[97]....

Our sentence had thus been already read, in greatpart, when Jeanne did begin to speak and said:

“I will hold ^[98] all that the Church ordains, all that you,the Judges, wish to say and decree—in all I will referme to your orders!”

“Inasmuch as the Clergy decide that the apparitionsand revelations which I have had are not to be maintainedor believed, I will not believe nor maintain them; in allI refer me to you and to our Holy Mother Church!”

Then, in the presence of all the aforenamed, inpresence of an immense number of people and Clergy,she did make and utter her recantation and abjuration,following a formula written in French, which was readto her; a formula which she did pronounce herself, andthe schedule of which she did sign with her own hand,and of which the tenour follows:

“All who have erred and been mistaken in theChristian Faith and, by the grace of God, have sincereturned into the light of truth and the unity of OurHoly Mother Church, should well guard themselves thatthe Evil One doth not drive them back and cause themto relapse into error and damnation. For this cause, I,Jeanne, commonly called the Maid, a miserable sinner,131after that I had recognized the snares of error in thewhich I was held, and [after] that, by the grace of God,I had returned to our Holy Mother Church, in orderthat it may be seen that, not feigningly but with a goodheart and good will, I have returned thereto; I confessthat I have most grievously sinned, in pretending untruthfullyto have had revelations and apparitions from God,from the Angels, and Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret; in seducing others; in believing foolishly andlightly; in making superstitious divinations; in blasphemingGod and His Saints; in breaking the DivineLaw, Holy Scripture, and the lawful Canons; in wearinga dissolute habit, mis-shapen and immodest and againstthe propriety of nature, and hair clipped ‘en ronde’ inthe style of a man, against all the modesty of thefeminine sex; also, in bearing arms in great presumption;in cruelly desiring the effusion of human blood;in saying that all these things I did by the command ofGod, the Angels, and the aforesaid Saints, and that inthese things I did well and was not mistaken; indespising God and His Sacraments; in making seditions;and in being idolatrous, by adoring evil spiritsand invoking them. I confess also that I have beenschismatic and in many ways have erred from the Faith.The which crimes and errors, from my heart and withoutlying, I—by the grace of Our Lord, returned intothe way of truth, by the holy doctrine and good counselof you and the Doctors and Masters who have conveyedit to me—abjure as blasphemy and renounce themall, and depart therefrom. And upon all these thingsaforesaid I submit to the correction, disposal, amendment,and entire decision of our Holy Mother Churchand of your good justice. Also I swear and promise toyou, to my Lord Saint Peter, Prince of the Apostles, toour Holy Father the Pope of Rome, his Vicar, and hissuccessors, and to you, my Lords, the reverend Father132in God my Lord the Bishop of Beauvais, the religiousperson, Brother Jean Lemaître, Deputy of my Lord theInquisitor of the Faith, as my Judges, that never, byany exhortation or other manner, will I return to theaforesaid errors, from which it hath pleased Our Lord todeliver and take me; but always I will remain in unionwith our Holy Mother Church and in the obedience ofour Holy Father the Pope of Rome. And this I say,affirm, and swear, by God Almighty and by the HolyGospels.

“And in sign of this, I have signed this schedulewith my signature. (Signed thus): Jehanne +.”

After her revocation and her abjuration had been, ashas just been said, received by us, the Judges, We, theBishop, did finally deliver our sentence in these terms:

[The sentence then follows as given above up to thewords “thy Trial,” and then proceeds:]

... all that therein occurred, principally thine answers,thine avowals, and thine affirmations; after having seenthe most renowned decision of the faculties of Theologyand Decrees of the University of Paris; after having alsoseen the decision of the entire University and the numerousResolutions of so many Prelates, Doctors, and otherMasters, who at Rouen or elsewhere have sent in suchgreat numbers their assertions as to thy sayings and deeds;after having had, upon this, advice and mature deliberationof so many Doctors zealous for the Christian Faith;after having weighed and considered all that there is toweigh and consider of what is in the nature of enlightenment;having before our eyes Christ and the honour ofthe Orthodox Faith, so that our judgment may emanateeven from the face of Our Lord: we, the Judges, sayand decree: that thou, Jeanne, hast deeply sinnedin pretending untruthfully that thy revelations and apparitions133are of God; in seducing others; in believinglightly and rashly; in making superstitious divinations;in blaspheming God and the Saints; in prevaricating asto the law, Holy Scripture, and the Canonical sanctions;in despising God in His Sacraments; in fomenting seditionsand revolts; in apostatizing; in encouraging thecrime of heresy; in erring on numerous points in theCatholic Faith.

But because that, after being many times charitablyadmonished and long waited for, thou hast at last, withthe help of God, returned into the bosom of the Church,thy Holy Mother, with contrite heart, and hast openlyrevoked thy errors; because, having solemnly andpublicly cast these far from thee, thou hast abjured themby the words of thine own mouth, together with theheresy with which thou wast charged: We declarethee set free by these presents, according to the formappointed by Ecclesiastical sanction, from the bonds ofexcommunications which held thee enchained, chargingthee to return to the Church with a true heart andsincere faith, and to observe what hath been alreadyenjoined thee and what shall yet be enjoined theeby us.

But because thou hast sinned rashly against God andHoly Church, We condemn thee, finally, definitely andfor salutary penance, saving Our grace and moderation,to perpetual imprisonment, with the bread of sorrow andthe water of affliction, in order that thou mayest bewailthy faults, and that thou mayest no more commit [acts]which thou shalt have to bewail hereafter.

And the same day, Thursday, May 24th, in the afternoon,We, Brother Jean Lemaître, the aforesaid Deputy,134assisted by the Lords and Masters N. Midi, N. Loyseleur,Thomas de Courcelles, Brother Ysambard de la Pierre,and several others,

We, and the persons assisting us, did set forth beforeher how God had on this day had mercy on her, and howthe Clergy had shewn themselves merciful in receivingher to the Grace and pardon of Holy Mother Church.In return, it was right that she, Jeanne, should obey withhumility the sentence and orders of the Judges and theEcclesiastics; that she should wholly give up her errorsand all her inventions, never to return to them: because,in case she should return to them, the Church could nolonger admit her to pardon, and must abandon her altogether.We told her to leave off her man’s dress and totake a woman’s garments, as the Church had ordered her.

In all our observations Jeanne did reply that shewould willingly take woman’s garments, and that in allthings she would obey the Church.

Woman’s garments having been offered to her, she atonce dressed herself in them, after having taken off theman’s dress she was wearing; and her hair, which up tothis time had been cut “en ronde” above her ears, shedesired and permitted them to shave and take away.

II
SECOND PROCESS: THE RELAPSE

We, the aforesaid Judges, repaired to the place ofJeanne’s prison, to learn the state and disposition of hersoul. There were found with us the Lords and MastersNicolas de Venderès, Guillaume Haiton, Thomas deCourcelles, Brother Ysambard de la Pierre; witnesses,Jacques Cannes, Nicolas Bertin, Julien Floquet andJohn Gris.

And because Jeanne was dressed in the dress of a man—thatis to say, a short mantle, a hood, a doublet and othereffects used by men—although, by our orders, she had,several days before, consented to give up these garments,we asked her when and for what reason she had resumedthis dress.^[99]

“I took it of my own free will, and with no constraint:I prefer a man’s dress to a woman’s dress.”

“Because it is more lawful and suitable for me toresume it and to wear man’s dress, being with men, thanto have a woman’s dress. I have resumed it because thepromise made to me has not been kept; that is to say,that I should go to Mass and should receive my Saviourand that I should be taken out of irons.”

“I would rather die than be in irons! but if I amallowed to go to Mass, and am taken out of irons andput into a gracious prison, and [may have a womanfor companion ^[100]] I will be good, and do as the Churchwills.”

And as We, the Judges, heard from several personsthat she had returned to her old illusions on the subjectof her pretended revelations, We put to her thisquestion:

137“Since last Thursday [the day of her abjuration] haveyou heard your Voices at all?”

“They said to me:^[101] ‘God had sent me word bySt. Catherine and St. Margaret of the great pity it is,this treason to which I have consented, to abjure andrecant in order to save my life! I have damned myselfto save my life!’ Before last Thursday, my Voices didindeed tell me what I should do and what I did on thatday. When I was on the scaffold on Thursday, myVoices said to me, while the preacher was speaking:‘Answer him boldly, this preacher!’ And in truth he isa false preacher; he reproached me with many things Inever did. If I said that God had not sent me, Ishould damn myself, for it is true that God has sentme; my Voices have said to me since Thursday: ‘Thouhast done a great evil in declaring that what thou hastdone was wrong.’ All I said and revoked, I said forfear of the fire.”

“Tell us the truth on the subject of this crown whichis mentioned in your Trial.”

“In everything, I told you the truth about it in myTrial, as well as I know.”

“On the scaffold, at the moment of your abjuration,you did admit before us, your Judges, and before manyothers, in presence of all the people, that you had untruthfullyboasted your Voices to be Saint Catherineand Saint Margaret.”

“I did not intend so to do or say. I did not intendto deny my apparitions—that is to say, that they were138Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret; what I saidwas from fear of the fire: I revoked nothing thatwas not against the truth. I would rather do penanceonce for all—that is die—than endure any longer thesuffering of a prison. I have done nothing against Godor the Faith, in spite of all they have made me revoke.What was in the schedule of abjuration I did not understand.I did not intend to revoke anything except accordingto God’s good pleasure. If the Judges wish, I willresume a woman’s dress; for the rest, I can do no more.”

After hearing this, We retired from her, to act andproceed later according to law and reason.

The next day, Tuesday, May 29th, in the Chapel ofthe Archiepiscopal Manor of Rouen, the Judges and 40Assessors present.

We, the Bishop, did, in presence of all the above-named,set forth that, after the Sitting held by Us inthis same place, on Saturday, May 19th, the Eve ofWhitsunday, We had, by the advice of the Assessors,caused Jeanne to be admonished on the followingWednesday, and had made known to her in detail thedivers points on which, according to the decision of theUniversity of Paris, she must be considered to havefallen short and erred; We caused her to be exhorted inthe most lively manner to abandon her errors, and toreturn into the way of truth; up to the last moment sherefused to agree to these admonitions and these exhortations,and would say nothing more; the Promoter, onhis side, asserted that he had nothing more to bringforward against her. We then pronounced the closing ofthe Case, and summoned the parties on the followingday, Thursday, 24th May next, to hear the law pronounced,139all whereof is proved by the documents of theProcès Verbal transcribed above.

Afterwards, We did recall what had passed onThursday, May 24th; how Jeanne, after having on thatday received a solemn preachment and numerousadmonitions, did end by signing with her own hand herrevocation and abjuration; the whole whereof is atgreater length recounted in the preceding document.We did add that, in the afternoon of the same day, theDeputy Inquisitor, Our Coadjutor, did go to seekher in her prison, and did charitably admonish her topersist in her good purpose and to guard herself wellagainst any relapse. Obeying the orders of the Church,Jeanne did then put off the dress she was wearing, andtake that of a woman; all whereof hath been likewiseset forth at greater length as to time and place.

But since that day, driven by the Devil, behold! shehath, in the presence of many persons, declared anewthat her Voices and the spirits that appeared to her havereturned to her, and have said many things to her; and,casting away her woman’s dress she hath again takenmale garments. As soon as We, the Judges, did receiveinformation of this lapse, We were eager to return to herand to question her.

And then, in presence of all the above-named, inthe said Chapel of the Archiepiscopal Manor of Rouen,We, the Bishop, did order to be read the declarationsand affirmations which Jeanne pronounced yesterdaybefore us, and which are reproduced above.

After this reading had been made, We asked adviceand counsel thereon from the Assessors. Each onehath given his opinion, as follows:—

Maître Nicolas de Venderès: Jeanne should beconsidered a heretic: the sentence declaring her tobe so, once given by Us, the Judges, she should beabandoned to the secular authority, which should be140prayed to act towards her with gentleness. [“Rogandoeam ut cum velit mite agere,” the usual formula forvictims sent to the stake.]

The Reverend Father in Christ, the Lord Gilles,Abbot of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity at Fécamp:Jeanne is relapsed. Nevertheless, it would be well thatthe schedule containing her last answers, which hathjust been read, should be read anew and set forth to her,reminding her once more of the Word of God; afterwards,We, the Judges, should declare her a heretic andabandon her to the secular authority, praying thisauthority to deal gently with her.

[The remainder of the Assessors agreed in generalwith this opinion of the Abbot of Fécamp; some addedthat she should be again charitably admonished, in regardto the salvation of her soul, and should be told that shehad nothing further to expect as to her earthly life.]

After having gathered this advice, We, the Judges,did thank the Assessors, and gave orders that Jeanneshould be afterwards proceeded against, as relapsed,according to law and reason.

“Pierre, by the Divine Mercy Bishop of Beauvais, andJean Lemaître, Deputy of Maître Jean Graverend,renowned Doctor, appointed by the Holy See Inquisitorof the Evil of Heresy in the Kingdom of France; to allpublic Priests, to allCurés of this town and of any otherplace wherever it be in the Diocese of Rouen, to each ofthem in particular, according as it shall be required:Greeting in Our Saviour. For the causes and reasonsto be elsewhere deduced at greater length, a certainwoman of the name of Jeanne, commonly called theMaid, having fallen into errors against the OrthodoxFaith—errors which she hath publicly abjured before141the Church, and to which she hath returned—as isestablished and proved by her avowals and assertions:We command to all of you and to each in particular, bythis requisition, without the one waiting for the other,or excusing himself by another, that you cite the saidJeanne to appear before Us in person to-morrow, at thehour of 8 o’clock in the morning, at Rouen, in the placecalled the Old Market, in order that she may be declaredby us relapsed, excommunicate, and heretic, with theintimation that it shall be done to her as is customary insuch cases.

“Given in the Chapel of the Archiepiscopal Manor ofRouen, Tuesday, May 29th, the year of Our Lord,1431.”

On the following day, Wednesday, 30th of May, Jeanne,by virtue of the preceding mandate from Us, was cited forthe same day, in order to hear the law pronounced, as isproved at greater length by the tenour of the followingrelation, done for us by the Executor of our mandates:

“To the reverend Father and Lord in Christ, the LordPierre, by the Divine Mercy Bishop of Beauvais, andto the venerable and religious person Brother JeanLemaître, Deputy of Maître Jean Graverend, renownedDoctor, by order of the Holy Apostolic See Inquisitorof the Faith and of the Evil of Heresy in the Kingdomof France: your humble Jean Massieu, Priest, Dean ofthe Christendom of Rouen ^[102] sends earnest Greeting,with all protestations of obedience and respect. This isto inform your Reverend Paternities, that I, Massieu,in virtue of your mandate sent to me, to which thesepresents will be annexed, have cited, speaking to her inperson, this woman, commonly called the Maid, toappear before you this day, Wednesday, May 30th, atthe hour of eight in the morning, at Rouen, in the place142of the Old Market, according to the form and tenour ofyour said mandate, and to that which I have beenordered to do. All the which, thus done by me, Isignify to your Reverend Paternities by these presents,signed by my seal.

“Given in the year of Our Lord 1431, on the aforesaidWednesday, at 7 o’clock in the morning.

SENTENCE OF DEATH

We, the Judges, repaired to the place of the OldMarket, in Rouen, near the Church of Saint Sauveur.

We were assisted by the reverend Fathers in Christthe Lords Bishops of Thérouanne and Noyon; andby a number of other Lords, Masters, and ecclesiasticalpersonages.

Before Us was brought the said Jeanne, in presence ofthe people, assembled in this place in an immensemultitude.

For her wholesome admonition and for the edificationof the whole multitude, a solemn address was made bythe renowned Doctor, Nicolas Midi, who took for histext those words of the Apostle in the first Epistle tothe Corinthians, Chapter xii., “If one member suffer,all the members suffer with it.”

This address ended, We, the Bishop, did once moreadmonish Jeanne to look to her salvation, to reflect onher misdeeds, to repent of them, to have a true contritionfor them. We exhorted her to believe hereonthe opinion of the Clergy, of the notable persons whohave taught and instructed her on all that treats of her143salvation. We did particularly exhort her to believe thegood advice of the two venerable Dominicans ^[103] whowere at that moment beside her, and whom we had sent toher to converse with her up to the last moment and tofurnish her in all surety with wholesome admonitionsand counsels profitable to her salvation.

Afterwards, We, the Bishop and Vicar aforesaid,having regard to all that has gone before, in which it isshewn that this woman hath never truly abandoned hererrors, her obstinate temerity, nor her unheard-of crimes;that she hath even shewn the malice of her diabolicalobstinacy in this deceitful semblance of contrition,penitence, and amendment; malice rendered still moredamnable by perjury of the Holy Name of God andblasphemy of His ineffable Majesty; considering her onall these grounds obstinate, incorrigible, heretic, relapsedinto heresy, and altogether unworthy of the grace andof the Communion which, by our former sentence, Wedid mercifully accord to her; all of which being seenand considered, after mature deliberation and counsel ofa great number of Doctors, We have at last proceededto the Final Sentence in these terms:

At all times when the poisoned virus of heresyattaches itself with persistence to a member of theChurch and transforms him into a member of Satan,extreme care should be taken to watch that the horriblecontagion of this pernicious leprosy do not gain otherparts of the mystic Body of Christ. The decisions ofthe holy Fathers have willed that hardened hereticsshould be separated from the midst of the Just, so thatto the great peril of others this homicidal viper shouldnot be warmed in the bosom of pious Mother Church.It is for this that We, Pierre, by the Divine Mercy,Bishop of Beauvais, and We, Brother Jean Lemaître,144Deputy of the renowned Doctor, Jean Graverend,Inquisitor of the Evil of Heresy, specially delegated byhim for this Process, both Judges competent in this Trial,already, by a just judgment, have declared this womanfallen into divers errors and divers crimes of schism,idolatry, invocation of demons and many others. Butbecause the Church closes not her bosom to the childwho returns to her, we did think that, with a purespirit and a faith unfeigned, thou hadst put far from theethy errors and thy crimes, considering that on a certainday thou didst renounce them and didst publicly swear,vow, and promise never to return to thy errors andheresies, to resist all temptations, and to remain faithfullyattached to the unity of the Catholic Church and thecommunion of the Roman Pontiff, as is proved atgreater length in a writing signed by thine own hand.But after this abjuration of thine errors, the Author ofSchism and Heresy hath arisen in thine heart, which hehath once more seduced, and it hath become manifest bythy spontaneous confessions and assertions—O, shame!—that,as the dog returns again to his vomit, so hastthou returned to thine errors and crimes; and it hathbeen proved to us in a most certain manner that thouhast renounced thy guilty inventions and thy errors onlyin a lying manner, not in a sincere and faithful spirit.For these causes, declaring thee fallen again into thineold errors, and under the sentence of excommunicationwhich thou hast formerly incurred,We decree thatthou art a relapsed heretic, by our present sentencewhich, seated in tribunal, we utter and pronounce in thiswriting; we denounce thee as a rotten member, andthat thou mayest not vitiate others, as cast out from theunity of the Church, separate from her Body, abandonedto the secular power as, indeed, by these presents, we docast thee off, separate and abandon thee;—praying thissame secular power, so far as concerns death and the145mutilation of the limbs, to moderate its judgmenttowards thee, and, if true signs of penitence shouldappear in thee, [to permit] that the Sacrament ofPenance be administered to thee.

Here follows the Sentence of Excommunication, [theintroductory part being word for word the same as theprevious sentence, read on May 24th, up to the words“We, the Judges, say and decree”; after which follows:]

... that thou hast been on the subject of thy pretendeddivine revelations and apparitions lying, seducing, pernicious,presumptuous, lightly believing, rash, superstitious,a divineress and blasphemer towards God andthe Saints, a despiser of God Himself in His Sacraments;a prevaricator of the Divine Law, of sacreddoctrine and of ecclesiastical sanctions; seditious, cruel,apostate, schismatic, erring on many points of our Faith,and by all these means rashly guilty towards God andHoly Church. And also, because that often, veryoften, not only by Us on Our part but by Doctors andMasters learned and expert, full of zeal for the salvationof thy soul, thou hast been duly and sufficiently warnedto amend, to correct thyself and to submit to thedisposal, decision, and correction of Holy MotherChurch, which thou hast not willed, and hast alwaysobstinately refused to do, having even expressly andmany times refused to submit thyself to our lord thePope and to the General Council; for these causes, ashardened and obstinate in thy crimes, excesses anderrors,We declare thee of right excommunicate andheretic; and after thine errors have been destroyedin a public preaching, We declare that thou must beabandoned and that We do abandon thee to the secularauthority, as a member of Satan, separate from theChurch, infected with the leprosy of heresy, in orderthat thou mayst not corrupt also the other members of146Christ; praying this same power, that, as concernsdeath and the mutilation of the limbs, it may be pleasedto moderate its judgment; and if true signs of penitenceshould appear in thee, that the Sacrament of Penancemay be administered to thee.

“I, Boisguillaume, Priest, Registrar above qualified, affirm that I have dulycollated the foregoing document with the original Minute of the Process;for which reason I have marked this present copy with my sign manual, thewhich will be done after me by the two other Registrars, I signing in thisplace with my own hand.

“And I, Guillaume Manchon, Priest, of the Diocese of Rouen, Apostolicand Imperial Notary, I affirm that I assisted in the collation made of theaforesaid Process, with the Registrars signed above and below; I affirmthat this collation of the present copy with the original Minute of the Processhath been duly made. For which, in the same way as the two otherRegistrars, I have subscribed the present copy with my own hand, affixingthereto my sign-manual, to this required.

“And I, Nicholas Taquel, Priest of the Diocese of Rouen, sworn ImperialPublic Notary and of the Archiepiscopal Court of Rouen, called as Registrarto a part of the foregoing Process, I affirm that I have seen and heard thepresent copy collated with the original register of the said Process; I affirmthat this collation hath been duly made. For which, with the two otherRegistrars preceding, I have subscribed with my own hand the presentProcess, affixing thereto, here, my sign-manual, to this required.

[Here follow the seals of the two Judges, marked inred wax on the original copies of the Process, preparedto the number of five.]

Information given after the Execution on many thingssaid by Jeanne, at the end of her life and inarticulomortis.

Thursday, 7th day of June, 1431, We, the Judges, didex-officio take information upon certain things which thelate Jeanne had said before persons worthy of creditwhen she was still in prison and before being broughtto judgment.

Examination of Witnesses.

1.The venerable and circumspectMaître Nicolas deVenderès,licentiate in Canon Law, Archdeacon of Eu,hath declared upon oath as follows:

Wednesday, 30th day of May, Eve of the Feast ofCorpus Christi, Jeanne, being still in the prison of theCastle of Rouen where she was detained, did say thatconsidering the Voices which came to her had promisedshe should be delivered from prison, and that she nowsaw the contrary, she realized and knew she had been,and still was, deceived by them. Jeanne did, besides,say and confess that she had seen with her own eyes andheard with her own ears the apparitions and Voicesmentioned in the Case.

At this were present, you, the Judges aforesaid, and148besides Maître Pierre Maurice, Thomas de Courcelles,Nicolas Loyseleur, Brother Martin Ladvenu, JeanToutmouillé, Jacques Lecamus, and several others.

Brother Martin Ladvenu,Priest of the Order ofSaint Dominic, did say and depose, upon oath, asfollows:

On the morning of the day on which sentence wasdelivered and before she was brought to judgment,Jeanne, in presence of Maître Pierre Maurice, NicolasLoyseleur, and Brother Jean Toutmouillé, who werewith me, did say and confess that she knew and recognizedthat the Voices and apparitions which had cometo her, mentioned in the Case, had deceived her, becausethey had promised she should be delivered and freedfrom prison; and that she certainly now saw clearly thecontrary.

Replied: Pierre Maurice, Nicolas Loyseleur, and Iexhorted her to save her soul, and asked her if it weretrue that she had these Voices and apparitions? Shereplied that it was indeed true, and she continued so totell us up to the end, but without stating decidedly, atleast, so far as I understood, under what form theapparitions came to her. All I remember is that she saidthey came to her in great multitude and in the smallestsize [in magnâ multitudine et quantitate minimâ].Besides, I did at this time hear Jeanne say and confessthat, inasmuch as the Clergy held and believed that ifthey were spirits who came to her they proceeded fromevil spirits, she also held and believed as did the Clergy,and would no longer put faith in these spirits. And asit appeared to me, Jeanne was then of a sound mind.

Brother Martin Ladvenu did add this: The same day149I heard Jeanne say that, although she had stated in heravowals and confessions, and had affirmed above in thecourse of the Case, that an Angel from God had broughta crown to him whom she called her King, with allother details connected with this fact in the interrogatories,nevertheless, of her free-will and withoutbeing constrained thereto, she did this day confess asfollows: that in spite of all she had affirmed on the subjectof this Angel, no Angel had brought the crown; it wasshe, Jeanne, who had been the Angel, and who said andpromised to him whom she called her King, that, if hewould set her to the work, she would have him crownedat Rheims. There was no other crown sent from God,in spite of all she might have affirmed in the course ofthe Case on the subject of the crown and the sign givento him whom she called her King.

The venerable and discreetMaître Pierre Maurice,Professor in Theology, Canon of Rouen, deposed, uponoath, as follows:

The day of the sentence, Jeanne being still in theprison, I repaired to her in the morning to exhort her tosave her soul. In so exhorting her, I asked her whatwas the Angel mentioned in the Trial, who, according toher, had brought a crown to him whom she called herKing?

Having questioned her afterwards on the subject ofthe crown which she had promised to her King, of themultitude of Angels who at that time accompanied her,she replied that it was true that Angels appeared to herunder the form of very minute things. Finally, I asked herif this apparition were real? “Yes,” she replied, “thespirits did really appear to me—be they good or be theyevil spirits—they did appear to me.” She also said that150she had in particular heard her Voices at the hour ofCompline, when the bells rang, and in the morning also,when the bells rang. And when I told her that theywere evil spirits—in this, that they had promised herdeliverance and had deceived her—“It is true,” shereplied, “they have deceived me.” I also heard herdeclare that to know whether they were good or evilspirits, she referred to the Clergy. When she thusspoke, Jeanne, so far as it seemed to me, was soundin mind and understanding.

Brother Jean Toutmouillé,Priest, of the Order ofSaint Dominic, did say and declare upon oath as follows:

The day that sentence was given upon Jeanne,Wednesday, Eve of the Feast of Corpus Christi, Iaccompanied Brother Martin Ladvenu, who, early in themorning, repaired to her to exhort her to save her soul.I first heard Maître Pierre Maurice, who had goneearlier to her, declare she had confessed that allwhich concerned the crown was fiction: that it was shewho was the Angel. The said Master reported all thisto us in Latin. Afterwards, Jeanne was questioned onthe subject of the Voices and apparitions which hadcome to her. She replied that she had really heardvoices, chiefly when the bells rang Compline or Matins;and she persisted in saying this, although Maître PierreMaurice told her that, sometimes when the bells rang,one thought one could hear and catch the sounds ofhuman voices. Jeanne did also say and confess thatshe had had apparitions which came to her in greatmultitude and in minute quantity—that is to say, undersmall forms;—she did not perfectly explain the form, orkind, of her apparitions. The same day, after you, theBishop, had come in with the Lord Deputy Inquisitorinto the room where she was detained, you said to151Jeanne in French, “Now then, Jeanne, you always toldus that your Voices assured you that you would bedelivered: you see now how they have deceived you;tell us the truth now.” “Truly,” Jeanne replied toyou, “I see indeed that they have deceived me!” Idid not hear her say more, save only that, earlyin the same day, before you were come to the prison,Jeanne, being asked if her Voices and apparitions proceededfrom good or evil spirits, did reply: “I knownot—I wait on my Mother, the Church,” or “I waiton you, who are of the Church.” And, so far as itseemed to me, Jeanne was at this time of sound mind;I heard Jeanne herself then declare that she was ofsound mind.

Messire Jacques Lecamus,Priest, Canon of Rheims,did say and declare upon oath as follows:

Wednesday, Eve of the Feast of Corpus Christi, Iwent with you, the Bishop, into the room of the Castleof Rouen where Jeanne was detained, and there I heardJeanne say and confess, publicly and in a voice loudenough to be heard by all those present, that she hadhad apparitions and had also heard Voices; that theseapparitions and Voices had promised her that she shouldbe delivered from prison; but now she saw in truththat they had deceived her, and, for having thusdeceived her, she believed they could not be goodVoices nor good things. A little while after, she confessedher sins to Brother Martin, of the Order ofSaint Dominic. After the Sacrament of Confessionand Penitence, when the same Brother was about toadminister the Sacrament of the Eucharist to her, andalready held in his hands the Consecrated Host, “Doyou believe,” he asked her, “that this is the Body ofChrist?” “Yes,” she replied, “and I believe that He152alone can deliver me; I ask that It may be administeredto me.” After the Communion, the same Brother saidto her: “Do you still believe in your Voices?” “Ibelieve in God only,” she answered, “and will no moreput faith in my Voices, for having deceived me on thispoint.”

Maître Thomas de Courcelles,Master of Arts,Bachelor of Theology, did say and depose, upon oath, asfollows:

Wednesday, Vigil of the Feast of Corpus Christi,being in the presence of you, the Bishop, in the room ofthe Castle of Rouen where Jeanne was detained, I heardand understood that you asked Jeanne if it were nottrue that her Voices had promised to deliver her? Shereplied that her Voices had truly promised this, and hadtold her to keep a good countenance; and, “as it seemsto me,” she added, “I see indeed that I have beendeceived.” And then you, the Bishop, said to Jeanne,that now she could certainly see her Voices to be onlyevil spirits and that they did not come from God; for,had they been of such a nature, they would never havesaid a false thing and thus have lied.

Maître Nicolas Loyseleur,Master of Arts, Canonof Rouen and Chartres, said and declared, upon oath, asfollows:

Wednesday, the Vigil of the Feast of Corpus Christi,I repaired in the morning with the venerable MaîtrePierre Maurice, to the place where Jeanne, commonlycalled the Maid, was detained, to exhort and admonishher on the subject of the salvation of her soul. She wasbesought to speak truth on the subject of that Angelwho, she had declared, had brought to him she153called her King a crown, very precious, and of thepurest gold: she was pledged not to hide the truth,inasmuch as nothing more remained to her but to thinkof her own salvation. Then I heard her declare thatit was she herself who had brought him she calledher King the crown in question; that it was she whowas the Angel of whom she had spoken; and that therehad been no other Angel but herself. Asked if shehad really sent a crown to him whom she called herKing, she replied that he had no other crown but thepromise of his coronation—a promise she had made ingiving to her King the assurance that he would becrowned. In the presence of Maître Pierre Maurice,of the two Dominicans, of you, the Bishop, and ofseveral others, I heard her many times declare that“she had really had revelations and apparitions ofspirits; that these revelations had deceived her; thatshe recognized it in this, that they had promised herdeliverance, and that she now saw the contrary; that shewas willing to refer to the Clergy to know if these spiritswere good or evil; that she did not put, and would nomore put, faith in them.” I exhorted her, to destroythe error that she had sown among the people, todeclare publicly that she had herself been deceived, andthat through her fault she had deceived the people byputting faith in these revelations and in counselling thepeople to believe in them; and I told her it wasnecessary that she should humbly ask pardon. She toldme she would do it willingly, but that she did not thinkshe would be able to remember, when the propermoment came—that is to say, when she found herself inthe presence of the people; she prayed her Confessor toremind her of this point and of all else which might tendto her salvation. From all this, and from many otherindications, I conclude that Jeanne was then of soundmind. She shewed great penitence and great contrition154for her crimes. I heard her, in the prison, in presenceof a great number of witnesses, and subsequently aftersentence, ask, with much contrition of heart, pardon ofthe English and Burgundians for having caused to beslain, beaten, and damned, a great number of them, asshe recognized.

156In the following Enquiries andDepositions, it has been consideredadvisable, in order toavoid unnecessary repetitions,to give extracts only fromcertain of the Depositions.The names of all witnesses aregiven in full, and no evidenceof importance is omitted.

In the Original, the whole of the firstEnquiry is in French, the second and third are in Latin.

An Introductory Note to theRehabilitation will be foundin the Appendix on p.371.

THE FIRST ENQUIRY: 1449.

[The King’s Rescript, being a Letter of Commissionto Maître Guillaume Bouillé, was granted by CharlesVII., for an Enquiry into the case of Jeanne d’Arc.]

Examination of Witnesses.

Brother Jean Toutmouillé,of the Order ofSaint Dominic, (Examined, 5th day of March), 1449.^[105]

As to the feeling of the Judges and those who conductedthe Trial of the said Jeanne, I neither assistednor was I present at the Trial. I can say nothing,therefore, as to what I saw; but the common report was,that they persecuted her from desire of perverse vengeance,and of this they gave sign and appearance.For, before her death, the English proposed to lay siegeto Louviers; soon, however, they changed their purpose,158saying they would not besiege the said town untilthe Maid had been examined. What followed wasevident proof of this; for, immediately after she wasburnt, they went to besiege Louviers, considering thatduring her life they could have neither glory nor successin deeds of war.

The day when Jeanne was delivered up to beburned, I was in the prison during the morning withBrother Martin Ladvenu, whom the Bishop of Beauvaishad sent to her to announce her approaching death, andto induce in her true contrition and penitence, and alsoto hear her in confession. This the said Ladvenu didmost carefully and charitably; and when he announcedto the poor woman the death she must die that day, asthe Judge had ordained, and she heard of the hard andcruel death which was approaching, she began, in a sadand pitiful manner, as one distraught, tearing her hair,to cry out: “Alas! am I to be so horribly and cruellytreated? Alas! that my body, whole and entire, whichhas never been corrupted, should to-day be consumedand burned to ashes! Ah! I would far rather have myhead cut off, seven times over, than be thus burned!Alas! had I been in the ecclesiastical prison, towhich I submitted myself, and guarded by the Clergyinstead of by my enemies, it would not have fallenout so unhappily for me. I appeal to God, the GreatJudge, for the great evils and injustice done to me!”

After these complaints, the aforesaid Bishop arrived,to whom she at once said: “Bishop, I die throughyou.” And he began to explain to her, saying: “Ah!Jeanne, have patience; you die because you havenot kept to what you promised us, and for having returnedto your first evil-doing.” And the poor Maidanswered him: “Alas, if you had put me in the prisonsof the Church Courts, and given me into the handsof competent and suitable ecclesiastical guardians, this159would not have happened: for this I summon you beforeGod.”

Brother Ysambard de la Pierre,of the Order ofSaint Dominic, of the Convent at Rouen.

On one occasion, I, with many others, admonishedand besought Jeanne to submit to the Church. Towhich she replied that she would willingly submit to theHoly Father, requesting to be taken before him, and tobe no more submitted to the judgment of her enemies.And when, at this time, I counselled her to submit tothe Council of Bâle, Jeanne asked what a GeneralCouncil was. I answered her, that it was an assemblyof the whole Church Universal and of Christendom,and that in this Council there were some of her sideas well as of the English side. Having heard andunderstood this, she began to cry: “Oh! if in thatplace there are any of our side, I am quite willing togive myself up and to submit to the Council of Bâle.”And immediately, in great rage and indignation, theBishop of Beauvais began to call out: “Hold yourtongue, in the devil’s name!” and told the Notary,he was to be careful to make no note of the submissionshe had made to the General Council of Bâle.On account of these things and many others, the Englishand their officers threatened me terribly, so that, had Inot kept silence, they would have thrown me into theSeine.

After she had recanted and abjured, and had resumedthe dress of a man, I and many others were presentwhen Jeanne excused herself for having dressed againas a man, saying and affirming publicly, that the Englishhad done or caused to be done to her great wrong andviolence, when she was wearing a woman’s dress; and,in truth, I saw her weeping, her face covered with tears,160disfigured and outraged in such sort that I was full ofpity and compassion.

When Jeanne was proclaimed an obstinate and relapsedheretic, she replied publicly before all who werepresent: “If you, my Lords of the Church, had placedme and kept me in your prisons, perchance I should nothave been in this way.”

After the conclusion and end of this session and trial,the Lord Bishop of Beauvais said to the English whowere waiting outside: “Farewell!^[106] be of good cheer:it is done.”

Such difficult, subtle, and crafty questions were askedof and propounded to poor Jeanne, that the great clericsand learned people present would have found it hardto reply; and at [these questions] many of those presentmurmured.

I was there myself with the Bishop of Avranches,^[107]an aged and good ecclesiastic, who, like the others, hadbeen requested and prayed to give his opinion on thisCase. For this, the Bishop summoned me before him,and asked me what Saint Thomas said touching submissionto the Church. I sent the decision of SaintThomas in writing to the Bishop: “In doubtful things,touching the Faith, recourse should always be had tothe Pope or a General Council.” The good Bishop wasof this opinion, and seemed to be far from contentwith the deliberations that had been made on thissubject. His deliberation was not put into writing: itwas left out, with bad intent.

After Jeanne had confessed and partaken of theSacrament of the Altar, sentence was given against her,and she was declared heretic and excommunicate.

161I saw and clearly perceived, because I was there allthe time, helping at the whole deduction and conclusionof the Case, that the secular Judge did not condemn her,either to death or to burning; and although the lay andsecular Judge had appeared and was present in the sameplace where she was last preached to and given over tothe secular authority, she was, entirely without judgmentor conclusion of the said Judge, delivered into the handsof the executioner, and burnt—it being said to theexecutioner, simply and without other sentence: “Dothy duty.”

Jeanne had, at the end, so great contrition and suchbeautiful penitence that it was a thing to be admired,saying such pitiful, devout, and Catholic words, thatthose who saw her in great numbers wept, and thatthe Cardinal of England and many other English wereforced to weep and to feel compassion.

As I was near her at the end, the poor womanbesought and humbly begged me to go into the Churchnear by and bring her the Cross, to hold it uprighton high before her eyes until the moment of death, sothat the Cross on which God was hanging might be inlife continually before her eyes.

Being in the flames, she ceased not to call in a loudvoice the Holy Name of Jesus, imploring and invokingwithout ceasing the aid of the Saints in Paradise;again, what is more, in giving up the ghost and bendingher head, she uttered the Name of Jesus as a sign thatshe was fervent in the Faith of God, just as we read ofSaint Ignatius and of many other Martyrs.

Immediately after the execution, the executioner cameto me and to my companion, Brother Martin Ladvenu,stricken and moved with a marvellous repentance andterrible contrition, quite desperate and fearing never toobtain pardon and indulgence from God for what hehad done to this holy woman. And the executioner said162and affirmed that, notwithstanding the oil, the sulphur,and the charcoal which he had applied to the entrails andheart of the said Jeanne, in no way had he been able toburn them up, nor reduce to cinders either the entrailsor the heart, at which he was much astonished, as a mostevident miracle.

Brother Martin Ladvenu,of the Order of SaintDominic, and of the Convent of Saint-Jacques at Rouen.

Many of those who appeared in the Court did so morefrom love of the English and the favour they borethem than on account of true zeal for justice and theCatholic Faith. In the extreme prejudice of MessirePierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, there were, Iassert, two proofs of ill-feeling: the first, when theBishop, acting as Judge, commanded Jeanne to be keptin the secular prison and in the hands of her mortalenemies; and although he might easily have had herdetained and guarded in an ecclesiastical prison, yet heallowed her, from the beginning of the trial to the end,to be tormented and cruelly treated in a secular prison.Moreover, at the first session or meeting, the Bishopaforesaid asked and required the opinion of all present,as to whether it was more suitable to detain her in thesecular ward or in the prisons of the Church. It wasdecided as more correct that she be kept in ecclesiasticalprisons rather than in the secular; but this theBishop said he would not do for fear of displeasingthe English. The second proof was that on the daywhen the Bishop and several others declared her aheretic, relapsed, and returned to her evil deeds, because,in prison, she had resumed a man’s dress, the Bishop,coming out of the prison, met the Earl of Warwickand a great many English with him, to whom hesaid, laughing, in a loud and clear voice: “Farewell!163farewell! it is done; be of good cheer,” or such-likewords.

The Maid revealed to me that, after her abjurationand recantation, she was violently treated inthe prison, molested, beaten, and ill-used; and that anEnglish lord had insulted her. She also said, publicly,that on this account she had resumed a man’s dress;and, towards the end, she said to the Bishop of Beauvais:“Alas! I die through you, for had you given me overto be kept in the prisons of the Church, I should nothave been here!”

When she had been finally preached to in the OldMarket-Place and abandoned to the secular authority,although the secular Judges were seated on the platform,in no way was she condemned by any of these Judges;but, without being condemned, she was forced by twosergeants to come down from the platform and wastaken by the said sergeants to the place where she wasto be burned, and by them delivered into the hands ofthe executioner.

And in proof of this, a short time after, one calledGeorges Folenfant was apprehended on account of theFaith and for the crime of heresy, and was in the sameway handed over to the secular justice. In this case,the Judges—to wit, Messire Louis de Luxembourg,Archbishop of Rouen, and Brother Guillaume Duval,Deputy of the Inquisitor of the Faith—sent me to theBailly of Rouen to warn him that the said Georgesshould not be treated as was the Maid, who, withoutfinal sentence or definite judgment, had been burned inthe fire.

The executioner, about four hours after the burning,said that he had never been so afraid in executing anycriminal as in the burning of the Maid, and for manyreasons: first, for her great fame and renown; secondly,for the cruel manner of fastening her to the stake—for164the English had caused a high scaffold to be made ofplaster, and, as the said executioner reported, he couldnot well or easily hasten matters nor reach her, at whichhe was much vexed and had great compassion for thecruel manner in which she was put to death.

I can testify to her great and admirable contrition,repentance, and continual confession, calling always onthe Name of Jesus, and devoutly invoking the Saintsin Paradise, as also Brother Ysambard hath alreadydeposed, who was with her to the end, and confirmedher in the way of salvation.

Brother Guillaume Duval,of the Order of SaintDominic, and of the Convent of Saint-Jacques at Rouen.

When the trial of the said Jeanne took place, I waspresent at one session with Brother Ysambard de laPierre; and, although we could find no room for ourselvesin the consistory, we seated ourselves at themiddle of the table, near to Jeanne. When she wasquestioned or examined, the said Brother Ysambardadvised her as to what she should say, nudging her ormaking some other sign. After the session was over, Iand Brother Ysambard, with Maître Jean Delafontaine,were deputed to visit her in prison the same day afterdinner and give her counsel; we went together tothe Castle of Rouen, to visit and admonish her; andthere we found the Earl of Warwick, who attacked thesaid Brother Ysambard with great anger and indignation,biting insults, and harsh epithets, saying to him: “Whydidst thou touch that wicked person this morning,making so many signs?Mort Bleu! villain! if I seethee again taking trouble to deliver her and to adviseher for her good, I will have thee thrown into theSeine.” At which I and the other companion of thesaid Ysambard fled for fear to the Convent.

165Maître Guillaume Manchon,Canon of the CollegiateChurch of Notre Dame d’Audely; Curé of the ParishChurch of Sainte-Nicolas-le-Peinteur at Rouen, andNotary of the Ecclesiastical Court; Notary of the Trialof Jeanne, from the beginning up to the end, and withhim Maître Guillaume Colles, called Bois-Guillaume.

In my opinion, not only those who had charge ofinstituting and conducting the Trial—to wit, My Lordof Beauvais and the Masters sent for from Paris for thisCase—but also the English, at whose instance the Trialwas undertaken, proceeded rather from hatred and angeron account of the quarrel with the King of France,than owing to her support of his party, and for thefollowing reasons:

First, one named Maître Nicolas Loyseleur, afamiliar of my Lord of Beauvais, who held altogetherto the English side—for, formerly the King being beforeChartres, he went to fetch the King of England to raisethe Siege—pretended that he belonged to the Maid’scountry; by this means he found a way to havespeech and familiar converse with her, telling hernews of her country that would please her. He asked tobe her confessor, and of what she told him privatelyhe found means to inform the Notaries: indeed, atthe beginning of the Trial, I and Boisguillaume, withwitnesses, were put secretly in an adjoining room, wherethere was a hole through which we could hear, inorder that we might report what she said to Loyseleur.As I think, what the Maid said or stated familiarlyto Loyseleur he reported to the Notaries; and from thiswere made memoranda for questions in the Trial, tofind some way of catching her unawares.

When the Trial had begun, Maître Jean Lohier, agrave Norman Clerk, came to this Town of Rouen,and communication was made to him of what the Bishop166of Beauvais had written hereon; and the said Lohierasked for two or three days’ delay to look into it. Towhich he received answer that he should give hisopinion that afternoon; and this he was obliged to do.And Maître Jean Lohier, when he had seen the Process,said it was of no value, for several reasons: first, becauseit had not the form of an ordinary Process; then, it wascarried on in an enclosed and shut-up place, where thoseconcerned were not in full and perfect liberty to saytheir full will; then, that this matter dealt with thehonour of the King of France, whose side she [theMaid] supported, and that he had not been called, norany who were for him; then, neither legal document norarticles had been forthcoming, and so there was no guidefor this simple girl to answer the Masters and Doctorson great matters, and especially those, as she said, whichrelated to her revelations. For these things, the Processwas, in his opinion, of no value. At which my Lord ofBeauvais was very indignant against the said Lohier;and although my Lord of Beauvais told him that hemight remain to see the carrying out of the Trial, Lohierreplied that he would not do so. And immediately myLord of Beauvais, then lodging in the house where nowlives Maître Jean Bidaut, near Saint Nicolas-le-Peinteur,came to the Masters—to wit, Maître Jean Beaupère,Maître Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midi, PierreMaurice, Thomas de Courcelles, and Loyseleur—andsaid to them: “This Lohier wants to put fine questionsinto our Process: he would find fault with everything,and says it is of no value. If we were to believe him,everything must be begun again, and all we have donewould be worth nothing!” And, after stating thegrounds on which Lohier found fault, my Lord ofBeauvais added: “It is clear enough on which foot helimps. By Saint John! we will do nothing in the matter,but will go on with our Process as it is begun!” This167was on a Saturday afternoon in Lent; and the nextmorning I spoke with the said Lohier at the Church ofNotre Dame at Rouen, and asked him what he thoughtof the said Trial and of Jeanne? He replied: “Yousee the way they are proceeding. They will take her,if they can, in her words—as in assertions where shesays, ‘I know for certain,’ as regards the apparitions;but if she said, ‘I think’ instead of the words ‘I knowfor certain’ it is my opinion that no man could condemnher. It seems they act rather from hate than otherwise;and for that reason, I will not stay here, for I have no desireto be in it.” And in truth he thenceforward lived alwaysat the Court of Rome, where he died Dean of Appeals.^[108]

At the beginning of the Trial, because I wasputting in writing for five or six days the answers andexcuses of the said Maid, the Judges several timeswished to compel me, speaking in Latin, to put them inother terms, by changing the sense of her words or inother ways such as I had not heard. By command ofthe Bishop of Beauvais, two men were placed at awindow near where the Judges sat, with a curtainacross the window, so that they could not be seen.These two men wrote and reported what there wasin the charge against Jeanne, keeping silence as toher excuses; and, in my opinion, this was Loyseleur.After the sitting was over, in the afternoon, while comparingnotes of what had been written, the two othersreported differently from me, and had put in none of theexcuses; at which my Lord of Beauvais was greatly angrywith me.^[109]WhereNota is written in the Process therewas disagreement, and questions had to be made uponit; and it was found that what I had written was true.

In writing the said Process, I was often opposed by168my Lord of Beauvais and the Masters, who wanted tocompel me to write according to their fancy, and againstwhat I had myself heard. And when there was somethingwhich did not please them, they forbade it to bewritten, saying that it did not serve the Process; but Inevertheless wrote only according to my hearing andknowledge.

Maître Jean Delafontaine, from the beginning of theTrial up to the week after Easter, 1431, took the placeof my Lord of Beauvais, to interrogate her, in theabsence of the Bishop; and was always present with theBishop in the conduct of the said Trial. And when thetime came that the Maid was summoned to submit herselfto the Church by this same Delafontaine, and byBrothers Ysambard de la Pierre and Martin Ladvenu,they advised her that she should believe in, and rely on,our Lord the Pope and those who preside in the ChurchMilitant; and that she should make no question aboutsubmitting to our Holy Father the Pope and to the HolyCouncil; for that there were among them as many of herown side as of the other, many of them notable Clerics,and that if she did not do this, she would put herself ingreat danger. The day after she had been thus advised,she said that she wished certainly to submit to our HolyFather the Pope and to the Holy Council. When myLord of Beauvais heard this, he asked who had spokenwith the Maid. The Guard replied that it was MaîtreDelafontaine, his lieutenant, and the two Friars. And atthis, in the absence of the said Delafontaine and theFriars, the Bishop was much enraged against MaîtreJean Lemaître, the Deputy Inquisitor, and threatened todo him an injury. And when Delafontaine knew thathe was threatened for this reason, he departed fromRouen, and did not again return. And as for the Friars,they would have been in peril of death, but for the saidLemaître, who excused them and besought for them,169saying that if any harm were done to them, he wouldnever again come to the Trial. And, from that time,the Earl of Warwick forbade any one to visit the Maid,except the Bishop of Beauvais or those sent by him; andthe Deputy Inquisitor was not allowed to go without him.

At the end of the sermon at Saint Ouen, after theabjuration of the Maid, because Loyseleur said to her,“Jeanne, you have done a good day’s work, if it pleaseGod, and have saved your soul,” she demanded, “Now,some among you people of the Church, lead me to yourprisons, that I may no longer be in the hands of theEnglish.” To which my Lord of Beauvais replied,“Lead her back whence she was taken!” For thisreason she was taken back to the Castle which she hadleft. The following Sunday, which was Trinity Sunday,the Masters, Notaries, and others concerned in thisTrial were summoned; and we were told that she hadresumed her man’s dress and had relapsed; and whenwe came to the Castle, in the absence of my Lordof Beauvais, there came upon us eighty or a hundredEnglish soldiers, or thereabouts, who spoke to us in thecourtyard of the Castle, telling us that all of us Clergywere deceitful, traitorous Armagnacs and false counsellors;so that we had great trouble to escape and getout of the Castle, and did nothing for that day. Thefollowing day I was summoned; but I replied that Iwould not go if I had not a surety, on account of thefright I had had the day before; and I would not havegone back if one of the followers of my Lord of Warwickhad not been sent as a surety. And thus I returned,and was at the continuation of the Trial, up to the end—exceptthat I was not at a certain examination made bypeople who had spoken with her privately,^[110] as privileged170persons; nevertheless, the Bishop of Beauvais wanted tocompel me to sign, and this I would not do.

I saw Jeanne led to the scaffold;^[111] and there wereseven or eight hundred soldiers around her, bearingswords and staves; so that no one was so bold as to speakto her except Brother Martin Ladvenu and Maître JeanMassieu.

Patiently did she hear the sermon right through;afterwards she repeated her thanksgiving, prayers, andlamentations most notably and devoutly, in suchmanner that the Judges, Prelates, and all present wereprovoked to much weeping, seeing her make these pitifulregrets and sad complaints. Never did I weep morefor anything that happened to me; and, for a monthafterwards, I could not feel at peace. For which reason,with a part of the money I had for my services I boughta little Missal, so that I might have it and might prayfor her. In regard to final repentance, I never sawgreater signs of a Christian.

I remember that at the sermon given at Saint Ouenby Maître Guillaume Érard, among other words were saidand uttered these: “Ah! noble House of France, whichhath always been the protectress of the Faith, hast thoubeen so abused that thou dost adhere to a heretic andschismatic? It is indeed a great misfortune.” To whichthe Maid made answer, what I do not remember, exceptthat she gave great praise to her King, saying that he171was the best and wisest Christian in the world. Atwhich Érard and my Lord of Beauvais ordered Massieu,“Make her keep silence.”

Maître Jean Massieu,Priest, Curé of one of theDivisions of the Parish Church of Saint-Caudres atRouen, formerly Dean of the Christendom of Rouen.

I was at the Trial of the said Jeanne on every occasionwhen she was present before the Judges and Clerics;and, on account of my office, I was appointed a Clerk toMaître Jean Benedicite,^[112] Promoter in this Action. Ibelieve, from what I saw, that the proceedings weretaken out of hatred and in order to abase the honour ofthe King of France whom she served, and to wreakvengeance and bring her to death, not according to reasonand for the honour of God and of the Catholic Faith.I say this, because when my Lord of Beauvais, who wasJudge in the Case, accompanied by six Clerics—namely,Beaupère, Midi, Maurice, Touraine, Courcelles, andFeuillet, or some other in his place—first questionedher, before she had answered one of them, another ofthose present would interpose another question, bywhich she was often hurried and troubled in her answers.And, besides, as I was leading Jeanne many times fromher prison to the Court, and passed before the Chapel ofthe Castle, at Jeanne’s request, I suffered her to makeher devotions in passing; and I was often reproved bythe said Benedicite, the Promoter, who said to me:“Traitor! what makes thee so bold as to permit thisExcommunicate to approach without permission? I willhave thee put in a tower where thou shalt see neithersun nor moon for a month, if thou dost so again.” Andwhen the Promoter saw that I did not obey him, the saidBenedicite placed himself many times before the door of172the Chapel, between me and Jeanne, to prevent her sayingher prayers before the Chapel, and asked expresslyof Jeanne: “Is this the Body of Christ?” When I wastaking her back to prison, the fourth or fifth day, a priestnamed Maître Eustace Turquetil, asked me: “Whatdost thou think of her answers? will she be burned?what will happen?” and I replied: “Up to this time Ihave seen in her only good and honour; but I do notknow what will happen in the end, God knows!” Whichanswer was reported by the said priest to the King’speople; and it was said that I was opposed to the King.On this account, I was summoned, in the afternoon, bythe Lord of Beauvais, the Judge, and was spoken to ofthese things and told to be careful to make no mistake,or I should be made to drink more than was good forme. I think that, unless the Notary Manchon hadmade excuses for me, I should not have escaped.

When Jeanne was taken to Saint-Ouen to be preachedto by Maître Guillaume Érard, at about the middle ofthe sermon, after she had been admonished by the wordsof the preacher, he began to cry out, in a loud voice,saying, “Ah! France, thou art much abused, thou hastalways been the most Christian country; and Charles,who calls himself thy King and Governor, hath joinedhimself, as a heretic and schismatic, which he is, to thewords and deeds of a worthless woman, defamed andfull of dishonour; and not only he, but all the Clergywithin his jurisdiction and lordship, by whom she hathbeen examined and not reproved, as she hath said.”Two or three times he repeated these words about theKing; and, at last, addressing himself to Jeanne he said,raising his finger: “It is to thee, Jeanne, that I speak, Itell thee that thy King is a heretic and schismatic!” Towhich she replied: “By my faith! sir, saving yourreverence, I dare say and swear, on pain of death, thathe is the most noble of all Christians, and the one who173most loves the Faith of the Church, and he is not whatyou say.” And then the preacher said to me: “Makeher keep silence.”

Jeanne never had any Counsel.^[113] I remember thatLoyseleur was one appointed to counsel her. He wasagainst her, rather deceiving than helping her.

The said Érard, at the end of his sermon, read aschedule containing the Articles which he was incitingJeanne to abjure and revoke. To which Jeanne replied,that she did not understand what abjuring was, andthat she asked advice about it. Then Érard told me togive her counsel about it. After excusing myself fordoing this, I told her it meant that, if she opposed anyof the said Articles, she would be burned. I advisedher to refer to the Church Universal as to whether sheshould abjure the said Articles or not. And this she did,saying in a loud voice to Érard: “I refer me to theChurch Universal, as to whether I shall abjure or not.”To this the said Érard replied: “You shall abjure atonce, or you shall be burned.” And, indeed, before sheleft the Square, she abjured, and made a cross with a penwhich I handed to her.

At the end of the sermon, I advised Jeanne to askthat she might be taken to the prisons of the Church:and it was right she should be taken to the Churchprisons, because the Church had condemned her.And this thing was asked of the Bishop of Beauvais bysome of those present, whose names I do not know. Towhich the Bishop replied: “Take her to the Castlewhence she came.” And so it was done. That day,after dinner, in the presence of the Counsel of the Church,she took off her man’s dress and put on a woman’s dress,as she was commanded. This was on the Thursday orFriday after Pentecost; and the man’s dress was put in174a bag in the same room where she was kept prisoner,while she remained guarded in this place, in the handsof five of the English, three of whom stayed all night inthe room, and two outside the door of the room. I knowof a surety that at night she slept chained by the legswith two pairs of iron chains, and fastened closely to achain going across the foot of her bed, held to a greatpiece of wood, five or six feet long, and closed with akey, so that she could not move from her place. Whenthe following Sunday came, being Trinity Sunday,and when it was time to rise, as she reported andsaid to me, she asked the English guards: “Takeoff my irons that I may get up.” Then one of theEnglish took away from her the woman’s garmentswhich she had on her, and they emptied the bag inwhich was her man’s dress, and threw the said dress ather, saying to her: “Get up, and put the woman’s dressin the bag.” And, in accordance with what he said, shedressed herself in the man’s dress they had given her,saying: “Sirs, you know it is forbidden me; withoutfail, I will not take it again.” Nevertheless, theywould not give her the other, insomuch that the contentionlasted till mid-day, and, finally, she was compelledto take the said dress; afterwards, they would not giveup the other, whatever supplications or prayers shemight make.

This she told me on the Tuesday following, beforedinner, on which day the Promoter had departed incompany with the Earl of Warwick, and I was alonewith her. Immediately I asked her why she hadresumed a man’s dress, and she told me what I havejust related.

I was not at the Castle on the Sunday, but I met nearthe Castle those who had been summoned, much overwhelmedand affrighted. They said they had beenfuriously driven back by the English with axes and175swords, and called traitors, and otherwise insulted. Onthe following Wednesday, the day she was condemned,and before she left the Castle, the Body of Christ wasborne to her irreverently, without stole and lights, atwhich Brother Martin, who had confessed her, was ill-content,and so a stole and lights were sent for, and thusBrother Martin administered It to her. And this done,she was led to the Old Market-Place, and by her sidewere Brother Martin and myself, accompanied bymore than 800 soldiers, with axes and swords. Andbeing in the Old Market-Place, after the sermon,during which she showed great patience and listenedmost quietly, she evinced many evidences and clearproofs of her contrition, penitence, and fervent faith, ifonly by her pitiful and devout lamentations and invocationsof the Blessed Trinity and the Blessed and GloriousVirgin Mary, and all the Blessed Saints in Paradise—namingspecially certain of these Saints: in whichdevotions, lamentations, and true confession of faith,she besought mercy also, most humbly, from all mannerof people of whatever condition or estate they might be,of her own party as well as of the other, begging themto pray for her, forgiving them the harm they had doneher, [and thus] she persevered and continued as longa space of time as half-an-hour, and up to the very end.

When she was given over by the Church, I was stillwith her; and with great devotion she asked to have aCross: and, hearing this, an Englishman, who was therepresent, made a little cross of wood with the ends of astick, which he gave her, and devoutly she received andkissed it, making piteous lamentations and acknowledgmentsto God, Our Redeemer, Who had suffered on theCross for our Redemption, of Whose Cross she had thesign and symbol; and she put the said Cross in herbosom, between her person and her clothing. And,besides, she asked me humbly that I would get for her176the Church Cross, so that she might see it continuallyuntil death. And I got the Clerk of the Parish ofSaint-Sauveur to bring it to her; the which, beingbrought, she embraced closely and long, and kept it tillshe was fastened to the stake. While she was makingthese devotions and pious lamentations, I was muchhurried by the English and even by some of theirCaptains, who wished me to leave her in their hands,that she might be put to death the sooner, saying to me,when I was trying to console her on the scaffold:“What, Priest! will you have us dine here?” Andimmediately, without any form or proof of judgment,they sent her to the fire, saying to the executioner:“Do thine office!” And thus she was led and fastened[to the stake], continuing her praises and devoutlamentations to God and His Saints, and with her lastword, in dying, she cried, with a loud voice: “Jesus!”

With regard to the apparitions mentioned in the Trialof the said Jeanne, I held, and still hold, the opinionthat they rose more from natural causes and humanintent than from anything supernatural; but I wouldrefer principally to the Process.

Before she was taken to Saint-Ouen, to be preachedto in the morning, I went alone, by permission, intoJeanne’s prison, and warned her that she would soon beled to the scaffold to be preached to, telling her that, ifshe were a good Christian, she would say on the scaffoldthat she placed all her deeds and words in the orderingof Our Holy Mother Church, and especially of theEcclesiastical Judges. And this did she say on thescaffold, being thereto requested by Maître NicolasMidi. This being noted and considered, she was for177a time sent back, after her abjuration; although some ofthe English accused the Bishop of Beauvais and theDelegates from Paris of favouring Jeanne’s errors.

After this abjuration, and after taking her woman’sdress which she received in prison, it was reported to theJudges on the Friday or Saturday following that Jeannehad repented of having put off a man’s dress andhad taken a woman’s dress. On this account, my Lordof Beauvais sent me and Maître Nicolas Midi to her,hoping that we should speak to Jeanne and induce andadmonish her to persevere in the good intent she had onthe scaffold, and that she should be careful not to relapse.But we could not find the keeper of the prison key,^[114]and, while we were waiting for the prison guard, severalof the English, who were in the courtyard of the Castle,spoke threatening words, as Maître Nicolas Midi toldme, to the effect that he who would throw both of usinto the water would be well employed. And, hearingthese words, we returned; and, on the bridge of theCastle, Midi heard, as he reported to me, like wordsused by others of the English; at which we were muchfrightened, and went away without speaking to Jeanne.

As to her innocence, Jeanne was very subtle with thesubtlety of a woman, as I consider. I did not understandfrom any words of hers that she had beenviolated.

As to her final penitence, I do not know what to say,for, on the Monday after ^[115] the abjuration, I left Rouento go to Basle,^[116] on the part of the University of Paris.Through this I knew nothing of her condemnation untilI heard it spoken of at Lisle in Flanders.

[A Rescript was issued by Pope Calixtus III. orderingthe Procedure of Revision for the Enquiry of 1455–6.]

Examination of Witnesses.

I have heard that after Jeanne was taken captive byone of the company of the Count de Ligny, she wastaken to the Castle of Beaurevoir and detained there threemonths; and then, by letters from the King of Englandto my Lord of Beauvais, she was taken to Rouen andput in prison.

The Bishop of Beauvais held with the English; and,before he took cognizance of the Case, Jeanne wasput in irons: after he had informed himself, Jeanne,thus fettered, was given over to the custody of fourEnglish, although the Bishop and the Inquisitor hadstated and sworn that they would themselves faithfullykeep her. Jeanne was treated with cruelty, and, towardsthe end of the Trial, was shown the torture.

179And thus she put on man’s clothing and lamented thatshe did not dare to doff these, fearing that at night theguards might attempt some violence; and once or twicecomplaint was made to the Bishop of Beauvais, to theSub-Inquisitor, and to Maître Nicolas Loyseleur thatsome of these guards had attempted to assault her. TheEarl of Warwick, at the statement of the Bishop, theInquisitor, and Loyseleur, uttered strong threats shouldthey again presume to attempt this; and two otherguards were appointed.

I, as notary, wrote Jeanne’s answers and defence.Two or three writers, who were secretly ensconced near,omitted, in their writing, all that was in her favour.

I acted as notary in the Process, by compulsion of theGreat Council of the King of England, not daring tocontradict their order. The Bishop of Beauvais wasnot compelled to take up the Process against Jeanne.He did it of free-will. The Inquisitor was summonedand dared not refuse. The Process was carried out bythe English at their expense. The Promoter alsowas not compelled, but came of free-will. The Assessorsand Doctors were summoned and dared not refuse.

[With regard to the comparison of the writing of theconcealed clerks and the notaries, he adds that] thecomparison of notes was made in the house of theBishop.

Jeanne answered prudently and with simplicity, asmight be seen in the Process. She could not havedefended herself before such great Doctors had shenot been inspired. The examination lasted for two or180three hours in the morning, and sometimes as long againin the afternoon of the same day. She was muchfatigued by the examination, for the examiners put toher the most subtle questions they possibly could.

The original Process was written by me faithfully, inFrench, after the first session. Later, I believe it wasfaithfully translated into Latin. During the Process, andalmost up to the close, Jeanne had no Counsel. I do notremember if she asked for one; but, towards the end,she had Maître Pierre Maurice and a Carmelite todirect and instruct her.

On the day of her death, before the sermon and ereshe left the Castle, she received the Body of the Lordby the order of the Judges, at her own request.

She was taken to the place of execution by a largenumber of soldiers—nearly four score. After the ecclesiasticalsentence had been pronounced, and Jeannegiven up, she was taken over to the Bailly, therepresent, who, without any consultation or sentence,made a sign with his hand, saying: “Take her away!Take her away!”

The sum of a thousand pounds, or crowns, was givenby the King of England for the surrender of the Maid;and an annuity of 300 pounds to the soldier of the Dukeof Burgundy who had captured her.

I was appointed notary in the Trial, together with acertain Guillaume Boisguillaume.

The copy of the Process shewn to me is thetrue Copy made. I acknowledge my own and mycompanion’s signatures, and that it is the truth. Twoother copies were made. One was given to the Inquisitor,one to the King of England, and one to the181Bishop of Beauvais. This Process was made from acertain Minute written in French, by my own hand,which was given up to the Judges, and was afterwardstranslated from the French into Latin by MonsieurThomas de Courcelles and myself, in the form in whichit now stands, as well and as faithfully as possible, longafter the death and execution of Jeanne. As for theAct of Accusation and other parts of the Process,Maître Thomas de Courcelles had very little to do withthese, nor did he greatly interfere with them.

With regard to the wordNota, written above certainArticles in the Minute, there was, on the first day of theEnquiry, a great tumult in the Chapel of the Castle atRouen, where, that day, the interrogation was held, sothat Jeanne was interrupted at almost every word,whilst she was speaking of her apparitions: Certainsecretaries were there—two or three—of the King ofEngland, who registered, as they chose, her words anddepositions, omitting all her defence and all whichtended to exonerate her. I complained of this, saying itwas irregular, and that I would not be responsible, asclerk, in this matter: and, therefore, on the morrow, theplace of meeting was changed and convened in a certainhall of the Castle, near the Great Hall, while twoEnglish were placed to keep order. When there weredifficulties as to Jeanne’s answers, and some said shehad not replied as I had written, I wroteNota at thetop, in order that the questions might be repeated andthe difficulties removed. Although it is mentioned inthe Process that the Judges stated they had receivedpreliminary evidence, I do not remember to have seenor heard of it; but I know that, if it had been produced,it would have been inserted in the Process.

Jeanne was brought to Rouen and not to Paris,because, as I think, the King of England and theprincipal people of his Council were there.

182At the beginning of the Process, I was sent for toattend a meeting held at a certain house near theCastle, at which were present the Bishop of Beauvais,the Abbé of Fécamp, Maître Nicolas Loyseleur, andmany others. The Bishop told me it was necessarythat I should serve the King: that they meant to bringa fine case against this said Jeanne, and that I was torecommend anothergreffier to assist me. I thereforenominated Boisguillaume.

I met Lohier in the Church, on the day after theBishop had asked him to give an opinion on theProcess, and enquired what he thought of it. Hereplied, that the Process was of no value, and could notbe maintained, because it was conducted in the Castleand not in a legal court; that it concerned many whowere not summoned; that Jeanne had no Counsel: andfor many other reasons. He added that, in his opinion,it was their intention to put her to death.

A certain Maître Nicolas de Houppeville was summonedto attend the Trial; and was in great danger,because he refused. Maître Jean Lemaitre, Sub-Inquisitor,delayed as long as possible his attendanceat the Trial, and was much vexed at being compelledto attend.

One day, when Jeanne was being questioned, Jean deChâtillon spoke in her favour, saying that she was notcompelled to reply to the question put to her, or to thateffect. This much displeased the Bishop of Beauvaisand his following, and there was a great tumult at hiswords. The Bishop ordered him to be quiet, and to letthe Judges speak.

On another occasion, when some one was advisingand directing Jeanne on the question of submission tothe Church, the Bishop said, “Hold your tongue, in thedevil’s name!” I do not remember the name of himwho was thus spoken to.

183One day, some one, whose name I do not remember,having spoken of Jeanne in a way which did not pleasethe Earl of Stafford, the latter followed him, sword inhand, to some place of sanctuary; and, if they had nottold Stafford that that place was sacred, he would haveslain him.

Those who seemed to me most affected [against Jeanne]were Beaupère, Midi, and de Touraine.

One day, I went with the Bishop of Beauvais and theEarl of Warwick to the prison where Jeanne was, andwe found her in irons. It was said that at night shewas fastened with iron chains; but I did not see her sofastened. There was, in the prison, neither bed nor anykind of couch. There were four or five guards of thelowest kind.

[Manchon supplies a fuller account of the story givenin 1450 as to the clerks having overheard Jeanne’sconfession to Loyseleur:]

After I and Boisguillaume had been appointednotaries, the Earl of Warwick, the Bishop of Beauvais,and Maître Nicolas Loyseleur told us that Jeanne hadspoken strange things in regard to her visions, andin order the better to know the truth about them, itwas agreed that Maître Nicolas Loyseleur should pretendto be from the Marches of Lorraine—Jeanne’s owncountry—and in the following of the King of France;that he should enter her prison in a layman’s habit, andthat the guards should retire and leave him alone withher: there was, in a room adjoining the prison, a hole,specially made for the purpose, in order that I andmy companion might be there, and hear what was saidby Jeanne. Thither we went, unseen by her. ThenLoyseleur, pretending to have news, began to questionJeanne of the King’s estate and of her revelations.Jeanne replied, believing him to be in fact of her owncountry and party: and the Bishop and the Earl desired184us to put in writing what we had heard. I replied, thatthis ought not to be, that it was not honest to carry onthe Trial by such means, but that, if she spoke thus inopen Court, we would willingly register the words. And,ever afterwards, Jeanne had great confidence in thisLoyseleur, who often heard her in confession, and wouldgenerally have private speech with her before she wastaken before the Judges.

The interrogations sometimes lasted three or fourhours in the morning; and sometimes difficult andsubtle questions arose on the answers, on which she wasfurther examined after dinner for two or three hours.Often they turned from one question to another, changingabout, but, notwithstanding this, she answered prudently,and evinced a wonderful memory, saying often, “I havealready answered you on this,” and adding, “I refer tothe clerks.”

Long before the [Seventy] Articles were included inthe Process, Jeanne had been many times examined, andhad given many answers; and from these questions andanswers the Articles were drawn up, with the advice ofthe Assessors. This was done by the Promoter, inorder that the material, which was diffuse, might be putin order. Afterwards, she was examined on the whole;and it was concluded by the counsellors—principallythose who came from Paris—that it would be well,and according to custom, to reduce these Articles andanswers to shorter Articles, bringing together the principalpoints, in order to have the material in brief, forbetter and more prompt discussion. On this, there weredrawn up the Twelve Articles; but I had no hand inthem, nor do I know who composed or extractedthem.

[With regard to a Note, dated April 4th, 1431, writtenin French and contained in the Process, concerning theseTwelve Articles, the other two Notaries—Guillaume185Colles or Boisguillaume, and Nicolas Taquel—weresummoned and questioned, together with deponent.They testified that:]

The Note is in the handwriting of Manchon, but asto who drew up the Twelve Articles we do not know.It was said to be customary that such Articles should bemade and drawn up from the confessions of one accusedof Heresy, even as in a matter of Faith was usuallydone, in Paris, by the Doctors and Masters in Theology.The corrections of these Articles were, we believe, putdown as appears in the copy before us; but, whetherthese corrections were added or not to the copy of theArticles sent to Paris and to those invited to submit anopinion, we do not know. We believe not: for a note,in the handwriting of Maître Guillaume d’Estivet, thePromoter, shews that they were sent by him on thefollowing day without correction.

[Manchon was then asked, if he believed the Articlesto be truthfully composed, and if there were not a greatdifference between them and Jeanne’s answers. Hereplied that, what was in his Process was true. TheArticles were not his doing.]

I believe that deliberation was not made on the wholeProcess, because it was not then in shape. It wasbrought into its present form only after Jeanne’s death.Opinions were given on the Twelve Articles. TheTwelve Articles were not read to Jeanne. [Asked again,if he had ever perceived a difference between theseArticles and Jeanne’s confessions, he said he did notremember. Those to whom they were shown said,that it was the custom to draw up such Articles; butthat he had not given his attention to it, and that heshould not have dared to argue with such great men.]

During the Trial I was seated at the feet of theJudges with Guillaume Colles and the clerk of MaîtreGuillaume Beaupère, who was also writing; but there186was a great difference in what we had written, and fromthis arose much contention.

When the Process was complete, opinions were askedfor, and from these it was decided that Jeanne shouldbe exhorted; she was left to the counsel of MaîtreNicolas Loyseleur, who said to her: “Jeanne, believeme: if you will, you may be saved. Take the dress ofyour sex, and do all that you are told; otherwise youare in peril of death. If you do what I tell you, youwill be saved, and will have much good and not muchill, and you will be given up to the Church.” And thenshe was taken to a scaffold or platform. Two sentenceshad been prepared, one of abjuration, the other ofcondemnation: both were in the hands of the Bishop,and, while he was reading the sentence of condemnation,Maître Nicolas Loyseleur continued to press Jeanne todo what he had advised, and to accept the woman’sdress. There was a short interval, in which an Englishmanaddressed the Bishop as a traitor, to which heanswered that he lied. At this instant, Jeanne declaredherself ready to obey the Church; and then the abjurationwas read to her. I do not know if she repeated it,or if, after it was read, she said that she agreed. Butshe certainly smiled. The executioner was there, withthe cart, waiting to take her to the burning.

On Trinity Sunday, I and the other notaries werecommanded by the Bishop and Lord Warwick to come tothe Castle, because it was said that Jeanne had relapsedand had resumed her man’s dress.

When we reached the Court, the English, whowere there to the number of about fifty, assaulted us,calling us traitors, and saying that we had mismanagedthe Trial. We escaped their hands with great difficultyand fear. I believe they were angry that, at the firstpreaching and sentence, she had not been burnt.

What she had said in the abjuration she said she had187not understood, and that what she had done was fromfear of the fire, seeing the executioner ready with his cart.

[Asked, why they had administered the Sacrament toone declared excommunicate and heretic, and if she hadbeen absolved by the forms of the Church, Manchonanswered:] There had been much discussion amongthe Judges and their Counsellors, whether they shouldoffer her the Holy Sacrament, and whether she should beabsolved at the place of execution; but I did not see anyabsolution granted to her. I was so disturbed that for amonth I remained terrified.

Brother Pierre Migier,Prior of Longueville, in thediocese of Rouen, S.T.P., First examination, May 2nd,1452, [evidence of no special value.]

At the end of the first sermon at Saint-Ouen, whenJeanne was admonished to recant and she hesitated, oneof the English ecclesiastics told the Bishop that hewas favouring Jeanne, to which the Bishop replied,“You lie! It is my duty, on account of my profession, toseek the salvation of the soul and body of this Jeanne.”

I was accused before the Cardinal of England as apartisan of Jeanne, but I excused myself to the Cardinal,being in fear of my life.

I do not know whether she asked for Counsel, but Ithink no one would have dared to counsel or defend her,nor would they have been permitted.

She was taken to execution, with great anger, by theEnglish soldiers. When she was given up to the secular188authorities by the Church, she began to weep and callupon “Jesus.” Then I went away, having so great compassionthat I could not witness her death.

I heard that, during the Trial, there were certain menhidden behind curtains, who, it was said, were writingdown the words and confessions of Jeanne; but I do notknow if this is the fact. This I heard from MaîtreGuillaume Manchon, one of the three Registrars of theCase. I complained of it to the Judges, saying that itdid not seem to me to be a good way of acting. Butwhatever may be the truth of these hidden clerks, Ibelieve truly that the Registrars who signed the Processwere trustworthy, and that they faithfully reported whatwas done in the Trial.

As to the act of recantation, I know it was performedby her; it was in writing, and was about the length of aPater Noster.

In an old book, in which are the sayings of Merlin theprophet, it is written that a maiden should come from anOak-wood in the country of Lorraine.

Brother Ysambard de la Pierre:Second Examination, May 3rd, 1452. [He makes the following additions:]

I was at the sermon of Maître Guillaume Érard, whotook as his theme, “A branch cannot bear fruit except itabide in the Vine,” saying that in France there was nomonster such as this Jeanne: she was a witch, heretic,and schismatic; and that the King who favoured her wasof like sort for wishing to recover his kingdom by meansof such an heretical woman.

189The Bishop of Beauvais held with the English. Ibelieve it was he who, at the beginning of the Process,ordered her to be kept in irons, and deputed the Englishas her keepers, forbidding any to speak with herunless by leave from him, or from the Promoter,Benedicite.

When I was holding the Cross before her, she beggedme to descend, as the fire was mounting.

When she spoke of the kingdom and the war, Ithought she was moved by the Holy Spirit; but whenshe spoke of herself she feigned many things: nevertheless,I think she should not have been condemnedas a heretic. When the Bishop asked if she would submitto the Church, she enquired, “What is the Church?So far as it is you, I will not submit to your judgment,because you are my deadly enemy.” She complainedthat the Bishop would not allow them to write anythingin her excuse, but only what was against her. Whenshe was asked whether she would submit to the judgmentof the Pope, she replied that, if they would takeher to him, she would be content.

She was adjudged relapsed because she had resumedher man’s dress. After she had recanted, she resumeda woman’s dress, and begged to be taken to theecclesiastical prisons; but it was not permitted. Iheard from Jeanne, herself, that she had been assaultedby a great lord; and for that reason she had resumedher man’s dress, which had been perfidiously left near her.After her resumption of this dress, I heard the Bishop,with some of the English, exulting, and saying publiclyto the Earl of Warwick and others: “She is caughtthis time!”

Some of the Assessors, such as the Bishop of Beauvais,proceeded of their own pleasure; some—to wit, the190English Doctors—out of malicious spite; some, Doctorsof Paris, from desire of gain; some were induced by fear,as the aforesaid Sub-Inquisitor and others whom I donot remember.

The Process was instituted by the King of England,the Cardinal of Winchester, the Earl of Warwick, andother English, who paid all the expenses. I rememberwell that Jean, Bishop of Avranches, for having refusedto give his advice in the Process, was threatened by thePromoter d’Estivet; and Maître Nicolas de Houppeville,who would not attend the Trial nor give an opinion, wasin danger of exile. After the first sermon, at whichJeanne recanted, I, Jean Delafontaine, and MaîtreGuillaume Vallée, of the Order of Saint Dominic, wentto the Castle by order of the Judges to counsel Jeannethat she should persevere in her good purpose. Seeingthis, the infuriate English threw themselves upon us,with swords and sticks, and violently drove us outof the Castle; on this occasion, Jean Delafontaineescaped, and left the town and did not return; also Isuffered many reproaches from the Earl of Warwick,because I had told Jeanne she should submit to theGeneral Council. [On the day that she said shewould submit] Messire Guillaume Manchon, the notary,asked whether he should write down the submission?The Bishop replied, No, it was not necessary. ThenJeanne said to the Bishop: “Ah! you will certainlywrite what is against me, and will write nothing thatis for me.” This submission was not registered, andthere ensued in the assembly a great murmur.

The examination of Jeanne sometimes lasted threehours in the morning; and sometimes she was examinedin the afternoon as well as in the morning; I heard heroften complain of over-much questioning.

During the greater part of the Process, when she wasasked to submit to the Church, she understood by that191term the assembly of Judges and Assessors there present.It was then expounded to her by Maître Pierre Maurice;and, after she knew, she always declared that she wishedto submit to the Pope and to be conducted to him.

She was brought in a cart to the cemetery of Saint-Ouen.After the preaching [at the Old Market] there wasa long waiting, and then the King’s clerks conductedher to the stake, I and Brother Martin Ladvenu accompanyingher up to the end.

On this same occasion, the Bishop of Beauvais wept.A certain Englishman, a soldier, who hated her greatly,had sworn to bring a faggot for the stake. When hedid so, and heard Jeanne calling on the name of Jesusin her last moments, he was stupefied, and, as it were, inan ecstasy at the spectacle: his companions took him andled him away to a neighbouring tavern. After refreshment,he revived. In the afternoon, the same Englishmanconfessed, in my presence, to a Brother of theOrder of Saint Dominic, that he had gravely erred, andthat he repented of what he had done against Jeanne.He held her to be a good woman, for he had seen thespirit departing from her, as it were a white dove,going away from France.

In the afternoon of the same day, the executionercame to the Convent of the Dominicans, saying tothem and to Brother Martin Ladvenu, that he fearedhe was damned because he had burnt a saint.

Maître Pierre Cusquel,Citizen of Rouen.First Examination, before Cardinal d’Estouteville, May 3rd, 1452.

I did not see her taken to prison, but I saw her twoor three times in a chamber in the Castle of Rouen, nearthe back entrance.

192At the time of the Trial, I was in the habit of enteringthe Castle, thanks to Johnson, master of the masons.Twice I entered her prison and saw her, with her legsshackled and fastened by a long chain to a beam. Inmy master’s house was hung a great cage of iron, inwhich, it was said, she was to be shut up; but I neversaw her in this cage.

I heard that Jeanne was made prisoner in the dioceseof Beauvais, and on this account the Bishop undertookthe Process against her.

The room [where Jeanne was imprisoned] was situatedunder the stairs, towards the fields.

Maître André Marguérie, or another, said he hadenquired as to Jeanne’s change of dress, and by someone—I know not whom—was told that he was to holdhis tongue, in the devil’s name.

I twice entered Jeanne’s prison and spoke with her,warning her to speak prudently, and that there wasquestion of her death. The iron cage, which I saw, wasintended to detain her in an upright position.

I was not present at the last preaching and condemnationand execution of Jeanne, because myheart could not bear it, for pity of her; but I heardthat she received the Body of the Lord before hercondemnation.

Maître Jean Tressart, when he returned from theexecution, groaning and weeping sadly, lamented to mewhat he had seen at this place, saying to me: “We areall lost; we have burnt a Saint”; adding, that hebelieved her soul was in the hands of God because,when she was in the midst of the flames, she constantlycalled on the name of the Lord Jesus.

I had heard of the visitation ordered by the Duchessof Bedford, but did not know if it were true.

After her death, the English had her ashes collectedand thrown into the Seine, because they feared thatsome might believe she had escaped.

Ladvenu:Second Examination, May 3rd, 1452. [He adds the following to his earlier testimony:]

I often saw her in the Castle of Rouen, under thecustody of the English, ironed and in prison.

I heard Jeanne, by license of the Judges, in confession;I administered to her the Body of Christ; shereceived it with great devotion and tears which I cannotdescribe.

I was present at the greater part of the Process, withBrother Jean Lemaître, then Sub-Inquisitor. I sawMaître Nicolas de Houppeville—he who would notassist in the Process—taken to prison. I know well thatJeanne had no director, counsel, nor defender, up tothe end of the Process, and that no one would havedared to offer himself as her Counsel, director, ordefender, for fear of the English. I have heard thatthose who went to the Castle to counsel and directJeanne, by order of the Judges, were harshly repulsedand threatened.

Directly Jeanne was abandoned by the Church, shewas seized by the English soldiers, who were present in194large numbers, without any sentence from the secularauthority, although the Bailly of Rouen and theCounsels of the Secular Court were present. I knowthis because I was with her, from the Castle to herlast breath.

The executioner, in my presence, gave his testimonythat she had been unjustly put to death.

Maître Guillaume Érard, at the sermon which hepronounced at the Cemetery of Saint-Ouen, exclaimed:“Oh, House of France! thou hast never till nownourished a monster in thy bosom; but now thou artdisgraced by thy adhesion to this witch, this heretic!this superstitious one!”

Fourth Examination, December 19th, 1455, and May13th, 1456. [Additional statements:]

I have heard it said that the Bishop, and othersconcerned in the Process, wished to have letters ofguarantee from the King of England, and received them;and these are the letters now shewn, signed with thesign manual of Maître Laurence Calot, whose signatureI know well. Maître Jean Lemaitre, Sub-Inquisitor,who was concerned in the Trial and who often wentwith me, was compelled to attend. Brother Ysambardde la Pierre, who was a friend of the Inquisitor, desiredon one occasion to direct Jeanne, but was told to holdhis tongue, and that, if he did not henceforward abstainfrom such interference, he would be thrown into theSeine.

On the day of her death I was with her until herlast breath. One present said he wished his soulmight be where he believed Jeanne’s soul was.After the reading of the sentence, she came downfrom the platform on which the preaching had been,and was led by the executioner, without any sentence195from the secular Judges, to the place where the pile wasprepared for her burning. The pile was on a scaffold,and the executioner lighted it from below. WhenJeanne perceived the fire, she told me to descend andto hold up the Cross of the Lord on high before herthat she might see it.

When I was with her, and exhorting her on hersalvation, the Bishop of Beauvais and some of theCanons of Rouen came over to see her; and, whenJeanne perceived the Bishop, she told him that he wasthe cause of her death; that he had promised to placeher in the hands of the Church, and had relinquishedher to her mortal enemies.

Up to the end of her life she maintained and assertedthat her Voices came from God, and that what shehad done had been by God’s command. She didnot believe that her Voices had deceived her: [butthat] the revelations which she had received had comefrom God.

Messire Nicolas Taquel,Priest, Rector of Basqueville, in the Diocese of Rouen: First Examination, May 8th, 1452.

About half-way through the Process I was called by thetwo notaries to assist them. I saw Jeanne in a prisonin the Castle of Rouen, in a certain tower near the fields.I never perceived any kind of fear, nor did I know ofprohibitions or coercion by the English. I do notremember that she asked to have Counsel, or that theywere offered to her; I was not at the opening of theCase. I knew well that Jeanne was in prison. I sawher there, in irons, notwithstanding her weakness.There was an Englishman who had charge of her inthe room, without whose leave no one, not even theJudges, might have access to her.

196Jeanne was about twenty years of age; though she wasas simple as any girl of her age, she could speak well onoccasion, sometimes varying her answers, and sometimesnot replying to the questions. I certainly heard in thetown, that at night, the English, in the absence of theJudges, disturbed her much, saying sometimes that shewould die, sometimes that they would kill her; but I donot know if it was true. I was present when some of theJudges put very difficult questions to her, to which sheanswered that it did not concern her to reply to them.Some of the Doctors present sometimes said to her, “Yousay well, Jeanne.” Sometimes Jeanne, wearied with somany questions, begged for delay till the morrow; and itwas granted. Many heard the statement referred to,made by Jeanne, that she would say and do nothingagainst the Faith. I believe this is written in theProcess. I do not remember to have seen any Englishat the Examinations of Jeanne, with the exception of theguards; nor do I remember any restrictions upon whatwas done in the Process, although the Judges said it wasforbidden to write anything which was not contained inthe Process. I do not know that the words of the SeventyArticles were inserted in the Process, nor do I rememberthat Jeanne, during the whole Trial, said she wouldnot submit to the Ecclesiastical authority, although Ioccasionally saw her somewhat disturbed; then theDoctors who were present advised her, and sometimespostponed the matter till the morrow.

I saw nothing in Jeanne contrary to a good Catholic.She asked, in my presence, whether she mightreceive the Sacrament; but I was not permitted tobe present at its reception. It was told me that,before she arrived at the place of execution, she mademany and devout prayers to God, to the BlessedMary and the Saints, so that many present wereprovoked to tears, and, among others, Maître Nicolas197Loyseleur, Promoter ^[118] to the cause, who, leaving her intears, met certain English in the court of the Castle:these took him to task, calling him traitor, which frightenedhim so much that, without more ado, he went tothe Earl of Warwick to beg his protection; and, hadit not been for the said Earl, I think that Loyseleurwould have been killed.

After the sentence of the Church had been read, Iwith many other ecclesiastics retired. I was not presentat the execution; but I heard that Jeanne died piouslyand as a Catholic, calling on the name of the BlessedVirgin Mary.

I was one of the notaries, but not at the commencement.I was not there during the time when the Processwas carried on in the Great Hall, but only when the sittingswere held in the prison. I was first concerned in theProcess on the 14th of March, 1430, as appears in mycommission, to which I refer; and, from this time to theend of the Process, I was present as notary at theinterrogations and answers of Jeanne: I was not permittedto write, but I listened and referred, for thewriting, to the other two notaries, Boisguillaume andManchon, both of whom wrote, especially Manchon.

The said Process was put into its present form a longtime after the death of Jeanne, but at what time I donot know. For my labour and trouble I had ten francs,though I had been told I should have twenty; andthese ten francs were handed over to me by a certainBenedicite [d’Estivet], but whence the money came Iknow not.

198I heard it said among the notaries that certain Articleswere to be made; but as to who drew them up I knownot. They were sent to Paris; but whether they weresigned or no, I do not remember: I think they were notsigned, but, yet, I remember that once something wassigned, which was neither Process nor sentence.

[A note of April 4th, 1431, was then shewed to MaîtreTaquel, containing the Twelve Articles in the form inwhich they were sent for correction.] He confirmed thehandwriting of Manchon, and said he believed he waspresent on the occasion. He thought no correctionswere made.

When the preaching was made at the Place Saint-Ouen,I was not upon the platform with the othernotaries. But I was quite close, and could see and hearall that was said and done. I remember well seeing aschedule of abjuration read to Jeanne by Massieu. Itwas about six lines of large writing; and Jeanne repeatedit after Massieu. This letter of abjuration was inFrench, beginning, “Je, Jeanne,” etc. After the abjuration,she was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, andreconducted to the Castle; and after this I was commandedto attend another enquiry; but a tumult arose,and I do not know what happened afterwards. Therewas another sermon: on that day Jeanne died, and onthe morning of the day Jeanne received the Body ofChrist. At this last preaching I was present to the endof the sermon; and at its conclusion Jeanne was handedover to the secular authorities. This done, I retired.

Messire Pierre Lebouchier,Priest, Curé of the Parish of Bourgeauville: Examined May 8th, 1452.

An English clerk, Bachelor in Theology, Keeper ofthe Private Seal of the Cardinal of England, being atthe sermon of Saint-Ouen, said these words, in my199presence, to the Bishop of Beauvais: “Have done!You favour her overmuch!” Annoyed at these words,the Bishop threw the Process, which he had in his hand,to the ground, saying that he would do nothing morethat day, being unwilling to act except according to hisconscience.

Jeanne was alone, seated upon a chair; I heard herreply without Counsel. I do not know whether sheasked for any or if it were denied her.

She was in prison in the Castle of Rouen. I do notknow if she were in irons. No one might speak to herwithout leave from the English who had charge of her.I did not see her leave the Castle. There were with hercertain Englishmen who, I believe, were shut up withher in the same room, to which there were three keys—onekept by the Lord Cardinal or the aforesaid secretary,another by the Inquisitor, and another by Messire JeanBenedicite, the Promoter: for the English feared greatlythat she would escape them.

I was not present at the Process; but, after thepreaching at Saint-Ouen, Jeanne, with her hands joinedtogether, said in a loud voice that she submitted tothe judgment of the Church, and prayed to SaintMichael that he would direct and counsel her.

As soon as the sentence had been read by the EcclesiasticalJudge, [at the Old Market,] she was conductedto the platform of the Bailly by the King’s followers, onwhich platform were the Bailly and other lay officers.She remained there some time with them; and whatthey did or said I know not, only that she was taken backand given over to the fire after they had departed.

While they were tying her to the stake she imploredand specially invoked Saint Michael. She seemed tome a good Christian to the end; the greater number ofthose present, to the number of ten thousand, wept andlamented, saying that she was of great piety.

200I think the English feared Jeanne more than thewhole of the rest of the army of the King of France, andthat this fear it was which moved them, in my opinion,to bring the Process against her.

Maître Nicolas de Houppeville,Bachelor in Theology, of the diocese of Rouen: First Examination, May 8th, 1452.

I never thought that zeal of the Faith, nor desire tobring her back to the right way, caused the English toact thus.

Jeanne was brought to the town of Rouen by theEnglish and imprisoned in the Castle; and the Processwas, I believe, instituted by them. As to the questionof fear and pressure, I do not believe it, so far as itaffected the Judges. They acted voluntarily,—principallythe Bishop of Beauvais, for I saw him on his return fromthe negotiations about Jeanne speaking of it with theRegent and the Earl of Warwick: he was exulting andrejoicing in words which I did not understand. Hewent apart thereupon with the Earl of Warwick; butwhat was said I know not.

In my judgment, the Judges and Assessors were forthe most part uncoerced; for the rest, I believe manywere afraid. I heard from Maître Pierre Minier that hehad tendered his opinion in writing, but it was notpleasing to the Bishop of Beauvais, who sent him away,telling him that, as a theologian, he was not to meddleany more in the matter, but to leave it to the lawyers.

I was once called at the beginning of the Process.I did not come, being prevented. The second day,when I came, I was not admitted. I was even drivenaway by the Bishop, because, talking one day withMaître Michel Colles, I had told him that it wasdangerous for many reasons to take part in this Process.201This was repeated to the Bishop; and for this cause hehad me shut up in the King’s prison at Rouen, whence Iwas delivered only by the prayers of the Lord Abbotof Fécamp: and I heard that some, whom the Bishopsummoned, advised that I should be exiled to Englandor elsewhere beyond the bounds of Rouen, had I notbeen delivered by the Abbot and his friends.

It was reported in the city of Rouen that some one,feigning to be a soldier of the King of France, wassecretly introduced to her, persuading her not to submitto the authority of the Church. There were rumoursthat, on account of this persuasion, Jeanne afterwardswavered in her submission to the Church.

I saw her coming out of the Castle, weeping much,and led to the place of execution by a troop of soldiers,to the number of 120, some with swords and some withclubs. Touched with compassion at this sight I couldgo no further.

At the beginning of the Process, I was at severalconsultations, in which I was of opinion that neitherthe Bishop nor those who wished to take part withhim were in the position to act as Judges; I couldnot see how they could properly proceed, becausethose opposed to her were acting as Judges, and shehad already been examined by the Clergy of Poitiersand the Archbishop of Rheims, the Metropolitan ofthe Bishop of Beauvais. Owing to this opinion Iincurred the wrath of the Bishop, who cited me toappear before him. When I appeared, I told himthat I was not his subject, nor was I under hisjurisdiction, but in that of Rouen: and so I left him.But when, for this reason, I wished to appear in the Caseand presented myself to the authorities of Rouen, I was202arrested and taken to the Castle and to the King’sprisons. When I asked the cause of my arrest, I wastold it was by order of the Bishop of Beauvais. MaîtreJean Delafontaine, my friend, wrote to me that I wasarrested in consequence of the opinion I had given in thisProcess; and he warned me, at the same time, of theanger of the Bishop. Thanks to the intervention of theAbbé of Fécamp, I ended by being set at liberty.

[He adds, to his previous statement, that the man whofeigned to be a soldier on the side of the King of Francewas Nicolas Loyseleur.]

On one occasion, Maître Jean de Chatillon, Archdeaconof Evreux and Doctor in Theology, found thatJeanne was being asked questions too difficult for her,and complained of the mode of procedure, saying thatthey ought not to act in this manner. But the otherAssessors told him to let them alone; to which heanswered: “I must acquit my own conscience.” Forthis cause he was forbidden, by whom I do notremember, to attend further unless he was summoned.

On Trinity Sunday, in the afternoon, Maître AndréMarguérie, hearing that Jeanne had resumed her maleattire, went to the Castle of Rouen, saying that he mustfind out why she had done so, and that it was notenough for him merely to see her in this dress. Oneof the English soldiers, lance in hand, called out tohim, “Traitor! Armagnac!” and raised his lanceagainst him, so that Marguérie fled, fearing to be slain,and was in consequence much upset and ill.

At the first sermon, I was on the platform withJeanne, and read the Schedule of Abjuration to her; ather request and petition I instructed her, shewing her203the danger that might arise from abjuration unless theArticles were first seen by the Church, to whom sheshould refer as to whether she should abjure or not.

Seeing this, Maître Guillaume Érard, the preacher,asked me what I was saying to her, and, when I replied,said: “Read her this schedule, and tell her to sign it.”Jeanne answered that she did not know how to sign; shedesired that the Articles might be seen and deliberatedupon by the Church; [she said] she ought not toabjure this schedule, and requested that she might beplaced in the custody of the Church, and no longer bekept by the English. Érard replied that she had hadlong enough delay, and that, if she did not abjure thisschedule, she should be immediately burned; and heforbade me to speak further with her or to give hermore counsel.

I remember that incomplete questions were often putto Jeanne, and many and difficult interrogations weremade together; then, before she could answer one,another would put a question; so that she was displeased,saying, “Speak one after the other.” I marvelled thatshe could so answer the subtle and captious questionsput to her; no man of letters could have replied better.

I often heard Jeanne say that God would not permither to say or do anything against the Catholic Faith. Iheard her tell the Judges that, if she had ever said ordone anything ill, she was willing to correct and amendaccording to their decision. I heard Jeanne saying tothe Doctors who questioned her: “You ask me of theChurch Triumphant and Militant. I do not understandthese terms; but I am willing to submit to the Churchas a good Christian should.”

I know that the whole Process was written in French.I believe it was afterwards translated into Latin. [To204his account of her resumption of the man’s dress headds:] On the morrow, after she had been seen in theresumed dress, her woman’s dress was restored to her.

At the beginning of the Process, Jeanne asked forCounsel in her replies, she said she was too unlearned toreply; but they answered, that she must speak forherself as best she could, for she should not haveCounsel.

[He adds to his account of her last Communion thefact that he was himself present.]

Further examined, December 17th, 1455, and May12th, 1456. [Additional evidence:]

Once, when I was conducting her before the Judges,she asked me, if there were not, on her way thither, anyChapel or Church in which was the Body of Christ. Ireplied, that there was a certain Chapel in the Castle.She then begged me to lead her by this Chapel, thatshe might do reverence to God and pray, which Iwillingly did, permitting her to kneel and pray before theChapel; this she did with great devotion. The Bishopof Beauvais was much displeased at this, and forbade mein future to permit her to pray there.

Many [in the Trial] had a great hate against her,principally the English, who feared her greatly: for,before she was captured, they did not dare to appearwhere they believed her to be. I heard it said that theBishop of Beauvais did everything at the instigation ofthe King of England and his Council, who were thenin Rouen.

Among the Assessors there was complaint that Jeannewas in the hands of the English. Some of them saidthat she ought to be in the hands of the Church; butthe Bishop did not care, and sent her away to theEnglish.

205Maître Jean Lefèvre, of the Order of the HermitFriars of Saint Augustine, now Bishop of Démétriade,seeing Jeanne much fatigued with the questioningas to whether she were in a state of grace, andconsidering that, though her answers seemed sufficient,she was over-worried by many questioners, remarkedthat she was being too much troubled. Then the questionersordered him to be silent: I do not rememberwho they were.

She was imprisoned in the Castle of Rouen in a roomon the second floor, to which one ascended by eightsteps. There was a bed in which she slept and a greatpiece of wood to which she was fastened by iron chains.

There were five English of wretched estate [houcepailliers]who kept guard over her; they much desiredher death and often derided her, and with this shereproached them.

I learnt from Etienne Castille, locksmith, that he hadconstructed for her an iron cage in which she was heldby the neck, hands and feet, and that she was in thisstate from the time she was first brought to the town ofRouen until the beginning of the Process. I never sawher in this cage, for, when I fetched her, she was alwaysout of irons.

I know that, by the order of the Duchess of Bedford,a visitation was made by matrons and midwives, amongwhom were, notably, Anna Bavon and another matronwhose name I do not remember. She was found to bevirgin, as I have heard from the said Anna. TheDuchess of Bedford forbade the guards to offer her anyviolence.

When Jeanne was questioned, there were with theBishop six Assessors, who also questioned her in suchwise that, when she was occupied in replying to one,another interrupted her answer, so that she often said tothem: “Fair sirs, speak one after another.”

206[To the story of the signing of the abjuration headds:] Érard, holding the Schedule of Abjuration, said toJeanne, “Thou shalt abjure and sign this schedule,” andpassed it to me to read, and I read it in her presence. Iremember well that in this schedule it was said that infuture she should not bear arms or male attire or shorthair, and many other things which I do not remember.I know that this schedule contained about eight linesand no more; and I know of a certainty that it was notthat which is mentioned in the Process, for this is quitedifferent from what I read and what was signed byJeanne. While they were pressing Jeanne to sign herabjuration, there was a great murmur among thosepresent. I heard that the Bishop said to one of them,“You shall pay me for this,” and added, that he wouldnot go on unless satisfaction were done him. During thistime I was constrained to warn Jeanne of the peril whichthreatened her if she signed this schedule. I saw clearlythat she did not understand it, nor the danger in whichshe stood. Then Jeanne, pressed to sign, said: “Letthe clerics of the Church examine this schedule. It isin their hands I ought to be. If they tell me to sign Iwill do it willingly.” Then Maître Guillaume Érardsaid: “Do it now, otherwise you will end in the fire to-day.”Jeanne replied that she would rather sign thanburn; and there arose a great tumult among the people,and many stones were thrown, but by whom I know not.When the schedule was signed, Jeanne asked thePromoter whether she were to be placed in the handsof the Church and where she was to be taken.Then the Promoter replied, that she was to be reconductedto the Castle of Rouen, which in fact wasdone, and she was put into woman’s clothes.

On the morning of Wednesday, the day on which shedied, Brother Martin Ladvenu heard her in confession,and afterwards sent me to the Bishop to tell him this207fact and that she prayed the Sacrament of the Eucharistmight be brought to her. Thereupon, the Bishop convokedsome of the Assessors, and at the end of theirdeliberation he told me to inform Brother Martinthat he might take her the Sacrament and whatsoevershe desired. Then I returned to the Castle and toldthis to Brother Martin.

Afterwards, she came out dressed in woman’s clothing,and Brother Martin and I led her to the place ofexecution.

At the end of his sermon, Maître Nicolas Midi said toher: “Jeanne, go in peace; the Church can no longerdefend thee; she leaves thee to the secular arm.”

She commended herself to God, to Saint Michael,Saint Catherine, and all the Saints.

I heard it said by Jean Fleury, Clerk to the Bailly,that the executioner related how, when her body wasburnt and reduced to powder, her heart remained wholeand bleeding. I was told that her ashes and all thatremained of her were collected and thrown into theSeine.

Maître Nicolas Caval,Priest, Licentiate in Law, Canon of Rouen: First Examination, May 8th, 1452. [Agreed with previous statements.]

Further examined, December 19th, 1455, and May12th, 1456. [Additional evidence:]

Jeanne had a good memory, for sometimes when shewas asked a question she replied, “I have already answeredin such a form,” and she insisted that it shouldbe ascertained from the notaries on what day she soanswered; on which it was found to be as she said,without addition or change: and at this was there muchmarvel, considering her youth.

I was present at the first preaching at Saint-Ouen,where I saw and heard the recantation made by Jeanne,and that she submitted to the decisions, the judgments,and the commands of the Church. A certain EnglishDoctor who was present, being much displeased that theabjuration was received—because Jeanne was laughingwhen she pronounced the words—said to the Bishop ofBeauvais, the Judge, that he was doing wrong to admitthis recantation, since it was a mere farce. The Bishop,irritated, told this person that he lied: for, as Judge ina cause of faith, he must seek rather her salvation thanher death.

Maître André Marguérie,Archdeacon: First Examination, May 9th, 1452. Further examined, December 19th, 1455, and May 12th, 1456.

I heard Jeanne say, that she would believe neitherPrelate nor Pope nor any other in [contradiction to]what she had received from God. I think this was oneof the reasons why she was proceeded against, so thatshe should recant.

I was present at the final preaching but not at theexecution, for very pity of the deed. Many of thosepresent wept, among others the Cardinal de Luxembourg,then Bishop of Thérouanne.

I know nothing about her devotions; but she said,“Rouen, Rouen, must I die here?”

I can well believe that some of the English actedfrom hate and fear, but of the more notable ecclesiasticsI do not think this. A chaplain of the Cardinal ofEngland, present at the first preaching, said to theBishop of Beauvais, that he was showing too much209favour to Jeanne; but the Bishop said to him, “Youlie! For in such a case I would show favour to noone.” The Cardinal of England reproved his chaplainand told him to be silent.

Maître Richard Grouchet,Priest, Master of Arts, Bachelor of Theology, Canon of the Cathedral Church of La Saussaye in the diocese of Evreux: Examined, May 9th, 1452.

Maîtres Jean Pigache, Pierre Minier, and I myself,who was with them, gave our opinion only underterror of threats. We stayed to the Trial, but hadthoughts of flight. I many times heard from PierreMaurice that, after the sermon at Saint-Ouen, he hadwarned Jeanne to hold to her good purpose; and theEnglish, much displeased, threatened to strike him.

I think the notaries wrote with fidelity. I saw andheard that the Bishop of Beauvais bitterly upbraidedthem when they did not do as he wished: the wholeaffair, so far as I saw and heard, was carried on tumultuously.So far as I saw, no one was permitted toinstruct or counsel Jeanne, nor did I see that she eitherasked for or was offered Counsel: but I am not sure ofthis. I do not know whether any one was in danger oflosing his life by defending her, but I know well thatwhen difficult questions were put to Jeanne, whoeverwished to direct her was harshly reproved and accusedof partiality, sometimes by the Bishop of Beauvais andsometimes by Maître Jean Beaupère, who said tothose who wished to advise, that they should leaveher to speak and that the business of interrogationwas theirs.

Jeanne was in prison, in the Castle of Rouen, whereshe was guarded and brought backwards and forwardsby the English; but as to fetters and chains I know210nothing, though I have often heard that she was harshlyand straitly bound.

I saw and heard at the Trial that when Jeanne wasasked if she would submit to the Bishop of Beauvaisand others of the Assessors then named, she replied thatshe would not, but she would submit to the Pope and theCatholic Church, praying that she might be conductedto the Pope. When she was told that the Process wouldbe sent to the Pope for him to judge, she replied thatshe did not wish this, because she did not know whatmight be put in this Process, but that she wished to betaken herself and interrogated by the Pope.

I did not know, nor did I ever hear, that there wasever any secular sentence pronounced against Jeanne.I was not present, but the public voice and rumour saidthat she had been violently and unjustly done to death.

Messire Jean Lefevre,Bishop of Démétriade, of the Order of Saint Augustin in the Convent at Rouen, S.T.P.: Examined, May 9th, 1452.

When Jeanne was asked if she were in the Grace ofGod, I, who was present, said it was not a suitablequestion for such a girl. Then the Bishop of Beauvaissaid to me, “It will be better for you if you keepsilent.”

Jeanne answered with great prudence the questionsput to her, with the exception of the subject of herrevelations from God: for the space of three weeks Ibelieved her to be inspired. She was asked veryprofound questions, as to which she showed herselfquite capable; sometimes they interrupted the enquiry,going from one subject to another, that they might makeher change her purpose. The Examinations were verylong, lasting sometimes two or three hours, so that theDoctors present were much fatigued.

211Messire Thomas Marie,Priest, Bachelor in Theology, Prior of Saint Michael, near Rouen, of the Order of Saint Benedict: Examined, May 7th, 1452.

Jeanne had done marvels in war: and, as the Englishare commonly superstitious, they thought there was a fatewith her. Therefore, in my opinion, they, in all theircounsels and elsewhere, desired her death.

[When asked how he knew the English were superstitious,he answered that it was commonly so reported,and was a popular proverb.]

I heard from a certain locksmith that he had made aniron cage high enough to allow her to stand upright.[When asked if she were ever put into it:] I believe so;I knew nothing of her keepers.

I have heard, that after the first preaching, when shewas taken back to the prison of the Castle, she was thevictim of so many oppressions that she said she wouldrather die than remain with these English.

Where the judgment is not free, neither Process norsentence is of value; but whether in this Case theJudges and Assessors were free, I know not beyondwhat I have before stated.

I heard from many that they saw the name Jesuswritten in the flames of the fire in which she wasburnt.

I can well believe that if the English had had such awoman, they would have honoured her much and nothave treated her in this manner.

Maître Jean de Fave,Master of Arts, Licentiate in Law; living at Rouen; Commissary: Examined, May 9th, 1452.

After the first preaching, when she was taken back toprison, some of the soldiers insulted her, and their chiefsallowed them to do so. Some of the leaders of the212English—as I heard—were angry with the Bishop ofBeauvais, the Doctors, and the other Assessors in theTrial, because she had not been convicted and condemnedand taken to execution; and I heard it said that someof the English, in their indignation against the Bishopand the Doctors, would have drawn their swords toattack them, if not to slay them, saying that the Kingwas wasting his money on such as they. I also heardthat when the Earl of Warwick, after this first sermon,complained to the Bishop and the Doctors, saying thatthe King was in a bad way, for Jeanne had escapedthem, one of them replied: “Take no heed to it, mylord; we shall soon have her again.”

The English were discontented with Maître GuillaumeManchon, the notary: they held him in suspicion asfavourable to Jeanne, because he had not been willing tocome to the Trial, and did not conduct himself to theirliking.

Maître Jean Ricquier,Priest, Curé of Hendicourt [testimony of no importance].

Twelve questions were prepared for information to betaken in the country of the late Jeanne, commonly calledthe Maid.

Examination of Witnesses.

Jeanne was born at Domremy and was baptisedat the Parish Church of Saint Remy, in that place.Her father was named Jacques d’Arc, her motherIsabelle—both labourers living together at Domremy.They were, as I saw and knew, good and faithfulCatholics, labourers of good repute and honest life. Ilived much with them, I was one of the godfathersof Jeannette. She had three godmothers—the wife ofEtienne Thévenin, Beatrix, Widow Estellin, both livingat Domremy; and Jeannette, widow of Thiesselin ofViteaux, living at Neufchâteau. From her earlyyouth, Jeannette was brought up with care in the Faith,and in good morals; she was so good that all thevillage of Domremy loved her. Jeannette knew herBelief and herPater andAve as well as any of hercompanions. She had modest ways, as beseemed onewhose parents were not rich. Up to the time sheleft her parents she followed the plough and sometimesminded the cattle in the fields. Also she did the usual214duties of women, such as spinning, and other things.I know she liked to go often to the Hermitage of theBlessed Marie of Bermont, near Domremy; I often sawher go there. She was there when her parents thoughther with the plough or in the fields; and when sheheard the Mass-bell, if she were in the fields, she wouldgo back to the village and to the Church, in order tohear Mass. I have been witness of this many times.I have seen her confess at Easter-tide and othersolemn Feasts. I saw her confess to Messire GuillaumeFronte, who was then Curé of the Parish of SaintRemy.

On the subject of the Fairies’ tree, I have heard thatthe Fairies came there long ago to dance; but, sincethe Gospel of Saint John has been read under the tree,they come no more. At the present day, on the Sundaywhen in the Holy Church of God the Introit to theMass ‘Laetare Jerusalem’ is sung, called with us ‘theSunday of the Wells,’ the young maidens and youths ofDomremy are accustomed to go there, and also in thespring and summer and on festival days; they dancethere and have a feast. On their return, they godancing and playing to the Well of the Thorn, wherethey drink and amuse themselves, gathering flowers.Jeanne the Maid went there, like all the other girls atthose times, and did as they did; but I never heard saythat she went there alone, either to the tree or to thewell—which is nearer to the village than the tree—or thatshe went for any other purpose than to walk about andplay like her companions. When Jeanne left her father’shouse, she went two or three times to Vaucouleurs tospeak to the Bailly. I heard it said that the LordCharles, then Duke of Lorraine, wished to see her, andgave her a black horse.

I have no more to say, except that in the month ofJuly I was at Chalons, at the time when it was said that215the King was going to Rheims to be anointed.^[119] I foundJeanne at Chalons and she made me a present of a reddress she had been wearing. I know nothing of theenquiry made at Domremy. When Jeanne went toNeufchâteau on account of the soldiers, she was alwaysin the company of her father and mother, who stayedthere four days, and then returned to Domremy. I amsure of what I say, because I went with the rest toNeufchâteau and I saw Jeannette there with her parents.

Jeanne was older than I. I knew her and rememberher for the three or four years before herdeparture from home. She was a well-brought-up girl,and well-behaved; and she often attended Church.Sometimes, when the village bell rang for service, I sawher kneel down and pray with great devotion.

Jeannette was born, at Domremy, of Jacques d’Arcand Isabelle, his wife, labourers, good and trueCatholics, honest folk and worthy, according to theirability, but not rich. She was baptised at the Church ofSaint Remy. She had as god-fathers, Jean Morel, Jeande Laxart, and the late Jean Raiguesson; and asgod-mothers, Jeannette, widow Thiesselin, JeannetteThévenin, and myself. Jeanne was suitably instructed inthe Catholic Faith, like other young girls of her age.216Up to her departure, she was properly brought up; shewas a chaste maiden, and of modest habits. Shefrequented with great devotion, churches and holyplaces; and, after the village of Domremy was burned,she went on Feast Days to attend Mass at Greux. Sheconfessed willingly at festivals, principally at the Feastof the most Holy Easter, the Resurrection of our LordJesus Christ. I do not think there was any one betterthan she in our two villages. She employed herself athome with many duties in the house, spinning hemp orwool, following the plough, or going to harvest, accordingto the season. When it was her father’s turn, she sometimeskept the cattle and the flocks of the village forhim. When Jeannette went to Neufchâteau, all thevillage had fled. I saw her there, always with her fatherand mother. Up to her going into France, Jeannettehad never obeyed any one or worked for any one buther father.

Jeannette,wife of Thévenin, cartwright [gave evidence similar to the preceding, as did]Jean Moen,of Domremy, cartwright, living at Coussey, near Neufchâteau, [and]Jacquierof Saint Amance, near Nancy.

Messire Etienne of Sionne,Curé of the Parish Church of Roncessey-sous-Neufchâteau.

Many times I heard Messire Guillaume Fronte,in his lifetime Curé of Domremy, say that Jeannethe Maid was a simple and good girl, pious, well-brought-up,and God-fearing, and without her likein the whole village. Often did she confess her sins;and, if she had had money, she would have given itto him, he told me, to say Masses. Every day, whenhe celebrated Mass, she was there. I heard it saidby a great number of persons that Jeannette, when217she went to Neufchâteau, lived with a worthy womannamed La Rousse; and that she always remained inthe company of her father and the other inhabitantsof Domremy, who had fled there.

I often saw her confess to Messire GuillaumeFronte, the Curé of the parish. She never swore, and,to affirm strongly, contented herself with saying, “Withoutfail!” She was no dancer; and, sometimes, whenthe others were singing and dancing, she went to prayer.Jeannette was fond of work, spinning, looking afterthe house, and, when necessary, taking her turn atminding her father’s cattle. There is a tree by us calledthe Ladies’ Tree, because, in ancient days, the SieurPierre Granier, Seigneur de Bourlement, and a ladycalled Fée met under this tree and conversed together:I have heard it read in a romance. The Seigneursof Domremy and their ladies—at least, the LadyBeatrix, wife of Pierre de Bourlement, and the saidPierre—accompanied by their daughters, came sometimesto walk round this tree. In the same way,every year the young girls and youths of Domremycame to walk there, on the Laetare Sunday—called ‘theSunday of the Wells’: they ate and danced there, andwent to drink at the Well of the Thorn. But I do notremember if Jeanne were ever under this tree. I neverheard anything evil said about her on account of thistree.

Louis de Martigny,Squire, living at Martigny-les-Gerbonveaux, near Neufchâteau.

I heard that Jeanne, when she wanted to go intoFrance, went first to the Bailly of Chaumont, and afterwards218to the Lord Duke de Lorraine, who gave her ahorse and some money. Bertrand de Poulengey, Jean deMetz, Jean Dieu-le-Ward, and Colet de Vienne afterwardsconducted her to the King.

Thévenin Le Royer,Cartwright, a native of Chermisey, near Neufchâteau, residing at Domremy, husband of one of Jeanne’s God-mothers [evidence similar to the preceding].

One day, a man ^[120] of Burey-le-Petit came to seekJeanne at Domremy, and took her to speak with theBailly of Vaucouleurs: I heard say that it was this Baillywho sent her to the King. The soldiers having cometo Domremy, all the people of the village went to takerefuge at Neufchâteau. Jeannette and her parents didas the others did: she stayed there about four days,always in their company.

Perrin Le Drapier,of Domremy, Churchwarden of the Parish Church and Bell-ringer.

From her earliest years till her departure, Jeannettethe Maid was a good girl, chaste, simple, modest,never blaspheming God nor the Saints, fearing God.She loved to go to Church and confessed often. Ican attest what I say, for I was then attached to theChurch of Saint Remy, and often I saw Jeanne comethere to Mass and other Offices. When I forgot to ringfor Service, Jeanne scolded me, saying I had donewrong; and she promised to give me some of the woolof her flock if I would ring more diligently. Often shewent with her sister and others to the Church andHermitage of Bermont. She was very charitable, and219very industrious, employed herself in spinning anddivers other works in her father’s house; sometimes shewent to the plough, or took care of the flock when itwas her turn. When Jeanne left her father’s house,she went with her uncle Durand Laxart to Vaucouleurs,to seek Robert de Baudricourt, who was then captainthere.

When Jeanne left her father’s house, I saw her passbefore my father’s house, with her uncle Durand Laxart.“Adieu,” she said to my father, “I am going to Vaucouleurs.”I heard afterwards that she had gone toFrance. I was at Neufchâteau with Jeanne and herparents. I saw her always with them, excepting that,for three or four days, she did, under their eyes, help thehostess at whose house they were lodging,—an honestwoman named La Rousse. I know well that they onlyremained at Neufchâteau four or five days. When thesoldiers had gone, Jeanne returned to Domremy withher parents.

She was a good girl, simple and gentle; she wentwillingly and often to Church, and Holy places. Oftenshe was bashful when others reproached her with goingtoo devotedly to Church. There was a tree in theneighbourhood that, from ancient days, had been calledthe Ladies’ Tree. It was said formerly that ladies,called Fairies, came under this tree; but I never heardany one say they had been seen there. The youngpeople of the village were accustomed to go to this tree,taking food with them, and to the Well of the Thorn ^[121]

220[Ad fontem Rannorum, or, “ad Rannos”] on the Sundayof ‘Laetare Jerusalem,’^[122] called the Sunday of theWells. I often went there with Jeanne, who was myfriend, and with other young girls on the said Sunday ofthe Wells. We ate there, ran about, and played. Also,we took nuts to this tree and well. I did not know ofJeanne’s departure: I wept much; I loved her dearlyfor her goodness and because she was my friend. Jeannewas always with her father and mother at Neufchâteau.I also was at Neufchâteau, and saw her there all thetime.

I saw Jeannette very often. In our childhood, weoften followed together her father’s plough, and wewent together with the other children of the village tothe meadows or pastures. Often, when we were all atplay, Jeannette would retire alone to “talk with God.” Iand the others laughed at her for this. She was simpleand good, frequenting the Church and Holy places.Often, when she was in the fields and heard the bellsring, she would drop on her knees.

Of her departure for Vaucouleurs I know nothing.But, at the time when she was thinking of leaving thevillage, she said to me, one day: “Gossip, if you werenot a Burgundian, I would tell you something.” Ithought it was on the subject of some marriage whichshe might have in her head. After her departure, Isaw her at Chalons,—I and four other inhabitantsof this place. She told us she feared nothing buttreason.

I was brought up with Jeannette, close to herhouse. I know that she was good, simple and pious,and that she feared God and the Saints. She lovedChurch and Holy places; she was very charitable, andliked to take care of the sick. I know this of a surety,for, in my childhood, I fell ill, and it was she who nursedme. When the Church bells rang, I have seen herkneel down and make the sign of the Cross.

From my childhood I knew the parents of Jeannette;as to Jeannette, herself, I knew her in my youth andas long as she remained with her parents. She wasvery hospitable to the poor, and would even sleep on thehearth in order that the poor might lie in her bed. Shewas not fond of playing, at which we, her companions,complained. She liked work; and would spin, labourwith her father, look after the house, and sometimesmind the sheep. She was never seen idling in theroads; she was more often in Church at prayer.

I often saw her at confession, for she was mygossip, and god-mother to my son Nicolas. I was oftenwith her, and saw her go to confession to MessireGuillaume, who was then our Curé. When all was wellat the château, the Seigneurs and their ladies oftencame to walk beneath the Ladies’ Tree, on the Sundayof Laetare, which we call ‘the Sunday of the Wells’;and on certain other days, in fine weather, they broughtwith them the village boys and girls. The SeigneurPierre de Bourlement and his lady, who was fromFrance, took me there on the said Sunday of the Wellsmany times in my childhood, with other children.It was the custom to go every year, on this Sunday,to play and walk round this tree. Jeannette went222with us, we each brought provisions, and, the mealended, went to refresh ourselves at the Well. The samething takes place now, with our children.

My father’s house joined the house of Jacques d’Arc:so I knew her well. We often spun together, andtogether worked at the ordinary house-duties, whetherby day or night. She was a good Christian, ofgood manners and well brought up. She loved theChurch, and went there often, and gave alms from thegoods of her father. She was a good girl, simple andpious—so much so that I and her companions told hershe was too pious.

Messire Jean Colin,Curé of the Parish Church at Domremy and Canon of the Collegiate Church of Saint-Nicolas de Brixey, near Vaucouleurs.

While Jeanne was at Vaucouleurs, she confessedto me two or three times. It seemed to me, to myknowledge, that she was an excellent girl, with all thesigns of a perfect Christian and of a true Catholic;she was fond of going to Church. I saw her atVaucouleurs, when she wanted to go into France, andsaw her mount on horseback; with her were Bertrandde Poulengey, Jean de Metz, Colet de Vienne, horse-soldiersand servants of Robert de Baudricourt.

I heard Durand Laxart say, that she told him hemust conduct her to Vaucouleurs, that she wished to gointo France, and that she would tell her father shewas going to the house of the said Durand to nurse hiswife. And this, Durand told me, was done; and then,with the consent of her father, she went to Vaucouleursto seek Robert de Baudricourt.

When Jeannette was at Vaucouleurs, I saw herdressed in a red dress, poor and worn; she lived at thehouse of one named Henri Leroyer. “What are youdoing here, my friend?” I said to her. “Must theKing be driven from the kingdom; and are weto be English?” “I am come here,” she answeredme, “to this royal town,^[123] to speak to Robert de Baudricourt,to the end that he may conduct me or have meconducted to the King: but Robert cares neither for menor for my words. Nevertheless, before the middle ofLent, I must be with the King—even if I have to weardown my feet to the knees! No one in the world—neitherkings, nor dukes, nor the daughter of the King ofScotland,^[124] nor any others—can recover the kingdom ofFrance; there is no succour to be expected save fromme; but, nevertheless, I would rather spin with my poormother—for this is not my proper estate: it is, however,necessary that I should go, and do this, because my Lordwills that I should do it.” And when I asked her whothis Lord was, she told me it was God. Then I pledgedmy faith to her, touching her hand, and promised that,with God’s guidance, I would conduct her to the King.I asked her when she wished to start. “Sooner at oncethan to-morrow, and sooner to-morrow than later,” shesaid. I asked her if she could make this journey, dressedas she was. She replied that she would willingly take aman’s dress. Then I gave her the dress and equipmentof one of my men. Afterwards, the inhabitants of Vaucouleurshad a man’s dress made for her, with all thenecessary requisites; I also procured for her a horse atthe price of about sixteen francs. Thus dressed andmounted, and furnished with a safe-conduct from the224Sieur Charles, Duke de Lorraine, she went to visit thesaid Lord Duke. I accompanied her as far as Toul. Onthe return to Vaucouleurs, the first Sunday in Lent,^[125]which is called ‘Dimanche des Bures’—and it will be, ifI mistake not, twenty-seven years from that day to thecoming Lent ^[126]—I and Bertrand de Poulengey, with two ofmy men, Colet de Vienne, the King’s Messenger, andthe Archer Richard, conducted the Maid to the King,who was then at Chinon. The journey was made at theexpense of Bertrand de Poulengey and myself. Wetravelled for the most part at night, for fear of theBurgundians and the English, who were masters of theroads. We journeyed eleven days, always riding towardsthe said town of Chinon. On the way, I asked hermany times if she would really do all she said. “Haveno fear,” she answered us, “what I am commanded todo, I will do; my brothers in Paradise have told me howto act: it is four or five years since my brothers inParadise and my Lord—that is, God—told me that Imust go and fight in order to regain the kingdom ofFrance.” On the way, Bertrand and I slept every nightby her—Jeanne being at my side, fully dressed. Sheinspired me with such respect that for nothing in theworld would I have dared to molest her; also, never didI feel towards her—I say it on oath—any carnal desire.On the way she always wished to hear Mass. Shesaid to us: “If we can, we shall do well to hear Mass.”But, for fear of being recognized, we were only able tohear it twice. I had absolute faith in her. Her wordsand her ardent faith in God inflamed me. I believeshe was sent from God; she never swore, she loved toattend Mass, she confessed often, and was zealous ingiving alms. Many times was I obliged to hand out toher the money she gave for the love of God. While wewere with her, we found her always good, simple, pious,225an excellent Christian, well-behaved, and God-fearing.When we arrived at Chinon,^[127] we presented ourselves tothe King’s Court and Council. I know she had thereto submit to long enquiries.

I knew Jeannette from my earliest youth. OfJeanne’s departure for Vaucouleurs I knew nothing.But, one day—the Eve of Saint John the Baptist ^[128]—shesaid to me: “Between Coussy and Vaucouleursthere is a young girl, who, before the year is gone,will have the King of France consecrated.” And, intruth, the following year the King was crowned atRheims.^[129] When Jeanne was a prisoner I saw NicolasBailly, Notary of Andelot, coming to Domremy, oneday, with several other persons. At the request of Jeande Torcenay, Bailly of Chaumont for the pretendedKing of France and England, he proceeded to makeenquiries into the conduct and life of Jeanne. But hecould not induce the inhabitants of Vaucouleurs todepose. I believe that they questioned Jean Begot, atwhose house they were staying. Their enquiry revealednothing against Jeanne.

I saw Jeanne the Maid when she came to Maxey-sur-Vays.^[130]When Jeanne came to Maxey, she came sometimesto my house. I always thought her a good girl, simpleand pious. Many times I heard her speak; she saidthat she wished to go into France.

Jeanne was of the family of Jeanne, my wife. Iknew Jacques d’Arc and Isabelle, his wife, the parentsof Jeanne the Maid: they were good and faithful226Catholics, and of good repute. She was a girl of gooddisposition, devout, patient, loving the Church, goingoften to confession, and giving to the poor all that shecould. I can attest this, having been witness thereof,both at Domremy and at my own house at Burey, whereshe passed six weeks.^[131] I went to fetch her from herfather’s and brought her to my house; she told me shewished to go into France, to the Dauphin, to have himcrowned. “Was it not foretold formerly,” she said tome, “that France should be desolated ^[132] by a woman, andshould be restored by a maid?” She told me shewished to go, herself, and seek Robert de Baudricourt,in order that he might have her conducted to theplace where the Dauphin was. But many timesRobert told me to take her back to her father and tobox her ears. When she saw that Robert would notdo as she asked, she took some of my garments andsaid she would start. She departed, and I took herto Vaucouleurs [i.e. Saint-Nicolas ^[133]].—Thence shereturned, and went with a safe-conduct to the SieurCharles de Lorraine. The Duke saw her, spoke to her,and gave her four francs,^[134] which Jeanne showed to me.She came back to Vaucouleurs; and the inhabitantsbought for her a man’s garments and a complete warlikeequipment. Alain de Vaucouleurs and I bought her ahorse for the price of twelve francs, which we paid, andwhich was repaid to us later by the Sieur Robert deBaudricourt. This done, Jean de Metz, Bertrand dePoulengey, Colet de Vienne, together with Richard theArcher and two men of the suite of Jean de Metz and227Bertrand, conducted Jeanne to the place where theDauphin was.

All this, as I now say it, I told to the King. I knowno more, except that I saw her at Rheims at the King’scrowning.

Jeanne, when she had left her parents, was brought toour house at Vaucouleurs by Durand Laxart, her uncle;she wished to go to the place where the Dauphin was.I had occasion to know her well; she was an excellentgirl, simple, gentle, respectful, well-conducted, loving togo to Church.

She lived with us at Vaucouleurs, at different timesabout three weeks. She spoke to the Sieur Robert deBaudricourt, that he might have her conducted to theDauphin, but Sieur Robert would not listen to her. Oneday, I saw Robert de Baudricourt—then captain ofVaucouleurs—and Messire Jean Fournier, our Curé,come in to our house to visit her. After they were gone,she told me that the Priest had his stole, and that, inpresence of the said captain, he adjured her, saying:“If you are an evil spirit, avaunt! If you are a goodspirit, approach!” Then Jeanne drew near the Priestand threw herself at his knees: she said he was wrongto act so, for he had heard her in confession. When shesaw that Robert refused to conduct her to the King, shesaid to me that, nevertheless, she would go and seek theDauphin. “Do you not know,” she said, “the prophecywhich says that France, lost by a woman, shall be savedby a maiden from the Marches of Lorraine?” I didindeed remember the prophecy, and remained stupefied.Jacques Alain and Durand Laxart took her to Saint-Nicolas,^[135]then came back with her to Vaucouleurs.

Jeanne, when she came to Vaucouleurs, lodged in ourhouse. She said to us, “It is necessary that I shouldgo to the noble Dauphin; my Lord the King of Heavenwills that I should go; I go in the name of the Kingof Heaven; even if I have to drag myself thither onmy knees, I shall go!” When she arrived at our house,she was wearing a woman’s dress, of a red colour.At Vaucouleurs she received the gift of a man’s dressand a complete equipment; then, mounted on a horse,she was conducted to the place where the Dauphin was,by Jean de Metz, Bertrand de Poulengey, and two oftheir servants—Colet de Vienne, and Richard theArcher. I saw them depart, all six, and Jeanne withthem. When she spoke of leaving, she was asked howshe thought she could effect such a journey and escapethe enemy. “I fear them not,” she answered, “I havea sure road: if the enemy are on my road, I have Godwith me, Who knows how to prepare the way to theLord Dauphin. I was born to do this.”

I saw Jeanne at Vaucouleurs when she arrivedto be taken to the King. Many times I heard herthen say that she wished to go to the King, and thatsome one would conduct her to him, for it would be tothe great benefit of the Dauphin.

This maiden always seemed to me very well behaved.I should have been well pleased to have had a daughteras good as she.

As Tabellion I was appointed by the Sieur Jean deTorcenay, Knight, then Bailly of Chaumont, by theauthority of the pretended King of France and England,and, with me, the late Gerard Petit—then Provost ofthe said Andelot ^[136]—to proceed to an enquiry on thesubject of Jeanne, at that time detained in prison atRouen. Many times, in her youth, I saw Jeanne beforeshe left her father’s house: she was a good girl, of purelife and good manners, a good Catholic who loved theChurch and went often on pilgrimage to the Church ofBermont, and confessed nearly every month—as Ilearned from a number of the inhabitants of Domremy,whom I had to question on the subject at the time ofthe enquiry that I made with the Provost of Andelot.When I and the late Gerard made this enquiry, weexamined twelve or fifteen witnesses. Afterwards, wecertified the information before Simon de Thermes,Squire, Lieutenant of the Captain of Montclair.

Guillot Jacquier,of Andelot, King’s Sergeant; [evidence similar to the preceding.]

After her departure from her father’s roof, I often sawJeanne at Vaucouleurs and during the war. I rememberoften to have heard this Ladies’ Tree spoken of. I haveeven sat beneath it, but that was a dozen years before Isaw Jeanne. Jeanne came to Vaucouleurs, I think, aboutAscension Day.^[137] I saw her speaking to the Captain, Robertde Baudricourt. She told him that “she came to him230in the name of her Lord; that the Dauphin must becompelled to persevere and to give battle to his enemies,that the Lord would give him succour before the middleof Lent; that the kingdom belonged not to him,the Dauphin, but to her Lord; that her Lord wouldhave the Dauphin King and hold the kingdom in trust;that she would make him King, in spite of his enemies,and would conduct him to his coronation.” “But whois this Lord of whom you speak?” asked Robert of her.“The King of Heaven,” she replied. That time shewent back to her father’s house, accompanied by one ofher uncles, named Durand Laxart. Later, towards thecommencement of Lent, she came back to Vaucouleursto seek companions, so as to go to the Dauphin. ThenJean de Metz and I offered to conduct her to the King—atthat time Dauphin. After a pilgrimage to Saint-Nicolas,she went to seek the Lord Duke de Lorraine,who had sent her a safe-conduct and asked to see her.She then returned to Vaucouleurs and lodged in thehouse of Henry Leroyer. Then Jean de Metz and I,aided by many others of Vaucouleurs, so wrought thatshe put off her woman’s dress, which was of a red colour;^[138]we procured for her a tunic and man’s dress—spurs,leggings, sword, and such-like—and a horse. Then westarted with her to seek the Dauphin, together withJulian, my servant, Jean de Honecourt, servant of Jeande Metz, Colet de Vienne, and Richard the Archer.On starting, the first day, fearing to be taken by theBurgundians and the English, we travelled all night.Jeanne said to me and to Jean de Metz, while we werejourneying, that it would be well for us to hear Mass;but while we were in the enemy’s country, we couldnot, for fear of being recognized. At night, Jeanneslept beside John de Metz and myself, fully dressedand armed. I was young then; nevertheless I never231felt towards her any desire: I should never havedared to molest her, because of the great goodnesswhich I saw in her. We were eleven days on the road,during which we had many anxieties. But Jeanne toldus always that we had nothing to fear, and that, oncearrived at Chinon, the noble Dauphin would show usgood countenance. She entirely abstained from swearing.I felt myself inspired by her words, for I saw she was indeeda messenger of God; never did I see in her any evil,but always she was as good as if she had been a saint.We took our road thus, and, without many obstacles,gained Chinon, where the King—then Dauphin—wasstaying. There the said maid was presented to thenobles in the King’s suite, to whom I refer for theactions of the said Jeanne.

Messire Henri Arnolin,of Gontrecourt-le-Château, near Commercy, Priest; [testimony of no importance].

Messire Jean Lefumeux,of Vaucouleurs, Canon of the Chapel of Saint Mary at Vaucouleurs, and Curé of the Parish Church of Ugny.

I know that Jeanne came to Vaucouleurs, and saidthat she wished to go to the Dauphin. I was thenyoung, and attached to the Chapel of the Blessed Maryat Vaucouleurs. I often saw Jeanne in this Chapel; shebehaved with great piety, attended Mass in the morning,and remained a long time in prayer. I have also seenher ^[139] in the crypt of the Chapel on her knees before theBlessed Mary, her face sometimes bent to the ground,sometimes raised to heaven. She was a good and holymaiden.

Jean Jacquard,labourer, of Greux; son of Jean, calledGuillemette; [evidence similar to the preceding].

I think that Jeanne was sent by God, and that herbehaviour in war was a fact divine rather than human.Many reasons make me think so.

I was at Orleans, then besieged by the English, whenthe report spread that a young girl, commonly called theMaid, had just passed through Gien, going to the nobleDauphin, with the avowed intention of raising the siege ofOrleans and conducting the Dauphin to Rheims for hisanointing. I was then entrusted with the care of thetown of Orleans and was Lieutenant-General of the Kingin affairs of war. In order to be better informed on thesubject of this young girl, I sent to the King the Sieurde Villars, Seneschal of Beaucaire, and Janet de Tilly,^[141]who was afterwards Bailly of Vermandois.

They returned from the King, and reported to mepublicly, in presence of all the people of Orleans[assembled] to know the truth, that they had seen theMaid arrive at Chinon. They said that the King at firsthad no wish to listen to her: she even remained two233days, waiting, until she was permitted to present herselfbefore him, although she persisted in saying that shewas come to raise the siege of Orleans, and to conductthe Dauphin to Rheims, in order that he mightbe consecrated; she at once asked for men, arms andhorses.

Three weeks or a month elapsed, during which theKing had her examined by Clergy, Prelates, and Doctorsin Theology, as to her words and deeds, in order to knowif he might receive her with safety. Then the Kingassembled an army to conduct to Orleans a convoy ofsupplies.

Hearing the opinion of the Clergy and Prelates thatthere was no evil in this Maid, the King sent her with theLord Archbishop of Rheims,^[142] then Chancellor of France,and the Sieur de Gaucourt, then Grand Steward, toBlois, where those were who had the charge of escortingthe convoy—that is, the Sieurs de Rais ^[143] and deBoussac, Marshals of France; de Coulent, Admiral ofFrance; La Hire; and Ambroise de Loré, who was afterwardsGovernor of Paris. All, at the head of the armytransporting the convoy, came, with Jeanne, in goodorder, by way of the Sologne, to the Loire, facing theChurch of Saint Loup. But the English were there ingreat number: and the army escorting the convoy didnot appear to me, nor to the other captains, in sufficientforce to resist them and to ensure the entrance of theconvoy on that side. It was necessary to load theconvoy on boats, which were procured with difficulty.But to reach Orleans it was necessary to sail against thestream, and the wind was altogether contrary.

Then Jeanne said to me: “Are you the Bastard ofOrleans?” “Yes,” I answered; “and I am very glad234of your coming!” “Is it you who said I was tocome on this side [of the river], and that I should not godirect to the side where Talbot and the English are?”“Yes, and those more wise than I are of the sameopinion, for our greater success and safety.” “In God’sName,” she then said, “the counsel of My Lord is saferand wiser than yours. You thought to deceive me, andit is yourselves who are deceived, for I bring you bettersuccour than has ever come to any general or townwhatsoever—the succour of the King of Heaven. Thissuccour does not come from me, but from God Himself,Who, at the prayers of Saint Louis and Saint Charlemagne,has had compassion on the town of Orleans, andwill not suffer the enemy to hold at the same time theDuke ^[144] and his town!”

At that moment, the wind, being contrary, andthereby preventing the boats going up the river andreaching Orleans, turned all at once and became favourable.They stretched the sails; and I ordered the boatsto the town, which I entered with Brother Nicolas deGeresme, then Grand Prior in France of the Order ofRhodes. We passed before the Church of Saint Loupin spite of the English. From that time I put goodhope in her, even more than before. I had begged herto cross the river and to enter the town, where manywere longing for her. She had made a difficulty aboutit, not wishing, she said, to abandon her army or herfollowers who were duly confessed, penitent, and ofgood will; and on their account she refused to come.Thereupon, I went in search of the captains who hadcharge of the convoy and the army, and besoughtthem, for the welfare of the King, to allow Jeanne toenter Orleans at once, and that they should go up theriver—they and the army—to Blois, where they shouldcross the Loire so as to return to Orleans, for there was235no nearer place of crossing. They consented; andJeanne then came with me. She had in her hand abanner, white in colour, on which was an image of OurLord holding in His Hand a lily. La Hire crossed theLoire at the same time as she, and entered the citywith her and ourselves. All this was much more thework of God than of man: the sudden change ofwind immediately Jeanne had announced it; thebringing in of the convoy of supplies in spite of theEnglish, who were in much greater force than all theKing’s army; and the statement of Jeanne that shehad seen Saint Louis and Saint Charles the Greatpraying God for the safety of the King and of theCity.

Another circumstance made me think these deedswere the work of God. I wished to go towards thearmy which had turned back on Blois and which wasmarching to the relief of Orleans; Jeanne would not waitfor them nor consent that I should go to meet them:she wished to summon the English to raise the siege atonce on pain of being themselves attacked. She did,in fact, summon them by a letter which she wrote tothem in French, in which she told them, in very simpleterms, that they were to retire from the siege and returnto England, or else she would bring against them agreat attack, which would force them to retreat. Herletter was sent to Lord Talbot. From that hour, theEnglish—who, up to that time, could, I affirm, with twohundred of their men, have put to rout 800 or 1,000 ofours—were unable, with all their power, to resist 400 or500 French; they had to be driven into their forts,where they took refuge, and from whence they darednot come forth.

There is another fact which made me believe she wasfrom God. The 27th of May,^[145] very early in the morning,236we began the attack on the Boulevard ^[146] of the bridge.Jeanne was there wounded by an arrow which penetratedhalf-a-foot between the neck and the shoulder; but shecontinued none the less to fight, taking no remedy forher wound. The attack lasted throughout, from themorning until 8 o’clock in the evening, without hopeof success for us: for which reason I was anxiousthat the army should retire into the town. TheMaid then came to me, praying me to wait yet alittle longer. Thereupon she mounted her horse, retiredto a vineyard, all alone by herself, remained inprayer about half an hour, then, returning and seizingher banner by both hands, she placed herself on theedge of the trench. At sight of her the Englishtrembled, and were seized with sudden fear; our people,on the contrary, took courage and began to mountand assail the Boulevard, not meeting any resistance.Thus was the Boulevard taken and the Englishtherein put to flight: all were killed, among themClassidas ^[147] and the other principal English captains ofthe Bastille, who, thinking to gain the Bridge Tower, fellinto the river, where they were drowned. This Classidaswas he who had spoken of the Maid with the greatestcontempt and insult.

The Bastille taken, we re-entered the town ofOrleans—the Maid and all the army—where we werereceived with enthusiasm. Jeanne was taken to herhouse, to receive the care which her wound required.When the surgeon had dressed it, she began to eat, contenting237herself with four or five slices of bread dipped inwine and water, without, on that day, having eaten ordrunk anything else.

The next day, early in the morning, the English cameout of their camp and placed themselves in order ofbattle. At this sight, Jeanne got up and put ona light coat of mail; she forbade the English to beattacked or in any way molested but [gave orders]that they should be allowed to depart, which they did,without any pursuit. From that moment the town wasdelivered.

After the deliverance of Orleans, the Maid, with myselfand the other captains, went to seek the King at theCastle of Loches, praying him to attack immediately thetowns and the camps on the Loire, Mehun, Beaugency,Jargeau, in order to make his consecration at Rheimsmore free and sure. This she besought the Kingoften, in the most urgent manner, to hasten, withoutlonger delay. The King used the greatest hastepossible, and sent, for this purpose, the Duke d’Alençon,myself and other captains, as well as Jeanne, to reducethese towns and camps. All were reduced in a few days—thanksalone, as I believe, to the intervention of theMaid.

After the deliverance of Orleans, the English assembledtogether a numerous army, to defend the aforesaidtowns, which they occupied. When we had investedthe camp and bridge of Beaugency, the English armyarrived at the camp of Meung-sur-Loire, which wasstill under their control. But this army could not cometo the help of the English besieged in the camp ofBeaugency. At the news of the taking of this camp, allthe English divisions joined together into one completearmy; and we thought they would offer us battle: wemade our dispositions accordingly. In presence of theConstable, myself, and the other captains, the Duke238d’Alençon asked Jeanne what was to be done. Sheanswered thus, in a loud voice: “Have all of you goodspurs?” “What do you mean?” asked those presentof her; “are we, then, to turn our backs?” “Nay,” shereplied, “it is the English who will not defend themselves,and will be beaten; and you must have goodspurs to pursue them.” And it fell out thus, as she hadpredicted: the English took to flight, and of killed andprisoners there were more than 4,000.

At Loches, after the raising of the siege of Orleans, Iremember that, one day, the King, being in his privateroom with the Sieur Christopher d’Harcourt, the Bishopof Castres,^[148] his Confessor, and the Sieur de Trèves, whowas formerly Chancellor of France,^[149] Jeanne and I wentto seek him. Before entering, she knocked at the door;as soon as she had entered, she knelt before the King,and, embracing his knees, said these words: “NobleDauphin! hold no longer these many and long councils,but come quickly to Rheims to take the crown forwhich you are worthy!” “Is it your Counsel who toldyou this?” said Christopher d’Harcourt. “Yes,” sheanswered, “and my Counsel urges me to this most ofall.” “Will you not say, here, in presence of the King,”added the Bishop, “what manner of Counsel it is whichthus speaks to you?” “I think I understand,” shesaid, colouring, “what you want to know; and I willtell you willingly.” Then said the King: “Jeanne, willit please you to say, in presence of the persons whoare listening to us, what has been asked you?” “Yes,Sire,” she answered. And then she said this, or somethingapproaching it: “When I am vexed that faith239is not readily placed in what I wish to say in God’sName, I retire alone, and pray to God. I complain toHim that those whom I address do not believe me morereadily; and, my prayer ended, I hear a Voice whichsays to me: ‘Daughter of God! go on! go on! go on!I will be thy Help: go on!’ And when I hear thisVoice, I have great joy. I would I could always hearit thus.” And, in repeating to us this language of herVoice, she was—strange to say!—in a marvellous rapture,raising her eyes to Heaven.

After the victories of which I have just spoken, thenobles of the Blood Royal and the captains wished theKing to go into Normandy, and not to Rheims. But theMaid was always of opinion that it was necessary to go toRheims, that the King should be consecrated, giving asa reason that, if once the King were consecrated andcrowned, the power of his adversaries would decline, andthat in the end they would be past the power of doingany injury, either to him or to his kingdom. And allconsented to her opinion. The place where the Kingfirst halted, with his army, was under the town ofTroyes; he there took counsel with the nobles of theBlood, and the other captains, to decide whether theyshould remain before this town, in order to lay siege to it,or whether it would not better avail to pass on and marchstraight to Rheims, leaving Troyes alone. The Councilwere divided in opinion, and no one knew which courseto pursue, when Jeanne suddenly arrived, and appearedin the Council. “Noble Dauphin,” she said, “orderyour people to come and besiege the town of Troyes,and lose no more time in such long councils. In God’sName, before three days are gone, I will bring you intothis town by favour or force, and greatly will thefalse Burgundy be astounded.” Then Jeanne, puttingherself at the head of the army, had the tents placedright against the trenches of the town, and executed240many marvellous manœuvres which had not beenthought of by two or three accomplished generalsworking together. And so well did she work during thenight, that, the next day, the Bishop ^[150] and citizenscame all trembling and quaking to place their submissionin the King’s hands. Afterwards, it was known that,at the moment when she had told the King’s Councilnot to pass by the town, the inhabitants had suddenlylost heart, and had occupied themselves only in seekingrefuge in the Churches. The town of Troyes oncereduced, the King went to Rheims, where he foundcomplete submission, and where he was consecrated andcrowned.

Jeanne was accustomed to repair daily to Church atthe time of Vespers, or towards evening; she had thebells rung for half-an-hour, and collected together allthe Mendicant Friars who were following the army.Then she began to pray, and had an anthem in honourof the Blessed Mary, Mother of God, sung by theMendicant Friars.

When the King came to La Ferté and to Crespy-en-Valois,the people ran about him, crying “Noel!”The Maid was then riding between the Archbishop ofRheims and myself: “This is a good people,” she saidto us; “I have seen none elsewhere who rejoicedas much at the coming of so noble a King. Howhappy should I be if, when my days are done, I mightbe buried here!” “Jeanne,” then said the Archbishopto her, “in what place do you hope to die?” “Whereit shall please God,” she answered; “for I am notcertain of either the time or the place, any more thanyou are yourself. Would it might please God, myCreator, that I might retire now, abandon arms andreturn to serve my father and mother and to take care oftheir sheep with my sister and my brothers, who wouldbe so happy to see me again!”

241There was never any one more sober. I often heardit said by the Sieur Jean d’Aulon, Knight, now Seneschalof Beaucaire, who had been appointed by the Kingto watch over her, as being the wisest and most worthyin the army, that he did not think there had ever been amore chaste woman. Neither I nor others, when wewere with her, had ever an evil thought: there was inher something divine.

Fifteen days after the Earl of Suffolk ^[151] had beenmade prisoner at the taking of Jargeau, a writing wassent to him containing four lines, in which it was saidthat a Maid should come from the Oak-wood who wouldride on the backs of the archers and against them.^[152]

Although Jeanne sometimes spoke in jest of theaffairs of war, and although, to encourage the soldiers,she may have foretold events which were not realized,nevertheless, when she spoke seriously of the war,and of her deeds and her mission, she only affirmedearnestly that she was sent to raise the siege of Orleans,and to succour the oppressed people of that town andthe neighbouring places, and to conduct the King toRheims that he might be consecrated.

I was at the Castle of the town of Chinon whenJeanne arrived there, and I saw her when she presented242herself before the King’s Majesty with great lowlinessand simplicity; a poor little shepherdess! I heard hersay these words: “Most noble Lord Dauphin, I amcome and am sent to you from God to give succour tothe kingdom and to you.”

After having seen and heard her, the King, so as to bebetter instructed about her, put her under the protectionof Guillaume Bellier, his Major-Domo, my Lieutenantat Chinon, afterwards Bailly of Troyes,^[154] whose wife wasmost devout and of the best reputation. Then he hadher visited by the Clergy, by Doctors, and by Prelates,to know if he could lawfully put faith in her. Herdeeds and words were examined during three weeks,not only at Chinon, but at Poitiers. The Examinationsfinished, the Clergy decided that there was nothing evilin her deeds nor in her words. After numerous interrogations,they ended by asking her what sign she couldfurnish, that her words might be believed? “The signI have to shew,” she replied, “is to raise the siege ofOrleans!” Afterwards, she took leave of the King,and came to Blois, where she armed herself for the firsttime, to conduct a convoy of supplies to Orleans and tosuccour the inhabitants.

[On the subject of the sudden change of wind and ofthe way in which the convoy of supplies was broughtinto Orleans, the witness deposed as the Sieur deDunois. He added only this: Jeanne had expresslypredicted that, before long, the weather and the wind243would change; and it happened as she had foretold.She had, in like manner, stated that the convoy wouldenter freely into the town.

The declaration of the witness agrees equally withthat of the Sieur de Dunois as to the taking of theBastille, the raising of the siege, and the expulsion ofthe English.

On all the other points the Sieur de Gaucourt is alsoin perfect agreement, in matter and form, with the saidSieur de Dunois, as to all that concerns the setting freeof Orleans, the taking of the camps and the towns onthe borders of the Loire.

He agrees equally on all points with what concernsthe journey of the King for the ceremony of his consecrationat Rheims.

Jeanne, he adds, was abstemious in food and drink;nothing came from her lips but excellent words, whichcould serve only for edification and good example. Noone could be more chaste, ... she had always at nighta woman in her room. She confessed herself frequently,being often in prayer, hearing Mass every day, andconstantly receiving the Sacrament of the Eucharist;she would not suffer any to use in her presence shamefulor blasphemous words, and by her speech and actionsshe shewed how much she held such things in horror.]

I remember that, at the time of the coming ofJeanne the Maid, the King sent her to Poitiers, whereshe lodged with Maître Jean Rabateau, then King’sAdvocate in Parliament. In this town of Poitiers weredeputed [to examine Jeanne], by the King’s Order, certainvenerable Doctors and Masters,—to wit, Pierre de Versailles,then Abbot of Talmont, afterwards Bishop of244Meaux; Jean Lambert; Guillaume Aimery, of the Orderof Saint Dominic; Pierre Séguin, of the Carmelite Order,Doctors in Theology; Mathieu Message, and GuillaumeLe Marie, Bachelors in Theology, with many others of theKing’s Councillors, licentiates in Canon and Civil Laws.Many times and often, during the space of three weeks,they examined Jeanne, studying and considering herdeeds and words; and finally, taking into considerationher condition and her answers, they said that she wasa simple girl, who, when interrogated, persisted in heranswer, that she was sent from the God of Heaven infavour of the noble Dauphin, to replace him in hiskingdom, to raise the siege of Orleans, and to conductthe King to Rheims for his consecration; and that firstshe must write to the English and command them toretire, for such was the Will of God.

When I asked Jeanne why she called the KingDauphin, and notKing, she replied that she shouldnot call him King till he had been crowned andanointed at Rheims, to which city she meant to conducthim.

Afterwards, the Clergy told Jeanne she ought to shewthem a sign by which it might be believed that shewas sent from God; but she replied: “The sign givento me from God is to raise the siege of Orleans; I haveno fear that it will be done, if the King will give mesoldiers, as few as he may like.”

She was a simple shepherd-maiden, who confessedoften; she was entirely devoted to God, and frequentlyreceived the Sacrament of the Eucharist.

At last, after long examinations made at great length byclerics of various faculties, all decided and concluded thatthe King might lawfully receive her, and might send abody of soldiers to the siege of Orleans, for that therewas nothing found in her which was not Catholic andreasonable.

I was in Orleans—then besieged by the English—withthe Count de Dunois and many other captains, whennews came that there had passed through the town ofGien a shepherdess, called the Maid, conducted by twoor three gentlemen of Lorraine, from which country shecame; that this Maid said she was come to raise thesiege of Orleans, and that afterwards she would leadthe King to his anointing; for thus had she been commandedby God.

Notwithstanding this, she was not readily received bythe King, who desired that she should first be examined,and that he should know something of her life and estate,and if it were lawful for him to receive her. Therefore,the Maid, by the King’s order, was examined by manyPrelates, Doctors, and Clergy, who found evidence in herof good life, honest estate, and praiseworthy repute; norwas there aught in her which should cause her to berepelled.

She lived honourably, most soberly as to food anddrink, was chaste and devout, hearing Mass daily, andconfessing often, communicating with fervent devotionevery week. She reproved the soldiers when they blasphemedor took God’s Name in vain; also when theydid any evil or violence. I never observed in heraught deserving reproof, and from her manner of lifeand actions I believe she was inspired by God.

Maître Reginald Thierry,Dean of the Church of Meung-sur-Yèvre; Surgeon to the King.

I saw Jeanne with the King at Chinon, and heard246what she said; to wit, that she was sent from God tothe noble Dauphin, to raise the Siege of Orleans, and toconduct the King to his anointing and coronation.

When the town of Saint-Pierre-le-Moustier wastaken,^[156] by assault, Jeanne being there, the soldierswanted to pillage the Church and to seize the sacredvessels and other treasure there hidden; but Jeanneprohibited and forbade them with great energy, so thatnothing was taken away.

Many of the inhabitants of Orleans desired the comingof the Maid, for they had heard the current rumour thatshe had told the King how she was sent from Godto raise the siege then held against the town; theinhabitants were then in such straits, on account ofthe English, that they knew not where to turn, exceptto God.

I was in the town when Jeanne reached it. She wasreceived with as much rejoicing and acclamation fromold and young, of both sexes, as if she had been anAngel of God; because we hoped through her to bedelivered from our enemies, which indeed was donelater.

When Jeanne was come into the City, she exhortedus all to hope in God; saying that, if we had good hopeand trust in God, we should escape from our enemies.She said, moreover, she would summon the English toleave the town, and drive them away before she permittedany attack to be made; and this she did, summoningthe English by letter, in which she told them toretire from the siege and return to England, or else shewould make them retreat by force. From that time theEnglish were terrified, nor had they power to resist as247before; so that a few of our people might often fightwith a great number of the English, and in such mannerthat they no longer dared to come out of their forts.

On the 27th May,^[157] 1429, I remember well that anassault was made on the enemy in the Fort of the Bridge,in which Jeanne was wounded by an arrow; the attacklasted from morning till evening, and in such mannerthat our men wished to retreat into the town. ThenJeanne appeared, her standard in her hand, and placedit on the edge of the trench; and immediately theEnglish began to quake, and were seized with fear. Thearmy of the King took courage, and once more beganto assail the Boulevard; and thus was the Boulevardtaken, and the English therein were all put to flight orslain. Classidas and the principal English captains,thinking to retreat into the Tower of the Bridge, fellinto the river, and were drowned; and the fort beingtaken, all the King’s army retired into the city.

On the next day, very early in the morning, theEnglish came out of their tents and ranged themselvesin order of battle, as it seemed. Hearing this, the Maidrose from her bed and armed herself; but she wouldnot allow any one to attack the English, nor to ask anythingof them, but that they should be permitted todepart: and so, indeed, they did, no one pursuing them;and from that hour the town was free from the enemy.

I believed, like all in the town, that, had the Maid notcome in God’s Name to our help, we should soon havebeen, both town and people, in the hands of the enemy:we did not believe it possible for the army then in thetown to resist the power of the enemy who were in suchforce against us.

I remember that two heralds were sent on the partof the Maid to Saint-Laurent, one named Ambeville,and the other Guienne, to Talbot, the Earl of Suffolk,and Lord Scales, telling the English in God’s nameto return to England, or evil would come to them.The English detained one of these heralds, namedGuienne, and sent back the other—Ambeville—to theMaid, who told her that the English were keeping backhis companion Guienne to burn him. Then Jeanneanswered Ambeville and assured him in God’s Namethat no harm should happen to Guienne, and told himto return boldly to the English, that no evil shouldhappen to him, but that he should bring back his comradesafe and sound. And so it was.

When Jeanne first entered Orleans, she went, beforeall else, to the Great Church, to do reverence to God,her Creator.

I heard Maître Jean Maçon, a famous Doctor in Civiland Canon Law, say that he had many times examinedJeanne as to her deeds and words, and he had no doubtshe was sent from God; that it was a wondrous thingto hear her speak and answer; and that he had foundnothing in her life but what was holy and good.

Martin de Mauboudet,Jean Volant,Guillaume Postiau,Denis Roger,Jacques de Thou,^[158]Jean Carrelier,Amian de Saint-Mesmin,^[159]all burghers of Orleans, gave witness to the same effect.

On a certain Sunday I saw those of Orleans preparingfor a great conflict against the English, who were drawnup in order of battle. Seeing this, Jeanne went out tothe soldiers; and then she was asked, if it were well tofight against the English on that day, being Sunday; towhich she answered that she must hear Mass; and thenshe sent to fetch a table, and had the ornaments of theChurch brought, and two Masses were celebrated, whichshe and the whole army heard with great devotion.Mass being ended, Jeanne asked if the English hadtheir faces turned toward us; she was told no, that theirfaces were turned towards Meung. Hearing this, shesaid: “In God’s Name, they are going; let themdepart; and let us give thanks to God and pursue themno further, because it is Sunday.”

This story is confirmed byPierre Jongault, PierreHue, Jean Aubert, Guillaume Rouillart, GentianCabu, Pierre Vaillant,andJean Coulon,allburghers of Orleans.

All agreed that they never perceived anything bywhich they could conjecture that Jeanne attributed toherself the glory of her wonderful deeds; but she ascribedall to God, and, so far as she could, resisted when thepeople sought to honour her or give her the glory; shepreferred to be alone rather than in others’ society, exceptwhen she was engaged in warfare.

I often saw Jeanne while in Orleans; there was nothing250in her which could merit reproof; she was humble, simple,chaste, and devoted to God and the Church. I wasalways much comforted in talking with her.

Maître Robert de Farciaux,Priest, Licentiate in Law, Canon and Sub-Dean of the Church of Saint-Aignan at Orleans; testified to the same effect.

I have seen Jeanne, at the Elevation of the Host,weeping many tears. I remember well that she inducedthe soldiers to confess their sins; and I indeed saw that,by her instigation and advice, La Hire and many of hiscompany came to confession.

TheSieurs Pierre de La Censure,Priest, Canon and Warden of Saint-Aignan;Raoul Godart,Priest, Licentiate in Decrees, Prior of Saint Samson, and Canon of Saint-Aignan at Orleans;Hervé Bonart,Prior of Saint-Magloire, of the Order of Saint-Augustine; TheSieur André Bordes,Canon of Saint-Aignan; andJeanne,wife ofGilles de Saint-Mesmin.All agreed with the preceding as to Jeanne’s life and morals.

Jeanne,wife ofGuy Boyleaud; Guillemette,wifeofJean de Coulons; Jeanne,widow ofJean deMouchy,gave similar testimony.

At night I slept alone with Jeanne; I never saw anythingevil in her, either in word or deed, but alwayssimplicity, humility and chastity. She was in the habitof confessing frequently and hearing Mass daily. Sheoften told my mother, in whose house she lodged, that251she must put trust in God, and that God would help thetown of Orleans, and drive away the enemy.

She was accustomed, before going to an assault, totake account of her conscience, and to receive theSacrament after hearing Mass.

I remember well to have seen and heard, one day, agreat lord, walking along the street, begin to swear andblaspheme God; which, when Jeanne saw and heard,she was much perturbed, and went up to the lord whowas swearing, and, taking him by the neck, said, “Ah!master, do you deny Our Lord and Master? In God’sName, you shall unsay your words before I leave you.”And then, as I saw, the said lord repented and amendedhis ways, at the exhortation of the said Maid.

Petronille,wife ofJean Beauharnais;andMassea,wife ofHenri Fagone;testified to the same effect.

[No questions for the Examinations at Paris andRouen appear in the Rehabilitation Reports, but, as M.Jules Fabre was the first to point out, the numbersappended to the answers correspond with the first thirty-threeof the hundred and one Articles of the Act ofAccusation.]

Examination of Witnesses.

Maître Jean Tiphaine,Priest, Master in Arts andMedicine, Canon of the Sainte Chapelle, Paris.

On the first four Articles, I declare that I knewnothing of Jeanne until she was brought to the townof Rouen for her trial. I was summoned to take part. Atfirst I would not go; but I was commanded a secondtime, and was present and heard the enquiry and heranswers: she made many beautiful answers. When Iwas present at this Trial, the Judges and the Assessorswere in the small hall behind the Great Hall of theCastle; and she answered with much prudence andwisdom and with great bravery.

On the occasion when I was present, Maître Beaupèrewas the principal questioner; and Jacques de Touraine,of the Order of Friars Minor, also questioned her. Iwell remember that this Maître Jacques once asked her,if she was ever in a place in which the English wereovercome; to which she answered: “In God’s name,surely. How mildly you put it! Why, have many not253fled from France and gone back to their own country?”^[162]And there was a great lord of England, whose name Ido not remember, who said, hearing this: “Truly thisis a brave woman! Would she were English!” Andthis he said to me and to Maître Guillaume Desjardins.No Doctor, however great and subtle he might be, hadhe been questioned by so many Doctors and before sogreat an assembly as was this Jeanne, but would havebeen perplexed and upset. With regard to the illness ofJeanne during the Trial, I was summoned by the LordsJudges to visit her, and was brought to her by onenamed d’Estivet; in presence of this d’Estivet, MaîtreDelachambre, and several others, I felt her pulse inorder to know the cause of the malady, and asked whatailed her and from what she suffered. She replied thatsome carp had been sent her by the Bishop of Beauvais,and that she doubted this was the cause of her illness.Upon this, d’Estivet, who was present, found fault withher, saying she had spoken ill, and called her “paillarde,”saying: “Thou paillarde! thou hast been eating spratsand other unwholesomeness.” She answered that shehad not; and then they—Jeanne and d’Estivet—exchangedmany abusive words. Afterwards, I wished toknow further as to the malady of Jeanne, and learnt thatshe had had severe vomiting. Except as to her malady,I gave no opinion.^[163]

I gave no opinion during the Trial, but allowedmyself to affix my signature, under compulsion from theBishop of Beauvais. I made excuses to him that inthese matters it did not belong to my profession to give254an opinion: however, finally, the Bishop forced me tosubscribe as others had done, saying that otherwise someill would befall me for having come to Rouen. I say,too, that threats were also used against Maître JeanLohier and Maître Nicolas de Houppeville, who, notwishing to take part in the Trial, were threatened withthe penalty of drowning.

Sometimes it was the Abbot of Fécamp who interrogatedJeanne. Once, I saw the Abbot of Fécampinterrogating Jeanne, and Maître Jean Beaupère interruptedwith many and divers questions. Jeanne wouldnot reply to them both at once, saying that they did hermuch harm by thus vexing her, and that she would replypresently. As to her illness, one day the Cardinal ofEngland and the Earl of Warwick having sent for me, Ifound myself associated with Guillaume Desjardins andother doctors. The Earl of Warwick told us that Jeannehad been ill and that we had been sent for to give her allour attention, for the King would not, for anything,that she should die a natural death: he had boughther too dear for that, and he intended that she shoulddie at the hands of justice, and should be burnt. Forthis, I and Guillaume Desjardins and others visitedher. Desjardins and I felt her pulse on the right side,and found fever, from which we recommended she shouldbe bled. “Away with your bleeding!” said Warwick,“she is artful, and might kill herself.” Nevertheless, wedid bleed her, and she recovered. One day, after shehad recovered, there arrived a certain Maître Guillaumed’Estivet, who used evil words against Jeanne, callingher ... and apaillarde. This abuse upset her to sucha point that the fever returned, and she had a relapse.And this being brought to the notice of the Earl, heforbade d’Estivet to abuse Jeanne from that day forth.

I was present at a sermon of Maître GuillaumeÉrard. I do not remember the sermon, but I remember255well the Abjuration made by Jeanne. She was long indoing this. Maître Guillaume Érard decided her bysaying that, if she did what he advised her, she would bedelivered from prison. She abjured on this conditionand no other, and immediately read a small schedulecontaining six or seven lines on a piece of paper foldedin two. I was so near her that, in all truth, I could seethe lines and their form.

For the rest, I can only say that I was present at thelast discourse made in the Old Market-Place of Rouen byMaître Nicolas Midi. As soon as the sermon was over,Jeanne was burnt, the stake being already prepared.Her pious lamentations and ejaculations made manyweep; only some English were laughing. I heard hersay these or like words: “Alas! Rouen, I fear me thatthou wilt have to suffer for my death.” Shortly aftershe began to cry “Jesus” and to invoke St. Michael;and then she perished in the flame.

I knew nothing of Jeanne before she came to Rouen;and I saw her only two or three times. I do notremember either being present at the Trial or givingmy opinion.

I remember that, the day before the discourse atSt. Ouen, I was present at an Exhortation addressed toJeanne; but what was said or done I do not remember.I was present also on the day after, when a sermon wasgiven at St. Ouen by Maître Guillaume Érard. Therewere two galleries or scaffolds: on one were the Bishopof Beauvais, myself and others; and on the other thepreacher, Maître Guillaume Érard, and Jeanne. Thewords of the preacher I do not remember; but Iremember well that, either then or on the preceding day,256Jeanne said that, if there had been aught evil in herwords or deeds, whatever of either good or ill had beenin her speech or action came from herself alone, andnot from her King. After the sermon, I perceivedthat Jeanne was ordered to do or say something. Ibelieve it was to abjure; they said to her: “Jeanne, dowhat you are advised. Would you cause your owndeath?” These words verily moved her to make herAbjuration. After this Abjuration, many said that it wasa mere trick, and that she had acted only in derision.

I remember to have heard—from whom I cannotrecall—that the man’s dress was returned to her by thewindow.

For the rest, I was present at the last sermon on theday she was burnt. There were three galleries orscaffolds: one where sat the Judges, one where manyBishops sat, myself among them, and one where woodwas prepared for the burning of Jeanne. At theend of the sermon the sentence was pronounced whichdelivered Jeanne to secular justice. After this sentencewas pronounced, Jeanne began to make many piousexclamations and lamentations; and among other thingsshe said that nothing she had done, either good or illhad been suggested by the King. Thereupon I left, notwishing to see the burning of Jeanne. I saw many ofthe bystanders weeping.

As to certain letters of guarantee which the King ofEngland gave to the Bishop of Beauvais and othersconcerned in this Trial, in which I, the Bishop of Noyon,am mentioned as having been present, I can well believethat it was so, though I do not remember much about it.

I believe that the Bishop of Beauvais undertook theTrial brought against Jeanne in the matter of the Faith257because he was a Counsellor of the King of England,and also Bishop of Beauvais, in which territory Jeannehad been taken captive.

I have heard it said that money was given to theInquisitor by a certain Surreau, receiver-general, for hisparticipation in the said Trial; but I never heard thatthe Bishop received anything.

At the time when Jeanne was brought to Rouen, I,being in Paris, was summoned by the Bishop of Beauvaisaforesaid to proceed to Rouen for the Trial. I went inthe company of Maîtres Nicolas Midi, Jacques de Touraine,Jean de Rouel,^[164] and others whom I do not remember,to the town of Rouen, at the expense of those whotook us, among whom was Maître Jean de Reynel.^[165]

About that time Maître Jean Lohier came to the townof Rouen, and order was given to put him in possessionof the details of the Action. And when the said Lohierhad seen the evidence, he told me that evidently theyought not to proceed against Jeanne in a matter of Faithwithout previous information as to the charges of guilt,and that the law required such information.

I remember well that in the first deliberation, I neverheld Jeanne to be a heretic, except in that she obstinatelymaintained she ought not to submit to the Church;and finally—as my conscience can bear me witness,before God—it seems to me that my words were:“Jeanne is now what she was. If she was heretic then,she is so now.” Yet I never positively gave an opinionthat she was a heretic. I may add that in the firstdeliberations there was much discussion and difficultyamong those consulted as to whether Jeanne shouldbe reputed a heretic. I never gave an opinion as toher being put to the torture.^[166]

258Many of the Assessors were of opinion and advisedthat Jeanne should be put in the hands of the Church,into an ecclesiastical prison; but I do not remember thatthis subject formed a part of our discussions.

Certain Articles, to the number of twelve, were madeand extracted from the confessions and answers of thesaid Jeanne. They were drawn up, I verily believe, bythe late Maître Nicolas Midi. It was on these TwelveArticles, thus extracted, that all deliberations andopinions were made and given. I do not know if therewas ever any question of correcting them, or if theywere corrected.

I often heard from Maître Nicolas Loiseleur that hemany times visited Jeanne in an assumed dress; butwhat he said I know not: and I always counselled himthat he should reveal himself to Jeanne, and let herknow that he was a priest. I believe he heard Jeannein confession.

After the first preaching came word that Jeanne hadresumed a man’s attire; and immediately the Bishopwent to the prison, accompanied by myself, andquestioned her as to her reasons for resuming thisdress. She replied that she had resumed it because itseemed to her more suitable to wear man’s clothing,being with men, than a woman’s dress.

I was present at the last preaching made in theOld Market-Place, on the day of her death. I did notsee her burnt, for, after the sermon and the reading ofthe sentence, I went away.

Three or four times I went to the Trial and wrote outthe questions put to Jeanne and her answers, not asnotary but as clerk and servant to Maître Jean Beaupère.Among other things, I remember hearing Jeanne say to259me and to the other notaries, that we were not writingproperly; and often did she correct us. Often, in thesequestions and answers, when questioned on somethingwhich I could see she ought not to answer, she saidthat she would refer to the conscience of the questioneras to whether she ought to answer or not.

I was present at the preaching at Saint-Ouen, seatedon the platform at the feet of Maître Jean Beaupère, mymaster. When the preaching was finished, and whilethe sentence was being read, Jeanne said that if she wereadvised by the clerics and if their consciences approved,she would willingly do as they recommended. Hearingthis, the Bishop of Beauvais asked the Cardinal of Englandwhat he ought to do in face of this submission ofJeanne. To which the Cardinal answered the Bishop,that he should receive Jeanne to penitence. And thereforehe laid on one side the sentence which he had begunto read, and admitted Jeanne to penitence. I saw theSchedule of Abjuration, which was then read; it was ashort schedule, hardly six or seven lines in length. Iremember well that Jeanne referred to the consciences ofthe Judges as to whether she ought to abjure or not. Itwas said that the executioner was already on the spot,expecting that she would be handed over to the secularpower. I left Rouen on the Monday or Sunday beforethe death of Jeanne.

The year that Jeanne came to Chinon I was fourteenor fifteen years old. I was page to the Sieur de Gaucourt,Captain of the Castle. Jeanne arrived at Chinon in thecompany of two gentlemen, who conducted her to theKing. I saw her many times going and coming to the260King; there was given her for residence the Towerof Coudray, at Chinon. I resided and lived with herall the time that she stayed there, passing all thetime with her, except at night, when she always hadwomen with her. I remember well that while she wasliving at Coudray persons of great estate came manydays to visit her there. I do not know what they did orsaid, because when I saw them coming I retired; nor doI know who they were. Very often while she lived inthis town I saw her on her knees praying; but I did notunderstand what she was saying; sometimes also I sawher weep.

Shortly afterwards she was taken to Poitiers; then toTours, where she resided with a woman called Lapau.In this place the Duke d’Alençon made her a present ofa horse, which I saw at the house of the woman Lapau.At Tours I became her page; with me also was onenamed Raymond. From that time I remained with her,and was always with her as her page, at Blois, as well asat Orleans, and until she reached the walls of Paris.

While she was at Tours the King gave her a completesuit of armour and an entire military household. FromTours she went to Blois with the army, who had greatfaith in her. Jeanne remained some time with thearmy at Blois; how long I do not remember. Then itwas decided that she should go to Orleans by theSologne. She started fully armed, accompanied by hermen-at-arms, to whom she said without ceasing that theywere to put all their confidence in Our Lord and toconfess their sins. On the way I saw her during thisjourney receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist.

Having arrived near Orleans on the side of theSologne, Jeanne with many others and myself were conductedto the opposite side of the Loire, on which side isthe city of Orleans; and from thence we entered the saidtown. In her journey from Blois to Orleans, Jeanne261had been all bruised, because on the night of the startfrom Blois she had slept fully armed. At Orleans shelived at the house of the Treasurer ^[168] of the Town, facingthe Bannier Gate; and in this house she received theSacrament. The day after her arrival she went to seekthe Sieur Bastard of Orleans, with whom she had aninterview. On her return I saw she was quite vexedthat, as she told me, the captains had decided not toattack the English on that day. She went nevertheless toa Boulevard which the French were occupying, oppositeto one garrisoned by the English, and there she spokewith them, telling them to retire in God’s Name, orotherwise she would drive them away. One of them,called the Bastard of Granville, assailed her with manyinsults: “Do you wish us,” he said, “to surrender to awoman?” At the same time, he called the Frenchmenwho were with her “maquereaux mescreans.” ThenJeanne returned to her lodging, and went up into herchamber: I thought she was going to sleep: shortlyafterwards, there she was, coming down from herchamber; “Ah! bloodthirsty boy,” she said to me,“you did not tell me that the blood of France was beingshed!”^[169] And she ordered me to go and look for herhorse. At the same time she was being armed by thelady of the house and her daughter. When I returnedwith her horse I found her already armed: she told meto go and seek her banner, which had been left in herchamber: I passed it to her through the window. Immediatelyshe rode hastily towards the Burgundy gate,whither the lady with whom she lodged told me tofollow her, which I did. The attack took place againstthe Fort of Saint Loup; and in this attack the Boulevardwas taken. On the way Jeanne met several of the262French wounded, at which she was much disturbed.The English were preparing to resist when Jeanneadvanced against them in all haste. As soon as theFrench saw her they began to shout aloud; and thuswas the Fort of Saint Loup taken. I heard it said thatthe English ecclesiastics had taken their ornaments, andhad thus come before her; that Jeanne had receivedthem without allowing any harm to be done them, andhad had them conducted to her lodging; but that theother English had been killed by the people of Orleans.

In the evening Jeanne returned to supper in herlodging. She had always most sober habits: manytimes I saw her eat nothing during a whole day but amorsel of bread. I was astonished that she ate solittle. When she was in her lodging she ate only twicea day.

The next day, towards 3 o’clock, the soldiers of theKing crossed the Loire to attack the Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc,which they took, as also the Fort of theAugustins.^[170] Jeanne crossed the river with them, and Iaccompanied her: then she re-entered Orleans, andwent back to sleep at her lodging with some women,as she was in the habit of doing: for every night, asfar as possible, she had a woman to sleep by her, andwhen she could not find one in war, or in camp, sheslept fully dressed.

The following day, in spite of many Lords pretendingthat it was exposing the King’s followers to too great adanger, she had the Burgundy gate opened, and a smallgate near the great tower: she then crossed the waterwith some of her followers to attack the Fort of theBridge, which the English still held. The King’s troopsremained there from morning to night, and Jeanne waswounded: it was necessary to take off her armour todress the wound; but hardly was it dressed when she263armed herself afresh and went to rejoin her followers atthe attack and the assault, which had gone on frommorning without ceasing. And when the Boulevard wastaken Jeanne still continued the assault with her men,exhorting them to have a good heart and not to retire,because the fort would very soon be theirs. “When,”she told them, “you see the wind drive the bannertowards the fort, it will be yours!” But the evening wasdrawing on, and her followers, seeing they made no way,despaired of success; yet Jeanne persisted always,assuring them they would take the fort that day. Thenthey prepared to attempt a last assault; and when theEnglish saw this they made no resistance, but were seizedwith panic, and nearly all were drowned; nor did theyduring this attack even defend themselves. Those whosurvived retreated the next day to Beaugency andMeung. The King’s army followed them, Jeanne accompanyingit. The English offered to surrender Beaugencyby agreement, or to fight; but on the day of combatthey retired again; and the army began afresh to pursuethem. On this day La Hire commanded the vanguard,at which Jeanne was much vexed, for she liked much tohave the command of the vanguard. La Hire threwhimself on the English, and the King’s army wasvictorious: nearly all the English were slain.

Jeanne, who was very humane, had great compassion atsuch butchery. Seeing a Frenchman, who was chargedwith the convoy of certain English prisoners, strike oneof them on the head in such manner that he was leftfor dead on the ground, she got down from her horse,had him confessed, supporting his head herself, and comfortinghim to the best of her power.

Afterwards she went with the army to Jargeau, whichwas taken by assault, with many English, among whomwere Suffolk and de la Pole ^[171]. After the deliverance of264Orleans, and all these victories, Jeanne went with thearmy to Tours, where the King was. There it wasdecided that the King should go to Rheims for hisconsecration. The King left with the army, accompaniedby Jeanne, and marched first to Troyes, whichsubmitted; then to Chalons, which did the same; andlast to Rheims, where our King was crowned andanointed in my presence—for I was, as I have alreadysaid, page to Jeanne, and never left her. I remainedwith her until she arrived before Paris.

She was a good and modest woman, living as aCatholic, very pious, and, when she could, never failingto be present at the Mass. To hear blasphemies uponthe Name of Our Lord vexed her. Many times whenthe Duke d’Alençon swore ^[172] or blasphemed before her, Iheard her reprove him. As a rule, no one in the armydared swear or blaspheme before her, for fear ofbeing reprimanded.

She would have no women in her army. One day,near Château-Thierry, seeing the mistress of one of herfollowers riding on horseback, she pursued her with hersword, without striking her at all; but with gentlenessand charity she told her she must no longer be foundamongst the soldiers, otherwise she would suffer for it.

I was at Chinon when Jeanne came to seek theKing, who was then residing in that city. Beforethis, I knew nothing of her; but henceforward I had265more acquaintance with her, for, when I went with theKing to the town of Poitiers, Jeanne was also takenthither and lodged in the house of Jean Rabateau.I know that Jeanne was questioned and examined inthe town of Poitiers by the late Maître Pierre deVersailles, S.T.P.,—then Abbot of Talmont and, at thetime of his death, Bishop of Meaux,—and by MaîtreJean Erault, S.T.P. I went with them by the commandof the late Lord Bishop of Castres. As I have said, shewas living in the house of Rabateau, in which house deVersailles and Erault talked with her in my presence.When we arrived at her house, Jeanne came to meet us,and striking me on the shoulder said to me that shewould gladly have many men of such good-will as I.Then Maître Pierre de Versailles told Jeanne that hehad been sent to her from the King. She replied: “Iwell believe that you have been sent to question me,”adding, “I know neither A nor B.”

Then she was asked by them for what she had come.She replied; “I am come from the King of Heaven toraise the siege of Orleans and to conduct the King toRheims for his crowning and anointing.” And then sheasked if they had paper and ink, saying to Maître JeanErault: “Write what I say to you. You, Suffolk,Classidas, and La Poule, I summon you by order of theKing of Heaven to go back to England.” Versaillesand Erault did nothing more on this occasion, so far as Iremember. Jeanne remained in the town of Poitiers aslong as the King did.

Jeanne said that her Counsel had told her she shouldhave gone more quickly to the King. I saw thosewho had brought her—Jean de Metz, Jean Coulon, andBertrand Pollichon,^[173] with whom I was very friendly andfamiliar. I was present one day when they told the lateBishop of Castres—then Confessor to the King—that266they had travelled through Burgundy and places occupiedby the enemy, yet had they always travelled withouthindrance, at which they much marvelled.

I heard the aforesaid Confessor say that he haddiscovered in a writing that there should come a maidenwho would aid the Kingdom of France.

I do not know whether Jeanne was examined otherwisethan as aforesaid. I heard the said Lord Confessorand other Doctors say that they believed Jeanne to besent from God, and that they believed it was she ofwhom the prophecies spoke; because, seeing her actions,her simplicity, and conduct, they thought the Kingmight be delivered through her; for they had neitherfound nor perceived aught but good in her, nor couldthey see anything contrary to the Catholic faith.

On the day that the Lord Talbot, who had been takenat Patay, was brought to the town of Beaugency, Iarrived at that town; and from thence Jeanne went withthe men-at-arms to Jargeau, which was taken by assault,and the English were put to flight.

Jeanne assembled an army between Troyes andAuxerre, and found large numbers there, for every onefollowed her. The King and his people came withouthindrance to Rheims. Nowhere was the King turnedback, for the gates of all cities and towns opened themselvesto him.

It was Jeanne’s intention that the army should gotowards the Fort or Bastille of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc: butthis was not done; and they went to a place betweenOrleans and Jargeau, whither the inhabitants of Orleanssent boats to receive the provisions and to take theminto the town; and the said provisions were put intothe boats and brought into the town. And because267the army was not able to cross the Loire, it was decidedto return and cross the river at Blois: for there was nobridge nearer within the King’s jurisdiction. At thisJeanne was very indignant, fearing they would not bewilling to fall back, and so would leave the work unfinished.Neither could she go with them to Blois; butshe crossed the river with about 200 lances in boatsto the other bank, and entered Orleans by land. TheMarshal de Boussac went that night to seek the King’sarmy which had gone to Blois; and I remember thatshortly before the arrival of the said Marshal at Orleans,Jeanne said to Sieur Jean d’Aulon that the Marshalwould arrive, and that she knew well he would cometo no harm.

When Jeanne was in her lodging, she, being led bythe Spirit, cried out: “In God’s Name! our people arehard pressed.” Then she sent for a horse; and, armingherself, she went to the Fort of Saint Loup, where therewas an assault being made by the King’s people on theEnglish: and no sooner had Jeanne joined in the attack,than the fort was taken.

The next day the French in company with Jeannewent to attack the Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, and drewnear to the island; and when the English saw that theKing’s army had crossed the water, they quitted theFort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, and retreated to another fortnear the Augustins. And there I saw the King’s armyin great peril. “Let us advance boldly in God’s Name,”said Jeanne: and they advanced on the English, who,now in much danger, held their three forts.^[174] At once,without much difficulty, this fort of the Augustinswas taken; and the captains then advised Jeanne tore-enter Orleans; but this she would not do, saying,“Shall we leave our men?” The next day they268attacked the fort at the end of the bridge, which wasvery strong and almost impregnable, so that the King’sarmy had much to do; and the attack lasted the wholeday, up to nightfall. I saw the Seneschal of Beaucairebreak up the bridge with a bombard. When eveningcame and they despaired of gaining the fort, orders weregiven that Jeanne’s standard should be brought to thefort; and this being done another attack was made onthe fort, and thereupon without much difficulty theKing’s army entered with the standard; and the Englishfled, in such manner that when they reached the end ofthe bridge it broke down beneath them, and many weredrowned.

The next day the King’s army sallied out to givebattle to the English; but they, on seeing the French,fled. When Jeanne saw them in flight and the Frenchfollowing after, she said to the French: “Let the Englishgo, and slay them not; let them go; it is enough for methat they have retreated.” On that day, they escapedfrom the city of Orleans and turned back on Blois, whichthey reached the same day.

Jeanne stayed there two or three days; and fromthence she went to Tours, and to Loches, where theKing’s army was preparing to go to Jargeau; and fromthence they went to attack that town.

In war time, she would not permit any of those in hercompany to steal anything; nor would she ever eat offood which she knew to be stolen. Once, a Scot toldher that he had eaten of a stolen calf: she was veryangry, and wanted to strike the Scot for so doing.

She would never permit women of ill-fame to followthe army; none of them dared to come into her presence;but, if any of them appeared, she made them departunless the soldiers were willing to marry them.

She was good not only to the French, but also to theenemy. All this I know of a surety, for I was for269a long time with her, and many times assisted inarming her.

Jeanne lamented much, and was displeased whencertain good women came to her, wishing to salute her:it seemed to her like adoration, at which she wasangered.

I was sent to Poitiers, where I saw Jeanne for thefirst time. When she arrived at the town she was lodgedin the house of Maître Jean Rabateau; and while thereI have heard the wife of Rabateau say that every dayafter dinner she was for a long time on her knees, andalso at night; and that she often went into a littleoratory in the house and there prayed for a long time.Many clergy came to visit her,—to wit, Maître Pierrede Versailles, S.T.P., sometime Bishop of Meaux, andMaître Guillaume Aimery, S.T.P. There were alsoother graduates in theology, whose names I do notremember, who questioned her in like manner attheir will.

I heard from these said Doctors that they had examinedher and put many questions, to which she replied withmuch prudence, as if she had been a trained divine;that they marvelled at her answers, and believed that,taking into account her life and conversation, there musthave been in her something divine.

In the course of these deliberations Maître JeanErault stated that he had heard it said by Maried’Avignon,^[175] who had formerly come to the King, that shehad told him that the kingdom of France had much tosuffer and many calamities to bear: saying moreoverthat she had had many visions touching the desolation270of the kingdom of France, and amongst others that shehad seen much armour which had been presented toher; and that she was alarmed, greatly fearing that sheshould be forced to take it; but it had been said to herthat she need fear nothing, that this armour was not forher, but that a maiden who should come afterwardsshould bear these arms and deliver the kingdom ofFrance from the enemy. And he believed firmly thatJeanne was the maiden of whom Marie d’Avignon thusspoke.

All the soldiers held her as sacred. So well did shebear herself in warfare, in words and in deeds, as afollower of God, that no evil could be said of her. Iheard Maître Pierre de Versailles say that he was oncein the town of Loches in company with Jeanne, whenthe people, throwing themselves before the feet of herhorse, kissed her hands and feet; and he said to Jeannethat she did wrong to allow what was not due to her,and that she ought to protect herself from it lest menshould become idolatrous; to which she answered: “Intruth, I know not how to protect myself, if God does notprotect me.”

Dame Marguerite La Touroulde,widow of the lateRéné de Bouligny, Councillor to the King.

I was at Bourges when Jeanne arrived at Chinon,where the Queen was. In those days there was in thekingdom—especially in that part still obedient to theKing—such great calamity and penury as was sad to see;so that the followers of the King were almost in despair:and this I know, because my husband was then Receiver-General,and at that time neither of the King’s moneynor of his own had he four crowns.

The town of Orleans was in the hands of the King,and there was no way of help. And in this calamity271came Jeanne, and I firmly believe that she came fromGod and was sent for the relief of the King and hisfaithful subjects, who then were without hope save inGod.

I did not see Jeanne until the time when the Kingcame from Rheims, where he was consecrated. Hecame to Bourges, where was the Queen, and I with her.When the King approached, the Queen went to meethim as far as the town of Selles-en-Berry, and I accompaniedher. While the Queen was on the way, Jeanneencountered and saluted her, and was then taken on toBourges, and by command of my Lord d’Albret lodgedin my house, although my husband had said that shewas to be lodged with a certain Jean Duchesne.

She remained with me for the space of three weeks—sleeping,drinking, and eating [in the house]. Nearlyevery night I slept with her, nor did I ever perceiveaught of evil in her, but she comported herself as aworthy and Catholic woman, often confessing herself,willingly hearing Mass, and many times asking me toaccompany her to matins, which at her request I oftendid. We often talked together, and I would say to her:“If you do not fear to go to the attack, it is because youknow that you will not be killed”: to which she wouldreply that she had no greater security than othersoldiers. Sometimes Jeanne would tell me how she hadbeen examined by the Clergy, and that she had madethem the answer: “There are books of Our Lord’sbesides what you have.”

I heard from those that brought her to the King thatat first they thought she was mad, and intended toput her away in some ditch, but while on the waythey felt moved to do everything according to hergood pleasure. They were as impatient to present herto the King, as she was to meet him, nor could theyresist her wishes.

Jeanne told me that the Duke de Lorraine who wasill, wished to see her, that she talked with him, and toldhim that he was not living well, and that he would neverbe cured unless he amended; also she exhorted him totake back his good wife.^[176]

I remember that many women came to my housewhile Jeanne was living there, and broughtpater nostersand other religious objects that she might touch them;but Jeanne laughed, saying: “Touch them yourselves.Your touch will do them as much good as mine.”

Jeanne was very liberal in almsgiving, and willinglysuccoured the poor and indigent, saying that she hadbeen sent for their consolation.

... I have no doubt that she was virgin. Accordingto my knowledge she was quite innocent, unless it bein warfare. She rode on horseback and handled thelance like the best of the knights, and the soldiersmarvelled.

Maître Jean Sauvage, of the Order of Saint Dominic,who often talked with me of Jeanne, has told me thathe was engaged in the Process against her; but itwas difficult to make him speak of it. He did once say,that he had never seen a woman of such years give somuch trouble to her examiners, and he marvelled muchat her answers and at her memory. Once the notaryreporting what he had written, she declared that she hadnot said what they had made her say, and referred it tothose present, who all recognized that Jeanne was right,and the answer was corrected.

273I was present at the sermon at Saint-Ouen; andthere for the first time I saw Jeanne. I remember thatMaître Guillaume Érard preached in presence of thesaid Jeanne, who was in a man’s dress. But what wassaid or done in the sermon I know not. I was at somedistance from the Preacher. I heard it said that MaîtreLaurence Calot said to Maître Pierre Cauchon, that hewas too slow in pronouncing judgment, and that he wasnot judging rightly; to which Maître Pierre Cauchonreplied that he lied.

I was also at the second preaching, on the day thatJeanne was burnt, and saw her in the flames calling outin a loud voice many times “Jesus!” I believe firmlythat she died a Catholic and ended her days well ingood Christian estate; and this I know from what Ihad from the monks who were with her in her last hours.I saw many—the greater part of those present—weepingand bewailing for pity, and saying that Jeanne had beenunjustly condemned.

When Jeanne arrived at Chinon, I was at SaintFlorent. One day, when I was hunting quails, amessenger came to inform me that there had come tothe King a young girl, who said she was sent from Godto conquer the English and to raise the siege thenundertaken by them against Orleans. It was for thisreason that I went on the following day to Chinon,where I found Jeanne talking with the King. Havingapproached them, she asked me who I was. “It isthe Duke d’Alençon,” replied the King. “You arewelcome,” she then said to me, “the more that cometogether of the blood of France the better it will be.”The next day she went to the King’s Mass; and when274she perceived him she made a profound salutation.After Mass the King took her into his private room,where he kept me with him, as well as the Sieur de laTremouille, after having sent away all the others.Jeanne then made several requests to the King—amongstothers that he would make a gift of hiskingdom to the King of Heaven, because the Kingof Heaven, after this gift, would do for him as He haddone for his predecessor, and reinstate him in all hisrights. Many other things were said, up to the hour ofdinner, which I do not remember. After dinner theKing went for a walk; Jeanne coursed before him,lance in hand. Seeing her manage her lance so well Igave her a horse.

Following on this the King caused her to be examinedby the Clergy. Choice was made of the Bishop ofChartres, the King’s Confessor; the Bishop of Senlis ^[178],Mende and Poitiers; Maître Pierre de Versailles, sinceBishop of Meaux; Maître Jourdin Morin, and manyothers whose names I do not recall. They questionedher in my presence and asked why she had come, andwho had caused her to come to the King? She repliedthat she had come from the King of Heaven, that shehad voices and a Counsel which told her what she wasto do; but I do not remember if she made known whatthose voices told her.

One day when dining with me she told me that theclergy had examined her well, but that she knew andcould do more than she had told them. The King,when he had heard the report of his commissioners,wished that she should still go to Poitiers, in order tosubmit to another examination. I did not assist atthis examination; I only knew it to be afterwards reportedto the Council, that the examiners at Poitiers275held the opinion that there was nothing in her contraryto the Faith, and that the King, considering his extremenecessity, might make use of her assistance.

On receiving this news the King sent me to theQueen of Sicily ^[179] to prepare a convoy of suppliesfor the army, which was then being directed againstOrleans. I found with the Queen the Sieur Ambroisede Loré,^[180] and the Sieur Louis—his other name I donot remember—who prepared the convoy: but moneywas lacking, and in order to obtain it I returned to theKing, to whom I made known that the supplies wereprepared, and that it only remained to procure thenecessary money to pay for them and for the army. TheKing then sent people who delivered the necessarysums; so that in the end soldiers and supplies wereready, and there was nothing more to be done but togain Orleans, and try to raise the siege.

With this army Jeanne was sent. The King hadcaused armour to be made for her.^[181]

The King’s army started with Jeanne. Whathappened on the way, and afterwards in Orleans, Iknow only by hearsay—for I was not present, nothaving then gone to Orleans—but I went there shortlyafter, and saw the works which had been raised by theEnglish before the town. I was able to study thestrength of these works; and I think that, to have made276themselves masters of these—above all, the Fort of theTourelles at the end of the Bridge, and the Fort of theAugustins—the French needed a real miracle. If I hadbeen in either one or the other, with only a few men, Ishould have ventured to defy the power of a whole armyfor six or seven days: and they would not have beenable, I think, to have mastered it. For the rest, I heardfrom the captains and soldiers who took part in the siege,that what had happened was miraculous; and that it wasbeyond man’s power.

I did not see Jeanne from the time she left the Kinguntil after the raising of the siege of Orleans. Afterthis siege, we succeeded in assembling as many as 600lances, with which we decided to march on Jargeau,then occupied by the English. That night we slept ina wood. On the following morning we were joined byanother division, under the guidance of the Sieur Bastardof Orleans, the Sieur Florent d’Illiers,^[182] and many othercaptains. When we were all joined together, we foundourselves to number about 1,200 lances. There was thencontention among the captains: some were of opinionthat the attack should be made; and others opposed it,seeing the great strength of the English and their largenumbers. Jeanne, seeing us thus divided, said: “No, donot fear their numbers; do not hesitate to make theattack; God will conduct your enterprise; if I were notsure that it is God Who guides us, I would rather takecare of the sheep than expose myself to such greatperils!” On these words we marched to Jargeau,counting on gaining the suburbs that day and passing thenight there. But on the news of our approach, theEnglish came to meet us and at first drove us back.Seeing this Jeanne seized her standard and began theattack, telling the soldiers to have good courage. We277succeeded so well that we were able that night to campin the suburbs. I think truly it was God Who was leadingus; for, in the night that followed, we kept noguard; so that, had the English made a sally, we musthave been in great danger. The next morning we preparedartillery and had the machines and bombardsplaced in position. Then we consulted for some timeas to what should be done against the English inJargeau in order to take the town. While we weredeliberating, we were told that La Hire was in conferencewith the English Lord Suffolk. I and the othercaptains were much provoked at this, and sent for LaHire, who came at once. The attack being resolvedupon, the Heralds-at-Arms began to sound, “To theAssault!” “Forward, gentle Duke, to the assault!”cried Jeanne to me. And when I told her it was prematureto attack so quickly: “Have no fear,” she saidto me, “it is the right time when it pleases God; wemust work when it is His Will: act, and God willact!” “Ah! gentle Duke,” she said to me, later, “artthou afraid? dost thou not know that I promised thywife ^[183] to bring thee back, safe and sound?”

And indeed when I left my wife to come with Jeanneto the head-quarters of the army, my wife had told methat she feared much for me, that I had but just leftprison ^[184] and much had been spent on my ransom, and shewould gladly have asked that I might remain with her.To this Jeanne had replied: “Lady, have no fear; Iwill give him back to you whole, or even in better casethan he is now.”

During the assault on Jargeau Jeanne said to me:“Go back from this place, or that engine”—pointing out278an engine of war in the city—“will kill you.” I retired,and shortly after that very engine did indeed killthe Sieur de Lude in that very place from which shetold me to go away. On this account I had great fear,and wondered much at Jeanne’s words and how truethey came. Afterwards, Jeanne made the attack; inwhich I followed her. As our men were invading theplace, the Earl of Suffolk made proclamation that hewished to speak with me, but we did not listen, and theattack continued. Jeanne was on a ladder, her standardin her hand, when her standard was struck and sheherself was hit on the head by a stone which was partlyspent, and which struck her calotte.^[185] She was thrownto the ground; but, raising herself, she cried: “Friends!friends! come on! come on! Our Lord hath doomedthe English! They are ours! keep a good heart.” Atthat moment the town was carried; and the Englishretired to the bridges, where the French pursued themand killed more than 1,100 men.

The town taken,^[186] Jeanne and the army went toOrleans; then from Orleans to Meung-sur-Loire, wherewere the English under the command of ‘the child ofWarwick’ and Scales. Beneath the walls of Meung, Ipassed the night in a Church with a few soldiers, andwas in great peril. The day after the taking of Meung,we went to Beaugency; and in the neighbourhood ofthis town we rallied to us a part of the army with whichwe attacked the English who were in Beaugency. Inconsequence of our attack the English abandoned thetown and retired into a camp which we had watchedduring the night for fear they should beat a retreat.We were there when the news reached us that theConstable was coming to join us: Jeanne, the other279Captains, and I myself were much troubled by thisnews, and wished to retire, because we had orders fromthe King not to receive the said Constable into ourcompany. I told Jeanne that if the Constable cameI should retire. The next day, before his arrival,we learned that the English were marching upon usin great number, under the command of Talbot.^[187] Ourmen immediately called “To arms!” and, seeing thatI wished to retire because of the arrival of the Constable,Jeanne told me that we must help one another.The English surrendered their camp by agreement, andretreated by a safe-conduct which I gave them: for Iwas then Lieutenant to the King, and thus in commandof the army. We thought they had retired, when a manof La Hire’s company told us they were marching uponus, and that in a moment we should have them beforeus, to the number of a thousand men-at-arms. Jéanneasked what this messenger had stated; and when sheknew what was going on she said to the Lord Constable,^[188]“Ah! fair Constable, you have not come by my will, butnow you are here you are welcome.” Many were in fearand said it would be well to await the arrival of thecavalry. “In God’s Name!” exclaimed Jeanne, “wemust fight them at once: even if they were hangingfrom the clouds we should have them, because God hassent us to chastise them.” She assured us she was280certain of obtaining the victory, saying in French: “Thegentle King shall have to-day the greatest victory hehas ever had. My Counsel has told me they are allours.” Without great difficulty the English were beatenand slain, and Talbot made prisoner. There was agreat slaughter. Then the army went to Patay, whereTalbot was brought before me and the Constable inthe presence of Jeanne. I said to Talbot that in themorning I had never expected what had happened. “Itis the fortune of war,”^[189] he replied. Afterwards wereturned to the King, and it was decided to direct ourway towards Rheims for his coronation and consecration.

Many times in my presence Jeanne told the King shewould last but one year and no more; and that heshould consider how best to employ this year. She had,she said, four duties to accomplish: to beat the English;to have the King crowned and consecrated at Rheims;to deliver the Duke d’Orléans from the hands of theEnglish;^[190] and to raise the siege of Orleans.

Jeanne was a chaste maiden; she hated the womenwho follow in the train of armies. I saw her one dayat Saint Denis on the return from the coronation,pursuing one of them sword in hand: her sword wasbroken on this occasion. She was very vexed if sheheard any of the soldiers swear. She reproved me muchand strongly when I sometimes swore; and when I sawher I refrained from swearing.

So far as I could judge, I always held her for anexcellent Catholic, and a modest woman: she communicatedoften, and, at sight of the Body of Christ,281shed many tears. In all she did, except in affairs ofwar, she was a very simple young girl; but for warlikethings—bearing the lance, assembling an army, orderingmilitary operations, directing artillery—she was mostskilful. Every one wondered that she could act with asmuch wisdom and foresight as a captain who had foughtfor twenty or thirty years. It was above all in makinguse of artillery that she was so wonderful.

The first time I heard of Jeanne, and that she hadcome to find the King, I was at Anche,^[192] in which townwas her mother ^[193] and some of those who had accompaniedher thither. One day, they invited me to go with themand see her, and told me they would not leave me till Ihad seen her. I came then with them to Chinon; thento Tours, in which town I was at that time Reader in aConvent; and there we found her lodging in the houseof a citizen named Jean Dupuy,^[194] a burgher of Tours.My companions addressed Jeanne in these terms:“Jeanne, we bring you this good father; when youknow him you will love him much.” “I am very gladto see you,” she said to me; “I have already heard ofyou; I should like to-morrow to confess myself to you.”

282The next day, indeed, I heard her in confession, andrecited Mass before her. From that day onward, Ialways followed her and was always with her as herChaplain, until Compiègne, where she was takenprisoner.

On her arrival at Chinon, I heard that she had beenvisited on two occasions by women. The Lady de Gaucourtand the Lady de Trèves, it is said, were thosewho visited her.

Afterwards, she was taken to Poitiers, to be examinedthere by the Clergy of that University as to what shouldbe done with regard to her. Maître Jourdin Morin,Maître Pierre de Versailles, since deceased as Bishop ofMeaux, and many others, after having questioned her,came to the conclusion that, in view of the necessitywhich weighed upon the Kingdom, the King might makeuse of her aid, and that they had found nothing in hercontrary to the Catholic Faith. She then returned toChinon, and thought she would be allowed to speak withthe King; but it was not yet to be. At last, by theadvice of the Council, she was permitted an interviewwith the King. The day on which this interview was totake place, just as she entered the Castle, a man, mountedon horseback, said, “Is that the Maid?” He insultedher, and swore with horrid blasphemy. “Oh! in God’sName,” she said to him, “dost thou blaspheme God,thou who art so near thy death!” And, an hour after,this man fell into the water and was drowned. I reportthis fact as I gathered it from Jeanne and from manyothers, who said they had been witnesses of it.

It was the Sieur Count de Vendôme who brought herinto the King’s apartment. When he perceived her, theKing asked her her name. “Gentle Dauphin,” shereplied, “I am called Jeanne the Maid; and the King ofHeaven sends you word by me that you will be consecratedand crowned at Rheims, and that you will be the283lieutenant of the King of Heaven, who is King ofFrance.” After the King had asked her a number ofquestions, she said to him, “On the part of My Lord, Itell thee thou art true heir of France and son of theKing ^[195]; and He sends me to lead thee to Rheims tothe end thou mayst receive thy crowning and thy consecration,if thou wilt.” At the close of this interview,the King said that Jeanne had confided to him secretswhich were not known and could not be known except byGod, which gave him great confidence in her. All thisI heard from Jeanne, but without having been witnessof it.

She told me she was not pleased at so many examinations;that they prevented her carrying out thework for which she was sent, and that it was quite timefor her to act. She told me she had asked from theMessengers of her Lord—that is to say, God—whoappeared to her, what she ought to do; and theyhad told her to take the banner of her Lord. It wasfor this she had her banner made, on which waspainted the image of Our Saviour seated in judgmenton the clouds of Heaven, with an Angel holding inhis hand a fleur-de-lys which Christ was blessing. Iwas at Tours with her when this banner was painted.^[196]

A short time after Jeanne departed with the army tothe succour of the town of Orleans, which was thenbesieged; I went with her, and did not leave her untilthe day when she was taken at Compiègne. I acted asher Chaplain, confessed her, and sang Mass for her.She was, indeed, very pious towards God and the BlessedMary, confessing nearly every day and communicating284frequently. When she was in a neighbourhood wherethere was a Convent of Mendicant Friars, she told meto remind her of the day when the children of the poorreceived the Eucharist, so that she might receive itwith them; and this she did often: when she confessedherself she wept.

When Jeanne left Tours to go to Orleans, she prayedme not to forsake her, and to remain always with heras her Confessor; this I promised to do. We were atBlois about two or three days, waiting for the supplieswith which the boats were to be loaded. At Blois shetold me to have a banner made, round which the Priestsmight assemble, and to have painted thereon the Imageof Our Saviour crucified. I had it done, as she requiredof me. As soon as this banner was made, Jeanne, twicea day, morning and evening, charged me to assemble thePriests around this banner: they then sang anthems andhymns to the Blessed Mary. Jeanne was with them,permitting only the soldiers who had that day confessedthemselves to join her; she told her people to makeconfession, if they wished to come to this assemblage.There were Priests always ready to confess those in thearmy who wished to apply to them.

On leaving Blois to march to Orleans, Jeanne madeall the Priests assemble round this banner; and in thiswise they marched at the head of the army. Theydeparted, thus assembled, from the side of the Sologne,singing the “Veni Creator Spiritus” and many otheranthems. On that and the two following days, we sleptin the fields. On the third day, we arrived at Orleans,where the English held their siege right up to the bankof the Loire: we approached so close to them thatFrench and English could almost touch one another.The French had with them a convoy of supplies; butthe water was so shallow that the boats could notmove up-stream, nor could they land where the English285were. Suddenly the waters rose, and the boats werethen able to land on the shore where the [French]army was. Jeanne entered the boats, with some of herfollowers, and thus came to Orleans. As for myself Ireturned to Blois, by Jeanne’s command, with the Priestsand the banner. Then, some days after, accompaniedby the whole army, I came to Orleans by way of theBeauce—always with this same banner surrounded byPriests—meeting no obstacle. When Jeanne knew ofour approach, she came to meet us; and together weentered Orleans without difficulty, bringing in the provisionsin sight of the English. This was a marvellousthing; for the English were in great number and strength,all prepared for fight. They had opposite them ourarmy, very inferior to theirs: they saw us; they heardour Priests singing; I was in the midst of the Priestsbearing the banner. The English remained immovable,never attempting to attack either the Priests or the armywhich followed them.

As soon as we entered Orleans, the French salliedfrom the town at Jeanne’s urgent entreaties, and went toattack the English, who were shut up in the Fort of SaintLoup. After dinner the other Priests went with me toseek Jeanne at her residence. When we arrived, weheard her calling out: “Where are those who shouldarm me? The blood of our people is falling to theground!” And, so soon as she was armed, she salliedfrom the town and made for the Fort of Saint Loup,where the attack was taking place. On the road shemet many wounded soldiers; the sight of them distressedher much. She went to the assault, and did so well, thatby force and violence the fort was at last taken, and allthe English who were there were taken prisoners. Iremember that this took place on the Eve of the Ascensionof Our Saviour.

When the Fort of Saint Loup was taken, the English286died there in great numbers. Jeanne was much afflictedwhen she heard that they had died without confession,and pitied them much. On the spot she made her confession.She ordered me to invite the whole army todo likewise, and to give thanks to God for the victoryjust gained. Otherwise, she said, she would helpthem no more, but would abandon them. On this day,the Eve of the Ascension, she predicted that within fivedays the siege would be raised, and that not a singleEnglishman would be left within the walls of Orleans.^[197]And so it was: for on this Wednesday, as I have alreadysaid, the Fort of Saint Loup was taken, which formerlyhad been a convent.^[198] More than one hundred menof distinction were found there, all well armed, notone escaping. In the evening, when Jeanne returnedto her lodging, she told me that on the followingday, the Ascension of Our Saviour, she would notfight, nor even put on her armour; and that shewished, out of respect for the Festival, to confess andto receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist. And thiswas done.

On Ascension Day, she ordered that no one should goout of the town to the attack on the same day withoutfirst making confession, and forbade women of badreputation to follow her, lest, on account of sin, Godshould cause us to lose the battle. All these orders werecarried out. It was on Ascension Day that she wrote tothe English, entrenched in their forts, a letter thuscouched:

“You, men of England, who have no right in thiskingdom of France, the King of Heaven orders andcommands you by me, Jeanne the Maid, that you quityour strong places, and return to your own country; ifyou do not I will cause you such an overthrow as shall287be remembered for all time. I write to you for thethird ^[199] and last time, and shall write to you no more.

“I would have sent you this letter in a more suitablemanner, but you keep back my heralds: you have keptmy herald Guyenne; I pray you to send him back, and Iwill send you some of your people who have been takenat the Fort of Saint Loup,—for all were not killedthere.”

As soon as this letter was written, Jeanne took anarrow, on the point of which she fastened this letter witha thread, and ordered an archer to shoot this arrow towardsthe English, crying out, “Read! here is news!”The English received the arrow with this letter, whichthey read. After having read it they began to cry outwith all their power: “It is news sent to us from the... of the Armagnacs!” At these words Jeanne beganto cry, shedding many tears, and prayed the God ofHeaven to come to her aid. Soon she appeared to beconsoled, having had, as she said, news from her Lord.In the evening after supper, she ordered me to riseearlier than I had done on Ascension Day, because shewished to confess very early in the morning: and thisshe did.

The next day, Friday, I rose very early; confessed her,and sang Mass before her and all her followers: she thenstarted with them at once for the attack, which lastedfrom morning to evening. On this day the Fort of theAugustins was taken, after a great assault. Jeanne, whowas accustomed to fast every Friday, could not do so onthat day because she was too troubled, and she took288supper. After this supper there came to her a nobleand valiant captain, whose name I do not remember.He told her that all the captains were assembled inCouncil; that they had taken into consideration the smallnumber of their forces in comparison with the largeforces of the English, and the abundant grace which Godhad granted them in the success already obtained:“The town is full of supplies; we could keep it wellwhile we await fresh succour, which the King could sendus; it does not seem,” he ended by saying, “expedientto the Council that the army should go forth to-morrow.”“You have been to your Counsel,” Jeanne answeredhim, “and I have been to mine; and believe me theCounsel of God will be accomplished and will succeed;yours on the contrary will perish.” And addressing herselfto me who was near her: “Rise to-morrow morningeven earlier than you did to-day; do your best; keepalways near me; for to-morrow I shall have yet more todo, and much greater things; to-morrow blood shall flowfrom my body, above the breast.”

On the Saturday, therefore, very early in the morningI rose and celebrated Mass; then Jeanne went to theattack of the Bridge Fort, in which was the Englishman,Clasdas.^[200] The attack lasted from morning to sunsetwithout interruption. At this assault, after dinner,Jeanne, as she had predicted, was struck by an arrowabove the breast. When she felt herself wounded, shewas afraid, and wept; but she was soon comforted,as she said. Some of the soldiers seeing her severelywounded wished to “charm” her; but she would not, saying:“I would rather die than do a thing which I knowto be a sin; I know well that I must die one day, but Iknow not when, nor in what manner, nor on what day;if my wound may be healed without sin, I shall be gladenough to be cured.” Oil of olive and lard were applied289to the wound. After the dressing, she confessedherself to me, weeping and lamenting. Then she returnedin all haste to the attack, crying: “Clasdas! Clasdas!yield thee, yield thee to the King of Heaven! Thouhast called me ... I have a great pity for thy soul, andfor thy people.” At this moment Clasdas, fully armedfrom head to foot, fell into the Loire, where he wasdrowned. Jeanne, moved to pity at this sight, began toweep for the soul of Clasdas, and for all the others who,in great number, were drowned, at the same time as he.On this day, all the English who were on the other sideof the bridge were taken and killed. The next day—whichwas a Sunday—before sunrise all the English whowere still in the plains around Orleans grouped themselvestogether, and came to the foot of the trenches ofthe town. From thence they departed for Meung-sur-Loire,where they remained for several days. On thisSunday ^[201] there was in Orleans a solemn procession and asermon. It was then decided to go and seek the King;and Jeanne went thither. The English entrenchedthemselves in Jargeau, which was soon taken by assault.Finally, they were entirely defeated at Patay.

I often heard her say of her work that it was hermission; and when people said to her: “Never havesuch things been seen as these deeds of yours. In nobook can one read of such things,” she answered: “MyLord has a book in which no Clerk has ever read, howperfect soever he may be in clerkship!”

In war and in camp, when there was not enoughprovision, she would never eat stolen food. I firmlybelieve she was sent from God on account of her goodworks, and her many virtues; even on the poor English290soldiers she had so much compassion that, when she sawthem dying or wounded, she had them confessed. Somuch did she fear God, that for nothing in the worldwould she displease Him. When she was wounded inthe shoulder by an arrow—which went through from oneside to the other—some spoke of “charming” her,promising in this manner to cure her on the spot. Shereplied that it would be a sin, and that she would ratherdie than offend God by such enchantments.

I marvel much that such great Clerks as those whocaused her death at Rouen should have dared such a crimeas to put to death so poor and simple a Christian, cruellyand without cause—sufficient at least for [the penaltyof] death: they might have kept her in prison or elsewhere;but she had so displeased them that they wereher mortal enemies; and thus, it seems, they assumedthe responsibility of an unjust court. Her actions andher deeds are all perfectly known to our Lord the Kingand to the Duke d’Alençon, who knew certain secretswhich they might declare if they would.

As for me I know no more than what I have said,unless it be that many times Jeanne expressed to me adesire that, if she were to die, the King would build aChapel, where the souls of those who had died in defenceof the kingdom might be prayed for.

At the time when Jeanne was at Rouen, I was in theservice of Maître Guillaume Érard, with whom I camefrom Burgundy. After we had arrived, I heard talk ofthis Trial; but of what was done therein I know nothing,for I left Rouen and went to Caen, and stayed thereuntil the feast of Pentecost; at this feast I returned toRouen to meet my master, who told me that he had a291heavy task—to preach a sermon for this Jeanne, whichmuch displeased him. He said he would he were inFlanders: this business disturbed him much.

I saw Jeanne at the second sermon; and in themorning before the sermon I saw the Body of Christcarried to the said Jeanne with much solemnity, and thesinging of Litanies and intercession “Orate pro eâ,” andwith a great multitude of candles; but who decided orordered this, I know not. I was not present at thereception, but I afterwards heard it said that shereceived It with great devotion and abundance of tears.

The year in which Jeanne came to seek the Kingwas the very year in which the King sent me asambassador to Venice. I returned about the month ofMarch, at which time I heard from Jean de Metz, whohad conducted her, that she had visited the King.When Jeanne came to Chinon, there was discussion inthe Council as to whether the King should hear her ornot. And first she was questioned as to why and towhat end she had come; and she began by replyingthat she would answer nothing except to the King.She was compelled, by order of the King, to state thecause of her mission.

She said she had two commands from the King ofHeaven: the one to raise the siege of Orleans, the otherto conduct the King to Rheims for his coronation andanointing.

Hearing this, some of the King’s Council said thatthe King ought not to put faith in this Jeanne; otherssaid that, as she declared she was sent from God andcommanded to speak to the King, the King ought atleast to hear her. The King desired that she shouldfirst be examined by the Clergy and Ecclesiastics,292and this was done; after many difficulties it wasarranged that the King should hear her. I have heardthe Seigneur de Gaucourt relate that, when she was atOrleans, the King’s people had decided it was notwell to make the attack. This happened on the daywhen the Fort of the Augustins was taken and he,de Gaucourt, had been commissioned to guard thegates of the town that none should go out. Jeanne,discontented with the orders of the generals, was ofopinion that the King’s soldiers with the people of thetown should go out and attack the fort; and manyof the soldiers and people of the city agreed withher. Jeanne told de Gaucourt that he was a badman, saying to him: “Whether you will or no, thesoldiers shall come; and they will succeed this timeas they have succeeded before.” And, against thewill of the said Lord de Gaucourt, the soldiers leftthe city and marched to the assault of the bastille ofthe Augustins, which was taken by force. My Lord deGaucourt added that he had come that day into greatperil.

The King made a treaty with the people of Troyes,and entered the town of Troyes in great array, Jeannecarrying her banner by his side. Shortly after, theKing left Troyes and went with his army to Chalons,and thence to Rheims. When the King feared to findresistance at Rheims, Jeanne said to him: “Have nofear! for the burghers of the city will come out to meetyou;” and she said that, before he got near the city ofRheims, the burgesses would meet him. The Kingfeared their resistance because he had no artillery orengines for carrying on a siege, in case they shouldprove rebellious. Jeanne told him that he mustgo forward boldly and fear nothing, for if he wouldgo forward like a man he would soon obtain all hiskingdom.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until she came to Orleansto raise the siege made by the English, in the defenceof which town I was in the company of my lord ofDunois.

I afterwards saw her at the assault of the Forts ofSaint Loup, the Augustins, Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, and atthe Bridge. In all these assaults she was so valorousand comported herself in such manner as would nothave been possible to any man, however well versed inwar; and all the captains marvelled at her valour andactivity and at her endurance.

I believe that she was good and worthy, and thatthe things she did were divine rather than human.She often reproved the vices of the soldiers; and I heardfrom a certain Maître Robert Baignart, S.T.P., of theOrder of Saint Dominic, who often heard her in confession,that Jeanne was a godly woman, that all she didcame from God, that she had a good soul and tenderconscience.

After the raising of the siege of Orleans, I with manyothers of the army went with Jeanne to Beaugency,where the English were. The day that the English lostthe battle of Patay, I and the late La Hire, knowingthat the English were assembled and prepared for battle,told Jeanne that the English were coming and wereall ready to fight. She replied, speaking to the captains:“Attack them boldly, and they will fly; nor will theylong withstand us.” At these words, the captainsprepared to attack: and the English were overthrownand fled. Jeanne had predicted to the French that fewor none of them should be slain or suffer loss: whichalso befell, for of all our men there perished but onegentleman of my company.

294Apart from affairs of war, she was simple andinnocent; but in the conduct and disposition of troopsand in actual warfare, in the ordering of battle and inanimating the soldiers, she behaved as the most skilledcaptain in the world who all his life had been trained inthe art of war.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until I saw her in prison,in the Castle of Beaurevoir, where she was detained forand in the name of the Count de Ligny; then I saw heroften and many times talked with her: she would allowno familiarity, but repelled such with all her power; shewas indeed of modest bearing, both in words and deeds.

She was taken to the Castle of Rouen, where she wasplaced in a prison facing the fields. Whilst she wasthere, in this prison, came the Count de Ligny, on whomI was in attendance. The Count de Ligny desired tosee Jeanne, and came to visit her, in company ofthe Earls of Warwick and Stafford, the present Chancellorof England, then Bishop of Thérouanne, thebrother ^[202] of the Count de Ligny, and myself. He said toher: “Jeanne, I have come to ransom you, if you willpromise never again to bear arms against us.” Sheanswered: “In God’s Name, you mock me, for I knowwell that you have neither the will nor the power;” thisshe repeated often, because the Count persisted in hisstatement. “I know well,” she ended by saying, “thatthe English will do me to death, thinking after my deathto gain the kingdom of France; but if they were ahundred thousand more ‘godons’^[203] than they are atpresent, they would not have the kingdom.” Indignantat these words, the Earl of Stafford half drew his dagger295to kill her, but the Earl of Warwick withheld him.After this, while I was still at Rouen, Jeanne was takento the Place St. Ouen, where a sermon was preached toher by Maître Nicolas Midi,^[204] who, amongst other things,said, in my hearing: “Jeanne, we have great compassionfor thee; it behoves thee to revoke what thou hast said,or we must give thee up to the secular judges.” Sheanswered, that she had done no evil, that she believedin the Twelve Articles of the Faith and in the TenCommandments of the Decalogue; adding, that shereferred herself to the Court of Rome, and that shewished to believe all things in which Holy Churchbelieved. Notwithstanding this, they pressed her muchto recant, to which she answered: “You take muchpains to seduce me;” and, to escape danger, she saidat last that she was content to do all they required.Then a Secretary of the King of England there present,named Laurence Calot, drew from his pocket a littlewritten schedule, which he handed to Jeanne to sign.She replied that she could neither read nor write. Notwithstandingthis Laurence Calot, the Secretary, handedJeanne the schedule and a pen to sign it; and by way ofderision Jeanne made some sort of round mark. ThenLaurence Calot took her hand with the pen and causedher to make some sort of signature,—what, I cannotremember.

I first knew of Jeanne when she came to Orleans; shewas lodged in the house of one Jacques Bouchier, whereI went to visit her. Jeanne continually spoke of God,saying, “My Lord hath sent me to succour the goodtown of Orleans.” I often saw her attend Mass withgreat devotion, as a good Christian and Catholic. During296the time she was at Orleans, for the raising of the siege,Jeanne was sleeping in the house of her host, Jacques leBouchier; on the Vigil of the Ascension, she suddenlyawoke, and, calling her page, Mugot,^[205] said to him: “InGod’s Name! This is ill done. Why was I not soonerawakened? Our people have much to do.” Then sheasked for her armour, and armed herself, her pagebringing round her horse; then, all armed, shemounted, lance in rest, and began to ride along themain street so rapidly that the stones struck fire. Shemade straight for Saint Loup; and gave order, by soundof trumpet, that nothing should be taken from the Church.

On the morning of the day that the Fort of the Bridgewas taken, Jeanne was still in the house of her hostwhen a fish was brought to her: on seeing it she said toher host, “Take care of it till the evening, because Iwill bring you back a ‘godon’ and I shall return by thebridge.”

Jeanne was very frugal in eating and drinking. Therewas nothing but modesty in her conduct, in her actions,and in all her manner of life. I believe firmly that herdeeds and actions were rather the works of God than ofman.

Soon after she came to Orleans, she sent to theEnglish, who were besieging the town, and summonedthem in a kind of simple schedule written in her mother-tongue,which I read myself, notifying that it was thewill of God that they should depart:

[“Messire vous mande que vous en aliez en vostrepays, car c’est son plaisir, ou sinon je vous feray ung telhahay....”^[206]]

297Maître Aignan Viole,Licentiate in Law, Advocate of the Court of Parliament.

On the Sunday after the taking of the Forts of theBridge and of Saint Loup, the English were drawn up inorder of battle before the town of Orleans, at which thegreater part of [our] soldiers wished to give combat, andsallied from the town. Jeanne, who was wounded, waswith the soldiers, dressed in her light surcoat. She putthe men in array, but forbade them to attack the English,because, she said, if it pleased God and it were His willthat they wished to retire, they should be allowed to go.And at that the men-at-arms returned into Orleans.

It was said that Jeanne was as expert as possible in theart of ordering an army in battle, and that even a captainbred and instructed in war could not have shown moreskill; at this the captains marvelled exceedingly.

She frequently confessed, often received the HolySacrament, and, in all her deeds and conversation, boreherself most worthily, and in everything save in warfareshe was marvellously simple.

I knew nothing of Jeanne till she was broughtto Rouen for her trial, at which I was one of thenotaries. In the copy of the Process shown to me, Irecognize my own signature at the end. It is the trueProcess made against Jeanne, and is one of five similarcopies made. In the said Process were associated withme Maître Guillaume Manchon and Maître PierreTaquel. In the morning we registered the notes andanswers, and in the afternoon we collected them together.For nothing in the world would we have failed in anythingthat should have been done.

I remember well that Jeanne answered more prudentlywhen questioned a second time upon a point whereonshe had been already questioned; she failed not tosay that she had elsewhere replied, and she told thenotaries to read what she had already said.

Maître Nicolas Loyseleur, feigning to be a cobbler—acaptive on the part of the King of France, and fromLorraine—obtained entrance to Jeanne’s prison, towhom he said that she should not believe the Churchmen,“because,” he added, “if you believe them, youwill be destroyed.” I believe the Bishop of Beauvaisknew this well, otherwise Loyseleur would not have299done as he did. Many of the Assessors in theProcess murmured against him. It is said thatLoyseleur died suddenly at Bâle; and I have heardthat, when he saw Jeanne condemned to death, hewas seized with compunction and climbed into the cart,earnestly desiring her pardon; at which many of theEnglish were indignant; and that, had it not been forthe Earl of Warwick, Loyseleur would have been killed;the said Earl enjoined him to leave Rouen as soonas he possibly could, if he wished to save his life.

In the same way, Maître Guillaume d’Estivet got intothe prison, feigning to be a prisoner—as Loyseleur haddone. This d’Estivet was Promoter, and in this matterwas much affected towards the English, whom hedesired to please. He was a bad man, and often duringthe Process spoke ill of the notaries and of those who, ashe saw, wished to act justly; and he often cruelly insultedJeanne, calling her foul names. I think that, in the endof his days, he was punished by God; for he diedmiserably. He was found dead in a drain outside thegates of Rouen.

Jeanne was often disconcerted by questions whichwere subtle and not pertinent. I remember that, onone occasion, she was asked if she were in a state ofgrace. She replied, that it was a serious matter toanswer such a question, and at last said: “If I am, mayGod so keep me. If I am not, may God so place me.I would rather die than not be in the love of God.” Atthis reply the questioners were much confounded, andbroke up the sitting; nor was she further interrogatedon that occasion.

On the Sunday following the first sentence, I wassummoned to the Castle with the other notaries to seeJeanne dressed in man’s dress; we went to the Castle,entered the prison, and there saw her. Questioned asto why she had resumed it, she made excuses, as appears300in the Process. I think, perhaps, that she was inducedto act thus, for I saw many of those concerned in theProcess applauding and rejoicing that she had resumedher old dress; yet some lamented, among whom I sawPierre Maurice grieving much.

On the following Wednesday, Jeanne was taken to theOld Market of Rouen, where a sermon was preachedby Maître Nicolas Midi upon the Sentence of Relapsepronounced by the Bishop of Beauvais. After thissentence was read, she was taken by the civil authorities,and, without further trial or sentence, was led to theexecutioner, to be burnt. And I know, of a truth,that the Judges and their adherents were henceforwardnotorious to the population: after Jeannewas burnt, they were pointed at by the people andhated; and I have heard it maintained that all who wereguilty of her death came to a shameful end. MaîtreNicolas Midi died of leprosy a few days later; andthe Bishop died suddenly while he was being shaved.

Jean Lemaire,Priest, Curé of the Church of St. Vincent at Rouen; [evidence of no special value.]

I knew nothing of Jeanne until she came toRouen. I was summoned to the Castle of Rouen, withmy assistants, to submit Jeanne to torture. On thisoccasion, she was questioned on various subjects andanswered with such prudence that all present marvelled.Then I and my associates retired without doing anything.

She was a prisoner in the Castle, in a great tower.I saw her when I was summoned to the torture, asaforesaid. I was present at the first preaching at St.Ouen, and also at the last at the Old Market, on theday when Jeanne was burnt. Wood was prepared for301the burning before the preaching was finished or thesentence pronounced; and as soon as the sentence wasread by the Bishop, without any interval, she was takento the fire. I did not notice that any sentence by thecivil authorities was read. When she was in the fireshe cried, more than six times, “Jesus!” And withthe last breath she cried with a loud voice, so thatall present might hear, “Jesus!” Nearly all wept forpity. I have heard it said that, after the burning, herashes were collected and thrown into the Seine.

I knew nothing of Jeanne till she was brought toRouen; but I was so anxious to see her that I wentto the Castle, and there saw her for the first time. Idid not see her again until the time of the preaching atSaint Ouen.

I was at the final sermon in the Old Market Place,at Rouen; I went as Bailly, for whom I was then actingas deputy. The sentence by which Jeanne was handedover to the civil authorities was read; and, as soon asit was pronounced,—at once, without any interval ofhanding her over to the Bailly, without more ado, andbefore either the Bailly or myself, whose office it was,had given sentence,—the executioner seized her andtook her to the place where the stake was alreadyprepared: and she was burned. And this I hold wasnot a right proceeding: for soon after, a malefactornamed George Folenfont was in like manner handedover, by sentence, from the ecclesiastical to the civilauthorities; and, after the sentence, the said Georgewas conducted to the Cohue,^[207] and there condemned bythe secular justice, instead of being immediately conductedto execution.

302I think Jeanne died as a Catholic, for, in dying, shecried on the name of the Lord Jesus. She was verydevout, and nearly all present were moved to tears.After she was dead, the ashes that remained were collectedby the executioner and thrown into the Seine.

Jean Ricquier,Priest, Chaplain in the Cathedral of Rouen, and Curé of the Church at Hendicourt.

I first saw Jeanne at the sermon at Saint Ouen, andagain at the Old Market. I was then about twenty.

At the time when Jeanne was brought to Rouen, Iwas in the choir of the Cathedral, and sometimesheard of the Trial from the Clergy of the Cathedral.

I was present at the sermon in the Old Market, onthe day Jeanne died. I know she was handed over bythe ecclesiastical authorities. I saw the English followersand soldiers seize her, and lead her immediately to theplace of execution; nor did I see any sentence read bythe secular authorities.

On that morning, before the sermon, Maître PierreMaurice came to visit her; to whom she said, “MaîtrePierre, where shall I be this evening?” Maître Pierrereplied, “Have you not a good hope in God?” Sheanswered that she had; and that, God willing, she wouldbe in Paradise. This I heard from the aforesaid MaîtrePierre. When Jeanne saw that they were setting fire tothe pile, she began to say, with a loud voice, “Jesus!”and constantly, to the end, she cried, “Jesus!”

And after she was dead, because the English fearedthat people would say she had escaped, they ordered theexecutioner to part the flames a little, in order that thosepresent might see she was dead. I was near to MaîtreJean Alépée, at that time Canon of Rouen, and heardhim say these words, weeping greatly: “God grant thatmy soul may be in the place where I believe thiswoman’s to be!”

I live at Rouen; but I came from Viville, inBassigny,—not far from Domremy, where Jeanne wasborn.

At the time when Jeanne was at Rouen, and duringthe Trial against her, a man of note from Lorrainecame to the town. We soon made acquaintance, beingof the same country. He told me that he came fromthe Marches of Lorraine, and that he had been called toRouen, having been commissioned to get information inthe native country of the said Jeanne, and to hear whatwas said about her. This he had done, and had broughtit to the Bishop of Beauvais, expecting to have satisfactionfor his labour and expense. But the Bishopblamed him for a traitor and a bad man, and said he hadnot done in this as he had been told. My compatriotcomplained that he could not get any wage from theBishop, who found his information of no use: hetold me that in this information he had learnt nothingof Jeanne which he would not willingly know of his ownsister, although he had made enquiries in five or sixparishes near Domremy as well as in the village itself.I remember it was said that she had committed thecrime oflèse majesté,^[208] and had led the people away.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until she came to Rheims,for the King’s coronation, in which town I was thenliving. Thither came also her father and her brotherPierre, both of whom were friendly with me and mywife, as we were compatriots; and they called my wife“neighbour.”

I was in my own neighbourhood when Jeanne went to304Vaucouleurs, to Robert de Baudricourt, that she mightget an escort to go to the King. I then said it was bythe grace of God, and that Jeanne was led by the Spiritof God. Jeanne requested the said Robert to give heran escort to conduct her to my lord the Dauphin.

I heard, at the time when she was taken fromVaucouleurs to the King, that some of the soldiers whoconducted her feigned to be on the other side, and,when those who were with her pretended to fly, shesaid to them: “Fly not, in God’s Name! they will dous no harm.” When she came to the King, sherecognized him, though she had never seen him before;and afterwards she took the King without hindranceto Rheims, where I saw her; and from Rheims theKing went to Corbignac, and afterwards to ChâteauThierry, which was surrendered to the King. And therearrived news that the English were come to fight againstthe King; but Jeanne told the King’s people not to fear,for the English would not come.

I knew nothing of Jeanne until she was broughtto Rouen, where, at that time, I was Procurator of thetown. Having much curiosity to see the said Jeanne, Ienquired the best means to accomplish this: and acertain Pierre Manuel, Advocate of the King of England,who was also anxious to see her, came, and together wewent to see her.

We found her in the Castle, in a certain turret, inshackles, with a great piece of wood chained to her feet,and having many English guards. And Manuel said toher, in my presence, jokingly, that she would never havecome there if she had not been brought: and he askedher if she knew, before she was captured, that she305would be taken; to which she replied that she hadfeared it. When he asked her, afterwards, why, if shefeared to be taken prisoner, she did not guard herself onthe day that she was captured, she replied that she did notknow either the day or hour when she was to be taken.

I saw her once again during the Trial, when shewas being brought from the prison to the great hall ofthe Castle.

I heard from several, during the Trial, that Jeanne wasquite wonderful in her answers, and that she had a remarkablememory; for, on one occasion, when questionedas to a point on which she had answered eight daysbefore, she replied: “I was asked about this eight daysago, and thus replied.” Boisguillaume, the other notary,said she had not answered; and, when some of thosepresent declared that what Jeanne said was true, theanswers of that day were read: and it was found thatJeanne had spoken right. At this she rejoiced, sayingto Boisguillaume that, if he made mistakes again, shewould pull his ears!

I was present at the sermon at the Old Marketon the day that Jeanne died. Among other things,I heard her say: “Ah! Rouen, Rouen, wilt thou bemy last dwelling?” She inspired in all the greatestpity, and many were moved to tears; many, too, weremuch displeased that Jeanne had been executed inthe town of Rouen. At the close of her life, shecontinually cried “Jesus!” Her ashes and remainswere afterwards collected and thrown into the Seine.

Brother Séguin de Séguin,Dominican, Professor of Theology, Dean of the Faculty of Theology of Poitiers.

I saw Jeanne for the first time at Poitiers. TheKing’s Council was assembled in the house of theLady La Macée, the Archbishop of Rheims, then306Chancellor of France, being of their number. I wassummoned, as also were Jean Lombart, Professor ofTheology of the University of Paris; Maître Guillaumele Maire, Canon of Poitiers and Bachelor in Theology;Maître Guillaume Aymerie, Professor of Theology, ofthe Order of Saint Dominic; Brother Pierre Turrelure;Maître Jacques Maledon; and many others whose namesI do not remember. The Members of the Council toldus that we were summoned, in the King’s name, toquestion Jeanne and to give our opinion upon her. Wewere sent to question her at the house of Maître JeanRabateau, where she was lodging. We repaired thitherand interrogated her.

Among other questions, Maître Jean Lombart askedher why she had come; that the King wished to knowwhat had induced her to come to him. She answered,in a grand manner, that “there had come to her, whileshe was minding the cattle, a Voice, which told her thatGod had great compassion for the people of France, andthat she must go into France.” On hearing this, shebegan to weep; the Voice then told her to go toVaucouleurs, where she would find a Captain who wouldconduct her safely into France and to the King, and thatshe must not be afraid. She had done what the Voicehad ordered, and had come to the King without meetingany obstacle.

Thereupon, Guillaume Aymerie put to her thisquestion: “You assert that a Voice told you, God willedto deliver the people of France from the calamity inwhich they now are; but, if God wills to deliver them,it is not necessary to have soldiers.” “In God’sName!” Jeanne replied, “the soldiers will fight, andGod will give the victory.” With which answer MaîtreGuillaume was pleased.

I, in my turn, asked Jeanne what dialect the Voicespoke? “A better one than yours,” she replied. I307speak the Limousin dialect. “Do you believe in God?”I asked her. “In truth, more than yourself!” sheanswered. “But God wills that you should not be believedunless there appear some sign to prove that youought to be believed; and we shall not advise the Kingto trust in you, and to risk an army on your simple statement.”“In God’s Name!” she replied, “I am notcome to Poitiers to shew signs: but send me to Orleans,where I shall shew you the signs by which I am sent:”and she added: “Send me men in such numbers as mayseem good, and I will go to Orleans.”

And then she foretold to us—to me and to all theothers who were with me—these four things which shouldhappen, and which did afterwards come to pass: first,that the English would be destroyed, the siege ofOrleans raised, and the town delivered from the English;secondly, that the King would be crowned atRheims; thirdly, that Paris would be restored to hisdominion; and fourthly, that the Duke d’Orléans shouldbe brought back from England. And I who speak, Ihave in truth seen these four things accomplished.

We reported all this to the Council of the King; andwe were of opinion that, considering the extreme necessityand the great peril of the town, the King mightmake use of her help and send her to Orleans.

Besides this, we enquired into her life and morals;and found that she was a good Christian, living as aCatholic, never idle. In order that her manner of livingmight be better known, women were placed with herwho were commissioned to report to the Council heractions and ways.

As for me, I believed she was sent from God, because,at the time when she appeared, the King and all theFrench people with him had lost hope: no one thoughtof aught but to save himself.

I remember that Jeanne was asked why she always308marched with a banner in her hand? “Because,” sheanswered, “I do not wish to use my sword, nor to killany one.”

When she heard any one taking in vain the Name ofGod, she was very angry; she held such blasphemiesin horror: and Jeanne told La Hire, who used manyoaths and swore by God, that he must swear nomore, and that, when he wanted to swear by God, heshould swearby his staff. And afterwards, indeed, whenhe was with her, La Hire never swore but by his staff.

And first, Deponent saith that, twenty years ago orthereabouts, the King being in the town of Poitiers, he[d’Aulon] was told that the said Maid, who was from thecountry of Lorraine, had been brought to the said Lordby two gentlemen, the same being of the company ofMessire Robert de Baudricourt, Knight—the one namedBertrand; the other Jean de Metz—and presented [tothe King]; to see whom (the said Maid) the Deponentvisited the said town of Poitiers;

That, after the presentation, the Maid spoke privatelyto our Lord the King, and told him several secretthings—what, he [the Deponent] knew not: saving that,shortly after, the King sent to fetch some of thepeople of his Council, among whom was the Deponent.He [the King] then informed them that the Maidhad told him she was sent from God to help him torecover his kingdom, which at that time was for themost part occupied by his ancient enemies, the English;

That, after these words had been declared to thepeople of his Council by the King, it was agreed309to interrogate the Maid—who, at that time, was of theage of sixteen years or thereabouts—upon sundry pointstouching the Faith;

That, to do this, the King sent for certain Mastersin Theology, Jurists, and other expert people, whoshould well and diligently examine her on these points;

That he was present at the said Council whenthe Masters made their report on what they hadfound in the Maid; at which it was publicly said byone of them, that they did not see, know, or recognizein the Maid anything, excepting only whatever shouldbe in a good Christian and true Catholic: and for suchthey held her, and it was their opinion that she wasvery worthy;

Also that, the report being made to the said King bythe Masters, the Maid was then handed over to theQueen of Sicily, the mother of our Sovereign Ladythe Queen, and to certain ladies with her, by whomthe Maid was seen, visited, and privately looked at andexamined; and after examination made by these matrons,the lady stated to the King that she and the otherladies found most surely that this was indeed a trueMaid ...;

That, these things being heard, and considering thegreat goodness in the Maid, and that God had sent herto him, as she had said, it was by the King concludedin his Council that henceforward he would make useof her help in his wars, inasmuch as for this she hadbeen sent;

That, it was then decided she should be sent to thecity of Orleans, at that time besieged by the enemy;

That, for this end people were given for her ownservice, and others to conduct her;

310Also that, for the safety of her body the King causedto be made armour fit for the Maid’s body, and, thisdone, appointed a certain number of men-at-arms forthe same [Maid] and for those of her company, tolead and conduct them safely to the City of Orleans;

That, immediately afterwards, he [the Deponent] tookthe road with them, following in this direction;

That, as soon as it came to the knowledge of myLord Dunois—then called the Bastard of Orleans, whowas in the city of Orleans in order to keep and guard itfrom the enemy—that the Maid was coming that way,he assembled together a certain number of men of warto meet her, such as La Hire and others. And to dothis, and more safely to lead and conduct her to the city,this Lord and his followers placed themselves in a boat,and went to meet her by the river Loire, about aquarter of a league distant, and there found her;

That, the Maid and the Deponent immediatelyentered the boat, while the remainder of her soldiersturned back toward Blois. And, with the LordDunois and his followers, they entered the city sure andsafe; in which [city] the Lord Dunois lodged her welland comfortably in the house of one of the principalburghers of the city, who had married one of theprincipal women thereof;

That, after the said Lord Dunois, La Hire, and certainother captains of the party of our Lord the King, hadconferred with the Maid as to what was expedientto do for the guardianship, keeping, and defence of thecity, and also by what means the enemy could be bestharassed, it was between them agreed and concludedto be necessary that a certain number of men-at-armsof their party, then near Blois, should be sent for andbrought. To put this into execution, and to fetchthem to the city, were appointed the Lord Dunois andthe Deponent, and certain other captains, with their311followers, who sent to the country of Blois to bringthe same;

That, as soon as they were ready to depart and bringthose who were in the country of Blois, and thatthis came to the notice of the Maid, immediately shemounted her horse, and, together with La Hire and acertain number of her followers, she went out into thefields to keep the enemy from doing them injury.And, in order to do this, the Maid placed herself withher followers between the army of the enemy and thecity of Orleans; and so wrought, that,—thanks to God!—notwithstandingthe great power and number of thesoldiers in the army of the enemy, the Lord Dunoisand the Deponent, with all their followers, passedthrough, and safely went their way: and in the sameway returned the Maid and her followers to the city;

That, as soon as she knew of the coming of theaforesaid, and that they brought with them those whomthey had gone to fetch for the reinforcement of thecity, immediately the Maid mounted her horse and,with a party of her followers, went to meet them, tosupport and succour them, if there were need of it;

That, in the sight and knowledge of the enemies,the Maid, Dunois, Maréchal La Hire, and the Deponent,with their followers, entered the city without anyopposition whatsoever;

Moreover, that, the same day, after dinner, camethe said Lord Dunois to the lodging of the Maid,where she and the Deponent had dined together. And,in speaking to her, Dunois told her that he knew, of atruth, from people of worth, that one named Fastolf,captain of the enemy, would shortly join the enemy atthe siege, not only to give them help and reinforcethem, but also to victual them, and that he was thenat Vinville. At which words the Maid much rejoiced—soit seemed to the Deponent—and said to my Lord312Dunois these or such-like words: “Bastard, Bastard, inthe Name of God I command thee that, so soon as thouknowest of the coming of the said Fastolf, thou dostlet me know; for, if he pass without my knowing, Ipromise thee I will have thy head.” To which repliedthe Lord Dunois, that of this he had no fear, for hewould certainly let her know;

That, after these words, the Deponent being tired andoverdone, placed himself on a couch in the chamber ofthe Maid, to rest himself a little, and also the Maidplaced herself with her hostess on another bed in thesame way, to sleep and rest; but, as the Deponent wasbeginning to take his rest, suddenly the Maid, thoughasleep, arose from her bed and, making a great noise,awoke him. And then the Deponent asked of her whatshe wanted; to which she answered: “En Nom Dè! myCounsel hath told me that I should attack the English;but I know not if I should attack their bastilles or goagainst Fastolf, who would victual them”; on which theDeponent immediately rose, and, as soon as he could,armed the Maid;

That, as soon as he had armed her, they heard a greatnoise and cry made by those of the city, saying thatthe enemy were doing much harm to the French. Thenthe Deponent armed himself, and, while he was so doing,without his knowledge, the Maid left the room, andwent forth into the street. Here she found a page,on horseback, who at once dismounted from the horse;and immediately she mounted thereon, and, as straightand as speedily as she could, she took her way direct tothe Burgundy Gate, where was the greatest noise;

That, the Deponent immediately followed the Maid;but, go as quickly as he might, she was already at thegate;

That, as they were coming to the gate, they sawbeing carried away one of the people of the city, who313was terribly wounded; and then the Maid asked ofthose carrying him who this man was. They repliedthat he was a Frenchman. Then she said she hadnever seen French blood without feeling her hair standon end;

That, at the same time, the Maid, the Deponent, andmany other men of war of their company, went out fromthe city to help the French, and to harass the enemy tothe best of their power; but, as soon as they wereoutside the city, the Deponent was told that never hadthere been seen so many men-at-arms of their side aswere now there;

That, after this passage, they took their road towardsa very strong fort of the enemy, called the Fort of SaintLoup, which was at once attacked by the French, and,with very little loss to them, was taken by assault; andall the enemy within were killed or taken: and the fortremained in the hands of the French;

That, this being done, the Maid and those of hercompany returned into the city of Orleans, where theyrefreshed themselves and rested that day;

That, next day, the Maid and her people, consideringthe great victory obtained by them the day before overtheir enemies, sallied from the town in good order, toattack another fort in front of the city, called the Fortof Saint-Jean-le-Blanc: for which purpose, seeing thatthey could not get there by land—because their enemieshad made another very strong fort, at the foot of thebridge of the city, so that it was impossible for themto cross [the bridge]—it was decided among them topass over to a certain island in the river Loire, and thereto assemble their entire army: and, in order to takethe Fort of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc and to cross to the otherarm of the river Loire, two boats were brought, of whicha bridge was made, for the attack of the fort;

That, this done, they went to the fort, which they314found quite deserted; for the English who were therein,so soon as they perceived the coming of the French,went away, retreating to another stronger and greaterfort, called the Fort of the Augustins;

That, seeing the French were not powerful enoughto take the fort, it was decided they should returnwithout doing anything further;

That, in order to return and cross more safely, themost notable and valiant of the party of the Frenchwere ordered to remain behind, in order to keep theenemy from troubling them on their return; and forthis were appointedMessires de Gaucourt, de Villars,then Seneschal of Beaucaire, and the Deponent;

That, while the French were returning from the Fortof Saint-Jean-le-Blanc to the island, the Maid and LaHire both crossed over, each with a horse, in a boatfrom the other side of the island; and on these horsesthey mounted as soon as they had crossed, each withlance in hand. As soon as they saw that the enemywas making a sally from the fort to rush upon theirpeople, immediately the Maid and La Hire, who werealways in the front to protect them, couched their lancesand were the first to attack the enemy; others thenfollowed and began to attack the English, in such wisethat they forcibly constrained them to retreat and enterthe Fort of the Augustins;

And, while this was going on, the Deponent, being inguard of a passage with others appointed and orderedthereto—among whom was a very valiant man-at-armsof the country of Spain, named Alphonse de Partada—sawpassing before them another man-at-arms of theircompany, a tall man, big and well armed, to whom,because he was about to pass on, the Deponent remarkedthat he ought to remain there for a time, with the others,and make resistance to the enemy, should need arise;and he immediately replied that he would do nothing315[of the kind]. Then Alphonse said he also wouldremain with the others, and that there were many asvaliant men as he who would remain willingly; whoanswered Alphonse, that it would not be he. Uponwhich there were between them certain proud words,so much that they decided to go, both of them, the oneand the other, against the enemy; and then it would beseen which was the more valiant, and which of the twowould best do his duty. And, taking one another by thehand, at the greatest pace they could, they went towardsthe fort of the enemy, and so to the foot of the palisade;

That, as they reached the palisade of the fort, theDeponent saw within the palisade a tall, strong andpowerful Englishman, armed at all points, who soresisted them that they could not enter. Then theDeponent shewed the Englishman to a man namedMaître Jean the Cannoneer, telling him to shoot at theEnglishman; for he was doing much harm and injuryto those who wished to approach the fort. ThisMaître Jean did; for, as soon as he saw him, heaimed a shot at him, so that he fell dead to the ground;then the two men-at-arms won the passage, by whichall the others of their company crossed, and entered thefort, which most fiercely and with great persistencethey assailed on all sides, so that within a short timethey won it and took it by assault. There were killedor taken the greater part of the enemy; and thosewho were able to save themselves retreated into theFort of Tourelles, at the foot of the bridge. Thus, theMaid and those who were with her obtained victoryover the enemy that day. And the great battle waswon; and the Lords and their people with the Maidremained before the same [fort] all that night;

Moreover, that, the next day, in the morning, theMaid sent to fetch all the lords and captains beforethe captured fort, to consult as to what more should be316done; by the advice of whom it was concluded andresolved to attack this day a great Boulevard, which theEnglish had made, before the Fort of Tourelles, and thatit was expedient to gain it before doing anything else.To do and put this into execution, the Maid, thecaptain, and their people, on this day, very early inthe morning, went from one place to the other, beforethe Boulevard, and on this they made the assault fromall sides, making every effort to take it, in such mannerthat they were before the Boulevard from morning tillsunset without being able to take it or gain it. And thelords and captains who were with her, seeing that theycould not well gain it this day, considering the hour,which was late, and that all were very tired and wornout, it was agreed amongst them to sound the retreat forthe army; which was done; and, at sound of the trumpet-call,each one retreated for that day. In making thisretreat, because the Deponent, who was carrying thestandard of the Maid, and holding it upright before theBoulevard, became fatigued and worn-out, he gave thestandard to one named La Basque, who was of thefollowing of De Villars; and because the Deponentknew La Basque to be a valiant man, and feared that,by reason of the retreat, evil would ensue, and that thefort and Boulevard would remain in the hands of theenemy, he had an idea that, if the standard werepushed to the front,—from the great affection which heknew the soldiers had for it—they might for this reasongain the Boulevard. Then the Deponent asked LaBasque, if he were to enter and go to the foot of theBoulevard, would he follow him; who said and promisedthat he would; then the Deponent entered the trench,and went up to the foot of the sides of the Boulevard,covering himself with his shield for fear of the stones,and left his companion on the other side, believing hewould follow him step by step. But when the Maid saw317her standard in the hand of La Basque, and because shebelieved she had lost it, as he who bore it had gone intothe trench, the Maid came and took the standard by theend in such wise that he could not hold it, crying, “Ha!my standard! my standard!” and shook the standard insuch wise that the Deponent thought that, in so doing,the others might imagine she was making some sign tothem; then the Deponent cried: “La Basque, is thiswhat thou didst promise me?” Then La Basque sopulled at the standard that he dragged it from thehand of the Maid; and, this being done, he went tothe Deponent and brought the standard. On thisaccount all the army of the Maid assembled together andrallied again, and, with great fierceness, assailed theBoulevard, so that, shortly after, the Boulevard and thefort were taken by them, and abandoned by the enemy,the French [on their return] entering the city of Orleansby the bridge;

And the Deponent saith that, on this very day, hehad heard it spoken by the Maid: “In God’s Name, weshall enter the town this night by the bridge.” Thisdone, the Maid and her followers returned into the townof Orleans, in which the Deponent had her [wound]dressed, for she had been wounded by an arrow in theassault;

Also that, next day, all the English still remainingbefore the town on the other side of the Fort of Tourelles,raised the siege and retreated, being discomfited andin confusion. Thus, by the help of God and theMaid, was the city delivered from the hands of theenemy;

Moreover, that, some time after the return fromthe consecration of the King, he [the King] was advisedby his Council—then at Meung-sur-Yèvre—that it wasmost necessary to recover the town of La Charité, whichwas held by the enemy; but that first must be taken318the town of Saint Pierre le Moustier, which likewise washeld by the enemy;

That, to do this and to collect men, the Maid went tothe town of Bourges, in which she assembled her forces;and from thence, with a certain number of men-at-arms,of whom Lord d’Elbret was the head, she went tobesiege the town of Saint Pierre le Moustier;

That, after the Maid and her followers had madesiege against the town for some time, an assault wasordered to be made against the town; and so it wasdone, and those who were there did their best to take it;but, on account of the great number of people in the town,the great strength thereof and also the great resistancemade by those within, the French were compelled andforced to retreat, for the reasons aforesaid; and at thattime, the Deponent was wounded by a shot in the heel,so that without crutches he could neither keep up norwalk: he noticed that the Maid was left accompaniedby very few of her own people and others; and theDeponent, fearing that trouble would follow therefrom,mounted a horse, and went immediately to her aid,asking her what she was doing there alone and why shedid not retreat like the others. She, after taking herhelmet [“salade”] from her head, replied that she wasnot alone, and that she had yet in her company fiftythousand of her people, and that she would not leaveuntil she had taken the town;

And the Deponent saith that, at that time—whatevershe might say—she had not with her more than fouror five men, and this he knows most certainly, and manyothers also, who in like manner saw her; for which causehe told her again that she must leave that place, andretire as the others did. And then she told him to havefaggots and hurdles brought to make a bridge over thetrenches of the town, in order that they might approachit the better. And as she said these words to him,319she cried in a loud voice: “Every one to the faggotsand hurdles, to make the bridge!” which was immediatelyafter done and prepared, at which the Deponentdid much marvel, for immediately the town was takenby assault, without very great resistance;

That, all the deeds of the Maid seemed to himto be more divine and miraculous than otherwise,and that it was not possible for so young a Maid todo such things without the Will and Guidance of OurLord;

Also that, for the space of a whole year, by commandof our Lord the King, he remained in the company ofthe Maid, during which time he neither saw nor knewof anything in her which should not be in a goodChristian; and he has always seen and known her to beof very good life and modest conversation in all andevery one of her acts;

Also that, he knew the Maid to be most devout; thatshe shewed herself very reverent in hearing the DivineService of our Lord, which she would constantly hear,that is to say, High Mass, on solemn days, wherevershe was, with the Hours following; and on other daysLow Mass; and that she was accustomed to hear Massdaily if it were possible;

That, many times he saw and knew that she confessedherself and received Our Lord, and did all thatbelongs to a good Christian to do, and that, never whenhe was conversing with her, did he hear her swear,blaspheme, or perjure the Name of Our Lord, nor theSaints, for whatever cause or occasion it might be;

And that, in his opinion, she was a good Christian,and must have been inspired; for she loved everythingthat a good Christian ought to love, and especially sheloved a good honest man [“bon prudhomme”] whom sheknew to be of chaste life; ... Also that, when the Maidhad anything to do for the conduct of war, she told320the Deponent that her Counsel had advised her what sheought to do;

That, he asked her who was the Counsel, and thatshe replied there were three Counsellors, of whomone always remained with her; another went away, butcame often, to visit her; and the third was he with whomthe two others consulted. And it happened that, onetime, among others, the Deponent prayed and besoughther that she would shew him the Counsel; to whomshe replied that he was not worthy, nor of sufficientvirtue to see them: and upon this the Deponent desistedfrom speaking or asking her further about them;

And the Deponent firmly believes as aforesaid, that,considering the deeds, actions and great leadershipof the Maid, she was full of all the virtue which mightor should be in a good Christian;

And thus he hath deposed, as is above written, withoutlove, favour, hate, or suborning, but for the truth, andas he knew it to be in the Maid.

In the name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity,Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, Amen!

The Providence of the Eternal Majesty, the SaviourChrist, Lord God and Man, hath instituted, for the ruleof His Church Militant, the Blessed Peter, and hisApostolic Successors; He hath made them His principalrepresentatives, and charged them, by the light of truth,which He hath manifested to them, to teach men howto walk in the paths of justice, protecting the good,relieving the oppressed in the whole universe, and,by a reasonable judgment, bringing back into the rightroad those who have turned therefrom:

Invested with this Apostolic authority for the matterin question, we Jean of Rheims, Guillaume of Paris, andRichard of Coutances, by the Grace of God Archbishopand Bishops, and Jean Bréhal, of the Order of SaintDominic, Professor of Sacred Theology, one of the twoInquisitors of the Heretical Evil for the Realm ofFrance, all four Judges specially delegated by our mostHoly Lord the Pope actually reigning:

Having seen the solemn Process brought before us,by virtue of the Apostolic Mandate addressed to us, andby us respectfully accepted:

In the Case concerning the honest woman, WidowIsabelle d’Arc, mother, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers322german, natural and legal, of the deceased Jeanne d’Arc,of good memory, commonly called the Maid:

Against the Sub-Inquisitor of the Heretical Evil forthe Diocese of Beauvais, the Promoter of the Officialityof the said Diocese of Beauvais, and also the ReverendFather in Christ and Lord Guillaume de Hellande,Bishop of Beauvais, and against all others and each inparticular who might be thought to be therein interested,all together respectively Defendants, as well conjointly asseparately:

Having seen, in the first place, the peremptorycitation and the execution of this citation made againstthe said Defendants, at the request not only of the saidPlaintiffs but of the Promoter of our Office appointedby us, sworn and created, to the end that the saidDefendants might see the carrying out of the saidRescript, hear the conclusions against them, and answerthemselves; and to proceed, in one word, accordingto right:

Having seen the request of the said Plaintiffs, theirdeeds, reasons, and conclusion set down in writing underthe form of Articles, putting forward a declaration ofnullity, of iniquity, and of cozenage against a certainProcess in a pretended Trial for the Faith, formerlydone and executed in this city against the above-namedwoman, now deceased, by the late Lord Pierre Cauchon,then Bishop of Beauvais, Jean Lemaître, then Vice-Inquisitorof the said Diocese of Beauvais, and Jeand’Estivet, Promoter, or having at least acted in thiscapacity; the said request putting forward and inferringfurther the breaking down and annulling of the Processin question and of all which followed it, to the justificationof the said Deceased, and to all the other endstherein enumerated:

Having seen, read, re-read and examined the323original books, instruments, means, acts, notes andprotocols of the said Process, shewn and sent to us, invirtue of the compulsory letters, by the Registrars andothers whose signatures and writings have been, as apreliminary, acknowledged in our presence:

After having studied at length all these documents,not only with the said Registrars and other officialsappointed in the said Process, but also with those of theCounsellors who were called to the same Process, those,at least, whom we have been able to bring before us:

And after having ourselves collated and compared thefinal text, with the Minute itself of the said Process:

Having considered also the Preparatory Enquiries,—first,those which were conducted by the Most ReverendFather in Christ the Lord Guillaume, Cardinal Priestunder the title of Saint-Martin-les-Monts,^[210] then Legateof the Holy Apostolic See in the Kingdom of France,assisted by the Inquisitor, after the examination whichhad been made by the said Cardinal-Legate of the booksand instruments then presented:

Having afterwards considered the Preparatory Enquiryconducted at the beginning of the actual Process by us orour Commissaries:

Having considered also divers treatises ^[211] which hadcome from the Prelates, Doctors, and men of learning,the most celebrated and the most authorized, who, afterhaving studied at length the books and instruments ofthe said Process, have separated from these books andinstruments the doubtful points which they would haveto elucidate in their said treatises composed afterwardsand brought to light, whether by the order of the mostReverend Father aforesaid or of us:

Having considered the Articles and Interrogations tobe submitted to the witnesses, presented to us in the324name of the Plaintiffs and of our Promoter, and aftermany citations admitted in proof by us:

Having considered the depositions and attestations ofthe witnesses heard on the subject of the said Articlesand Interrogations on the life of the said Deceased inthe place of her birth;—on her departure; on her examinationbefore several Prelates, Doctors, and othershaving knowledge thereof, in presence notably of theMost Reverend Father Reginald, then Archbishop ofRheims and Metropolitan of the said Bishop of Beauvais:an examination made at Poitiers and elsewhere, onseveral occasions; on the marvellous deliverance of thecity of Orleans; on the journey to the city of Rheimsand the coronation of the King; and the divers circumstancesof the Trial, the qualifications, the judges, andthe manner of proceeding:

Having considered also letters, instruments, andmeasures, besides the letters, depositions and attestationsjust mentioned, sent to us and produced in the course oflaw:

Having afterwards heard our Promoter, who, consideringthese productions and these sayings, declareshimself fully joined with the Plaintiffs:

Having heard the other requests and reserves madeby our Promoter, in his own name as well as in that ofthe Plaintiffs, the said requests and reserves admitted byus and received at the same time as certain reasons of lawbriefly formulated, of a nature also to impress our minds:

After the Case had been concluded, in the Name ofChrist, and this day had been assigned by us to givesentence:

After having, with great matureness, weighed, examined,all and each one of the aforesaid things, as wellas certain Articles beginning with these words “Acertain Woman, &c.,”^[212] which the Judges in the first325Process did pretend to have extracted from the confessionsof the said Deceased, and which have beensubmitted by us to a great number of staid personsfor their opinion; Articles which our Promoter, as wellas the Plaintiffs aforesaid, attacked as iniquitous, false,prepared without reference to the confessions of Jeanne,and in a lying manner:

That our present Judgment may come as from the Faceof God Himself, Who weigheth the spirits, Who aloneinfallibly knoweth His revelations, and doth hold themalways at their true value, Who bloweth where Helisteth, and doth often choose the weak to confound thestrong, never forsaking those who trust in Him, but beingtheir Support in their sorrows and their tribulations:

After having had ripe deliberation, as much on thesubject of the Preparatory Enquiries as on the decisionitself, with persons at the same time expert, authorized,and prudent:

Having considered their solemn decisions, formulatedin the treatises written out in a compendious manner,and in numerous consultations:

Having considered their opinion, written or verbal,furnished and given, not only on the form but also onthe basis of the Process, and according to which theactions of the said Deceased, being worthy of admirationrather than of condemnation, the judgment given againsther should, in form as well as in basis, be reprehendedand detested:

And because on the question of revelations it is mostdifficult to furnish a certain judgment, the BlessedPaul having, on the subject of his own revelations, saidthat he knew not if they came to him in body or inspirit, and having on this point referred himself to God:

In the first place, we say, and, because Justice requiresit, we declare, that the Articles beginning with the words“A woman,” which are found inserted in the pretended326Process and Instrument of the pretended sentences,lodged against the said Deceased, ought to have been,have been, and are, extracted from the said pretendedProcess and the said pretended confessions of the saidDeceased, with corruption, cozenage, calumny, fraudand malice:

We declare, that on certain points the truth of herconfessions has been passed over in silence; that onother points her confessions have been falsely translated—adouble unfaithfulness, by which, had it beenprevented, the mind of the Doctors consulted and theJudges might have been led to a different opinion:

We declare, that in these Articles there have beenadded without right many aggravating circumstances,which are not in the aforesaid Confessions, and manycircumstances both relevant and justifying have beenpassed over in silence:

We declare, that even the form of certain words hasbeen altered, in such manner as to change the substance:

For the which, these same Articles, as falsely,calumniously, and deceitfully extracted, and as contraryeven to the Confessions of the Accused, we break,annihilate, and annul; and, after they shall have beendetached from the Process we ordain, by this presentjudgment, that they be torn up:

In the second place, after having examined with greatcare the other parts of the same said Process—particularlythe two sentences which the Process contained, designatedby the Judges as “Lapse” and “Relapse”—and afterhaving also for a long time weighed the qualificationsof the Judges and of all those under whom and in whosekeeping the said Jeanne was detained:

We say, pronounce, decree, and declare, the saidProcesses and Sentences full of cozenage, iniquity, inconsequences,and manifest errors, in fact as well as in law;We say that they have been, are, and shall be—as well327as the aforesaid Abjuration, their execution, and all thatfollowed—null, non-existent, without value or effect.

Nevertheless, in so far as is necessary, and as reasondoth command us, we break them, annihilate them,annul them, and declare them void of effect; and wedeclare that the said Jeanne and her relatives, Plaintiffsin the actual Process, have not, on account of the saidTrial, contracted nor incurred any mark or stigma ofinfamy; we declare them quit and purged of all theconsequences of these same Processes; we declare them,in so far as is necessary, entirely purged thereof by thispresent:

We ordain that the execution and solemn publicationof our present Sentence shall take place immediately inthis city, in two different places, to wit,

To-day in the Square of Saint Ouen, after a GeneralProcession and a public Sermon:

To-morrow, at the Old Market-Place, in the same placewhere the said Jeanne was suffocated by a cruel andhorrible fire, also with a General Preaching and with theplacing of a handsome cross for the perpetual memoryof the Deceased and for her salvation and that of otherdeceased persons:

We declare that we reserve to ourselves [the power]later on to execute, publish, and for the honour of hermemory to signify with acclaim, our said sentence in thecities and other well-known places of the kingdom whereverwe shall find it well [so to do], under the reserves,finally, of all other formalities which may yet remain tobe done.

This present Sentence hath been brought out, readand promulgated by the Lords Judges, in presence ofthe Reverend Father in Christ the Lord Bishop ofDémétriade, of Hector de Coquerel, Nicolas du Boys,Alain Olivier, Jean du Bec, Jean de Gouys, Guillaume328Roussel, Laurent Surreau, Canons; of Martin Ladvenu,Jean Roussel, and Thomas de Fanouillères.

Maître Simon Chapitault, Promoter; Jean d’Arc andPrevosteau for the other Plaintiffs.

Done at Rouen in the Archiepiscopal Palace, inthe year of our Lord 1456, the 7th day of the monthof June.

NOTE ON ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS OF THE PROCESS OF CONDEMNATION

The original French notes of the Trial, taken down at thetime by the Registrars, formed the material on which theAuthentic Document was subsequently based. A part of thisoriginal MS. is still in existence in the National Library atParis, and is known as the ‘MS. D’Urfé.’ It begins withMarch 3rd, the day of the last Public Examination, and isapparently in the handwriting of Manchon, the Registrar, whohad the whole in his own possession at the time of the Trial ofRehabilitation. The Fragment was discovered among theMSS. of the D’Urfé Library in the reign of Louis XVI. byLaverdy.

This was the original Latin translation of the Minute, madeby Thomas de Courcelles, signed by the Registrars, and attestedby the seals of the two Judges. No trace of this first documentcan be found; but the Bishop of Beauvais caused five completeand legally attested copies to be made, three of these being in thewriting of Manchon, the Registrar, of which there are still in existence,(1) Copy made for the King of England, now in the Libraryof theCorps Législatif in Paris; (2) Copy for the Bishop ofBeauvais, formerly in the Colbert Library; and (3) Copy for theInquisitor, formerly in the Dupuy Library—the last two beingnow in the National Library at Paris. The two other copies arelost, one having been sent to the Pope, whilst the other wasthe property of Manchon himself.

Besides these Original Documents, there are also seven copiesof the Process, of different dates: five in the National Library,one in the Vatican, and one at Geneva.

In the Preface to the Authentic Document of the Rehabilitation,the Notaries, Denis Lecomte and François Ferrebouc, statethat they have prepared under their seals three copies of theProcess of Rehabilitation, one containing also the entire Processof the Trial of Condemnation: this Copy is unfortunately lost.The two still in existence, both in the National Library of Paris,contain only the text of the Trial of 1455–6. In one of theseManuscripts are inserted the Eight Memorials presented to theHoly See in favour of Jeanne.

The Second Manuscript contains only the Memorial of Gerson.Other Documents connected with the Enquiries may be foundinQuicherat, Vol. II., and in Lanery d’Arc’sMémoires et Consultationsen faveur de Jeanne d’Arc, the most important beingtheOpinions of sundry learned Doctors given in 1452, and theRecollectio of Jean Bréhal in 1456.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO THE TRIAL

In order to understand more fully the course of events in thelast year of Jeanne’s life, it may be well to give in some detailthe story of her capture at Compiègne on May 23rd, 1430, andof the negotiations and legal preliminaries which preceded theopening of the Case in the following February. Strangelyenough, there is in the Trial of Rehabilitation absolutely nowitness to this period. It may therefore be more satisfactoryto quote at some length from the contemporary Chronicles,which, as regards the Capture itself, are fortunately veryexplicit.

In the early dawn of Tuesday, May 23rd, Jeanne started fromCrespy with about 400 followers to reinforce the garrison ofCompiègne, then besieged by the combined forces of Englandand Burgundy. Of the events of that day there is no betteraccount than that given in the Chronicle of Percival de Cagny,^[213]which reads as follows:—

‘The 23rd day of the month of May, the Maid, being in thesaid place of Crespy, learned that the Duke of Burgundy,^[214] with333a great number of men-at-arms and others, and the Earl ofArundel, had come to besiege the said town of Compiègne.About midnight she departed from the said place of Crespy, inthe company of 300 or 400 fighting men. And although herfollowers said to her, that she had too few people with herto pass through the army of the Burgundians and of theEnglish, she exclaimed: “By my staff! [Par mon martin!]we are enough; I am going to see my good friends ofCompiègne.”

‘She arrived at the said place about sunrise, and, without lossor disturbance either to herself or to her followers, she enteredthe said town. On the same day the Burgundians and Englishhad come to make an assault in the field before the said town.There were done many feats of arms on the one side and on theother. The Burgundians and English, knowing that the Maidwas in the town, thought that those within would sally forth ingreat strength, and for this the Burgundians placed a strongambush of their followers under cover of a lofty mountain nearby, named the Mount of Clairoy. And, about nine in themorning, the Maid heard that the assault was hot and fierce inthe field before the said town. She armed herself and herfollowers, mounted on horseback, and went to join themêlée.And no sooner was she come than the enemy turned back andwere put to flight. The Maid charged hard upon the flank ofthe Burgundians. Those in ambush gave warning to theirfollowers, who turned back in great disorder, and then, breakingup their ambuscade, they spurred on to place themselvesbetween the town-bridge and the Maid and her company. Andthe one part of them turned right on the Maid in such forcethat those of her company could not withstand them, and saidto the Maid, “Strive hard to regain the town, or you and we arelost.”

‘When the Maid heard them speak thus, she cried to them,angrily, “Silence! It only depends on you to discomfit them.Think only of striking them down.” But whatsoever she mightsay, these people would not believe it, and forcibly compelledher to withdraw to the bridge. And when the Burgundians andEnglish saw that she was returning to the town, they, bysupreme effort, reached the end of the bridge. And great featsof arms were done there. The captain of the place, seeing vastmultitudes of Burgundians and English about to cross the bridge,for the fear that he had of the loss of the place, commanded thebridge of the town to be raised and the gates closed. And thereremained the Maid hemmed in without, and few of herfollowers with her. When her enemies saw this, all madeeffort to seize her. She resisted stoutly against them, but inthe end was taken by five or six acting together, some laying334hands on her, others on her horse, and each saying, “Surrenderto me and give parole.” She answered and said, “I have swornand given my parole to Another than you, and to Him will Igive my oath.” And, saying these words, she was taken to thelodging of Messire Jehan de Luxembourg.

‘Messire Jehan de Luxembourg ^[215] had her kept in his lodgingfor three or four days; and, after that, he remained at the siegeof the said town and had the Maid sent to a castle namedBeaulieu, in Vermandois. And there was she kept prisonerduring the space of four months or thereabouts. After this, thesaid de Luxembourg, by means of the Bishop of Thérouanne,^[216]his brother, and Chancellor of France for the English King,delivered her to the Duke of Bedford, Lieutenant in France forthe King of England, his nephew, for the price of fifteen orsixteen thousandsaluts [thesalut being worth about £1] paidto the said de Luxembourg. Thus was the Maid put into thehands of the English and taken to the Castle of Rouen, atwhich the said Duke then held his residence. She being inprison in the said Castle of Beaulieu, he who had been hersteward ^[217] before her capture, and who served her in prison, saidto her, “That poor town of Compiègne, which you have so muchloved up to this time, will fall again into the hands and thepower of the enemies of France!”

‘And she answered him, “It will not be, for all the placeswhich the King of Heaven hath subdued and put into the handsand jurisdiction of the gentle King Charles by my means, willnot be retaken by his enemies, so long as he will take pains tokeep them.”’

The following additional details in regard to the Capture ofthe Maid are taken from George Chatellain’sHistoire de PhilippeLe Bon:—‘The Maid, passing the nature of woman, did bear335great weight, and took much pains to preserve her companyfrom loss, remaining in the rear as becomes the chief and as themost valiant of the troop, when fortune did so permit, for theending of her glory and for the last time that ever she shouldbear arms. An archer, a hard man and very churlish, havinggreat spite that a woman of whom he had heard so much talkshould drive back so many valiant men as she had done,caught her from one side by her surcoat of cloth-of-gold,and dragged her from her horse to the ground: she could findneither rescue nor help from her followers that she mightbe remounted, notwithstanding the pains they took. But aman-at-arms, named the Bastard de Wandonne,^[218] who arrivedjust as she fell, pressed her so closely that she gave him herparole, for that he said he was a man of noble birth. The whichman-at-arms, more joyful than if he had gotten a king intohis hands, took her hastily to Marigny, and there kept her underguard till the end of the affair. And there were taken also withher, Pouthon the Burgundian, a gentleman-at-arms of theFrench party; the brother of the Maid; her steward; and certainothers, in small numbers, who were taken to Marigny and heldin safe keeping.’

On the same day, the Duke of Burgundy wrote the followingletter to the people of Saint Quentin:—

‘By order of the Duke of Burgundy, Count of Flanders, Artois,Burgundy, and Namur.

‘Very dear and well-beloved, knowing that you desire to havenews of us, we signify to you that this day, the 23rd May,towards six o’clock in the afternoon, the adversaries of our Lordthe King [Henry VI.] and of us, who were assembled together ingreat power, and entrenched in the town of Compiègne, beforewhich we and the men of our army were quartered, have made asally from the said town in force on the quarters of our advancedguard nearest to them, in the which sally was she whom they callthe Maid, with many of their principal captains. In the encounterwith whom, our fair cousin, Messire Jehan de Luxembourg,who was there present, and others of our people, andsome of the people of our Lord the King whom he had sentbefore us to pass over to Paris, made great and bitter resistance.And presently we arrived in person and found that the said adversarieswere already driven back, and by the pleasure of ourblessed Creator, it had so happened and such grace had beengranted to us, that the said Maid had been taken; and with her336many captains, knights, squires and others were taken, drowned,and killed, of whom to this hour we yet know not the names,only that none of our followers nor the followers of my Lordthe King are either killed or taken, and that only twenty arewounded, thanks to God. The which capture, as we certainlyhold, will be great news everywhere; and by it will be recognizedthe error and foolish belief of all those who have shewn themselveswell-disposed and favourable to the doings of the saidwoman. And this thing we write for our news, hoping that in ityou will have joy, comfort, and consolation, and will renderthanks and praise to our Creator, Who seeth and knoweth allthings, and Who by His blessed pleasure will conduct the rest ofour enterprizes to the good of our said Lord the King and hiskingdom, and to the relief and comfort of his good and loyalsubjects.

‘Written at Codun, near Compiègne, the 23rd day of May.Subscribed: To our very dear and good friends the Clergy,citizens and inhabitants of Saint Quentin, in Vermandois.’

In the Notes of Clement de Fauquembergue, Registrar of theParliament of Paris, occurs the following passage:—‘Thursday,the 25th day of May, 1430, Messire Louis de Luxembourg,Bishop of Thérouanne, Chancellor of France, received lettersfrom Messire Jean de Luxembourg, Knight, his brother, makingmention, among other things, that on Tuesday last, in a sallymade by the captains and men-at-arms of Messire Charles deValois, then in the town of Compiègne, against the people ofthe Duke of Burgundy, encamped and come against the saidtown with the intention of besieging it, the people of the saidDe Valois were in such manner compelled to retreat that manyof them had no time to enter again into the said town. Andmany of them threw themselves into the river adjacent to thewalls, to the peril of their lives; others remained prisoners ofthe said Messire Jean de Luxembourg, and the followers of thesaid Duke of Burgundy, who, among others, seized and heldprisoner this woman whom the followers of the said MessireCharles called the Maid.’^[219]

The news of the Maid’s capture was received in Paris withmuch rejoicing,^[220] andTe Deums were ordered to be sung in theChurches. The University and the Inquisition at once took upthe matter, and wrote on the following day, May 26th, to the337Duke of Burgundy, requesting him to claim the prisoner as aheretic against the Church. Six weeks later, on July 14th,letters were sent from the University both to the Duke and toJean de Luxembourg to the same effect. On the same day,Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, acting for the Regent Bedford,arrived at the Burgundian camp to negotiate for the purchase ofthe Maid. He claimed her as a prisoner of the Church, butnevertheless offered the usual ransom of a king, 10,000 livrestournois [about £16,000 of our present value].

The arrangements presented, however, matters of long deliberation.The Duke and Jean de Luxembourg, whether fromscruples of conscience or in hope of still higher ransom fromthe party of the King of France, were in no hurry to part withtheir prisoner. She had been removed to the Castle of Beaulieuat the end of May; and here she remained until August, withher faithful follower d’Aulon still in attendance on her. Norecords remain of her sojourn; but she herself gives evidenceat the Trial of her attempt to escape, which was all but successful.Early in August, she was sent to Beaurevoir, where for atime she had the society of the wife and the aunt of Jean deLuxembourg. Of the latter, the Countess de Ligny, she spokeat the Trial in terms of great affection. Whilst at Beaurevoir,she heard of the negotiations for her delivery to the English.In despair for herself, and overwhelmed with grief for the sorrowsof her beloved friends of Compiègne, who were then in greatstraits, she threw herself ^[221] from the top of the Keep, a height ofsixty feet, hoping, as she afterwards said, at least to escape fromher enemies. She was taken up, stunned, but not severely injuredby her fall, and was kept in closer ward until, in the middle ofNovember, the arrangements for her purchase were completed.From Beaurevoir she was removed to Arras; thence to Crotoy,where she was handed over to the tender mercies of the English,who kept her, in comparatively easy confinement, until it shouldbe decided where the Trial was to take place—the Universityclaiming her for Paris, the Regent preferring to keep her morestrictly within his own power. In December, a decision wasarrived at. Rouen was fixed upon as the most suitable place,both as a stronghold of the English and as the residence of theRegent and the Court. To Rouen, accordingly, the Maid wasbrought, and there lodged in a tower of the Castle, under theguard of English soldiers.

The room in which she was confined was situated in a towerof the Castle of Rouen, now no longer in existence; it was onthe first floor, up eight steps;^[222] not far from the back entrance,^[223]338and facing the fields.^[224] There were three keys to the prison:one retained by the Cardinal of England or his Secretary, onekept by the Inquisitor, and one by the Promoter.^[225] The Maidwas under the close surveillance of five common soldiers(houcepailliers), three of whom remained in the room day andnight, while two guarded the door.^[226] She was heavily ironed,and chained to a beam which crossed the end of her bed.^[227] Itis reported also that a cage, in which she could stand uprighthad been made for her; but, although this is mentioned byseveral persons, no one can remember to have seen it inuse. The Castle being under the control of the Governor, theEarl of Warwick, the captive was officially in his hands; andfor this reason the guardians appointed later to see to her safecustody were members of his household or of the Royal Bodyguard:John Gris or Grey, Talbot, and Berwoist, whose commissionis made out by the authority of the Bishop on March 13th.

Many of the Assessors considered that Jeanne should havebeen placed in the prisons of the Church, and not left in thehands of the English. Lefevre remarks that no one dared saythis; and De Courcelles states that it was never brought up asa matter for consultation, although Ladvenu refers to a discussionat the first Session, during which, in response to a generallyexpressed opinion that Jeanne should be placed under Ecclesiasticalward, the Bishop announced that this could not be done“for fear of the English.” At this first Session, February 21st,neither Ladvenu nor De Courcelles was present.

The Trial opened, according to the Official Report, onJanuary the 9th. It was based on the Procedure of the trialsof the Holy Office; and, although the Inquisitor himself wasnotofficially present until a month later, the Inquisitorial formwas punctiliously observed. This form was as follows:—

This Procedure was carefully observed in the case of Jeanne.The processex officio, beginning in January, with the suppressedDomremy Enquiry, comprised the Six Public and Nine PrivateExaminations, and ended with the drawing up of the SeventyArticles, the Act of Accusation, on March 26th. The Processin Ordinary began on March 27th, with the reading of theSeventy Articles and Jeanne’s examination upon them. She339was brought into the Torture Chamber on May the 9th; butthe decision of the greater number of the Assessors beingagainst the use of extreme measures, nothing was done. TheSentence was read on May 24th, condemning her to perpetualimprisonment.

Of the legality of the Trial there were grave doubts, expressedboth at the beginning and also later on, when some opportunityhad been given by the Public Examinations for those notabsolutely prejudiced against the Accused, to form an opinionas regards the impartiality of the Judges. On the first day,Houppeville, whose testimony was given in full at the Rehabilitation,was present in Court; but, having dared to express hisopinion that the action to be undertaken was fraught with somedanger, he was afterwards refused admission, and was sent forby the Bishop to be reprimanded. As he was not in the Dioceseof Beauvais he refused submission; but his appeal to his ownChapter at Rouen was disregarded, and he was thrown intoprison, from which he was only released some days later throughthe intervention of the Abbot of Jumièges.

Lohier, a celebrated legal authority, who was present in Rouenduring the earlier part of the Examination, expressed hisopinions to the Bishop at some length, stating that the wholeTrial was absolutely worthless: (1) on account of its form, (2)that the Assessors were not at liberty to hold their own views,the Trial being in the Castle and therefore not in open Court,(3) that no opportunity was given to the party of the FrenchKing to speak for themselves, (4) that Jeanne herself wasallowed no Counsel,^[228] nor had proper documents been preparedto support the Accusation. The Bishop, furious at this interference,summoned a meeting at his house to discuss the matter,and announced his decision to take no notice of the opinionsthus expressed, but to continue as before. On the following day,Lohier left Rouen, remarking to the Registrar of the Trial: “Itseems to me they act more from hate than aught else: and forthis reason I will not stay here, for I do not wish to be in it.”

Massieu, the Usher of the Court, afterwards stated thatJeanne had asked for Counsel, and had been refused; but thereis no reference to any such request in the message he givesfrom her at the time of her citation.^[229]

The Bishop’s violent resentment at any interference is notedby more than one witness; and, indeed, the whole conduct of340the Trial may be not inaptly described in the words of one ofthe Assessors, Maître Grouchet: “all was violence in thisaffair.”

The Trial itself was held in the Castle of Rouen, where HenryVI. had just been spending Christmas in state.

At the First Session, in the Castle Chapel, the noise anddisturbance were so great that it was decided that futureSessions should be held in a smaller room, and from this timethe Court met in the Ornament Room, opening from the GreatHall. Two Englishmen kept the door.^[230]

The Meetings of May 19th and May 29th, preliminary to theclosing of the First and Second Processes, respectively wereheld outside the Castle in the Chapel of the ArchiepiscopalManor, possibly with a view to giving an air of greater publicityto the proceedings. The room in which the instruments oftorture were exhibited to Jeanne is on the ground-floor of theonly part of the old Castle now standing, called the GreatTower. The smaller tower, in which Jeanne’s prison wassituated, was still in ruins until the beginning of the presentcentury, and went by the name of the Tower of La Pucelle; butit has now entirely disappeared.

The three Registrars, Manchon, Boisguillaume, and Taquel(the last only after March 14th), were seated at the feet of theJudges. The clerks of Beaupère and Erard, Jean de Monnetand Jean de Lenozelles, were sometimes with them; twoEnglish clerks, under the direction of Loyseleur, were hiddenbehind a curtain.^[231]

Jeanne was seated on a chair, and questioned, generally from8 to 11 a.m., by the Bishop and the six University Delegates.Sometimes they all spoke together, insomuch that Jeanne protested:“Beaux Seigneurs, faites l’un après l’autre.”^[232]

In the evidence given at the Rehabilitation, we learn that onmore than one occasion Jeanne received advice from friendlyAssessors, notably from Brother Duval and Brother Ysambardde la Pierre; but their well-meant interference seems only tohave further incensed her Judges against her, and occasionallyproduced a violent altercation.

On the other hand, Jeanne was cruelly misled by NicolasLoyseleur, one of the Canons of Rouen, who disguised himselfas a fellow-countryman of the Marches of Lorraine, and, by falsemessages from her friends, wormed himself into the confidenceof the Maid, even inducing her to allow him to act as her Confessor:nor did he scruple to report any admission she mightmake to the Bishop and the Inquisitor. The Registrars, Manchonand Boisguillaume, were even required by Cauchon to placethemselves in a room adjoining the prison, provided with a so-called341“Judas” ear, in order that they might take notes of theconversation between the prisoner and Loyseleur: but this, totheir everlasting honour, they refused to do.

The Registrars appear to have had their difficulties from thevery beginning. The notes taken by them at the morning sittingswere read over in the presence of some of the Assessors atthe Bishop’s lodgings in the afternoon, and compared with thosemade by the concealed English clerks. Differences of opinionarose very often; but the officials refused to allow their ownnotes to be overridden, and, whenever any disputed point wasreferred to the Accused, their version was always found to becorrect. These notes were finally drawn up by Manchon ina complete form, and upon them is based the whole account ofthe Trial as it appears in the Latin translation, the subsequentwork of Thomas de Courcelles.

ACT OF ACCUSATION PREPARED BY THE PROMOTER

[The Seventy Articles, prepared by the Promoter, d’Estivet,which form the Accusation of the Trial in Ordinary, wereread to Jeanne by Thomas de Courcelles, on Tuesday,March 27th. In her replies, here given, Jeanne refers constantlyto previous answers. The dates of Examinations, inwhich these are said to occur, follow in notes.]

Article I. And first, according to Divine Law, as accordingto Canon and Civil Law, it is to you, the Bishop, as JudgeOrdinary, and to you, the Deputy, as Inquisitor of the Faith,that it appertaineth to drive away, destroy, and cut out from theroots in your Diocese and in all the kingdom of France, heresies,witchcrafts, superstitions, and other crimes of that nature; it isto you that it appertaineth to punish, to correct and to amendheretics and all those who publish, say, profess, or in anyother manner act against our Catholic Faith: to wit, sorcerers,diviners, invokers of demons, those who think ill of the Faith,all criminals of this kind, their abettors and accomplices, apprehendedin your Diocese or in your jurisdiction, not only for themisdeeds they may have committed there, but even for the part oftheir misdeeds that they may have committed elsewhere, saving,in this respect, the power and duty of the other Judges competentto pursue them in their respective dioceses, limits, and jurisdictions.And your power as to this exists against all lay342persons, whatever be their estate, sex, quality, and pre-eminence:in regard to all you are competent Judges.

“I believe surely that our Lord the Pope of Rome, theBishops, and other Clergy, are established to guard the ChristianFaith and punish those who are found wanting therein:but as for me, for my doings I submit myself only to theHeavenly Church—that is to say, to God, to the Virgin Mary,and to the Saints in Paradise. I firmly believe I have notwavered in the Christian Faith, nor would I waver.”

Article II. The Accused, not only this year, but from herinfancy, and not only in your Diocese, Bishop, and yourjurisdiction, Deputy, but also in many other places of thiskingdom, hath done, composed, contrived and ordained a numberof sacrileges and superstitions: she made herself a diviner;she caused herself to be adored and venerated; she hathinvoked demons, and evil spirits; consulted them, associatedwith them, hath made and had with them compacts, treaties,and conventions, hath made use of them, hath furnished toothers, acting in the same manner, aid, succour, and favour, andhath, in much, led them on to act like herself; she hath said,affirmed, and maintained that to act thus, to use witchcraft,divinations, superstitions, was not a sin, was not a forbiddenthing, but, on the contrary, a thing lawful, to be praised, worthyof approval; also she hath led into these errors and evil doingsa very great number of persons of divers estates, of both sexes,and hath imprinted on their hearts the most fatal errors.Jeanne hath been taken and arrested within the limits of yourdiocese of Beauvais, in the very act (flagrante delicto) of perpetratingall these misdoings.

“I deny ever having used witchcraft, superstitious works,or divinations. As to allowing myself to be adored, if any kissedmy hands and my garments, it was not my doing or by mywish; I sought to protect myself from it, and to prevent itas much as in me lay. And as for the rest of the Article, Ideny it.”

Article III. The Accused hath fallen into many diverseand detestable errors which reek of heresy. She hath said,vociferated, uttered, published and inculcated within the heartsof the simple, false and lying propositions allied to heresy, eventhemselves heretical, contrary to our Catholic Faith and itsprinciples, to Gospel rules, and to the Statutes established orapproved by General Councils; propositions, contrary not onlyto the Divine Law but also to Canon and Civil Law; propositionsscandalous, sacrilegious, contrary to good manners, offensive topious ears: she hath furnished help, counsel and favour to the343people who dogmatized, affirmed, or promulgated such propositions.

“I deny it, and on the contrary affirm that I have alwaysupheld the Church so far as it lay in my power.”

Article IV. But it is time to instruct you more fully andmore directly, my Lords and Judges, on the offences, excesses,crimes, and misdemeanours, committed by the Accused in thediocese of Beauvais and elsewhere, in many and divers places.

It is true that the Accused was born in the village of Grus[Greux], of Jacques d’Arc and Isabelle, his wife; that she liveduntil seventeen years old or thereabouts in the village ofDomremy, on the Meuse, in the diocese of Toul, in the Bailly ofChaumont, in Bassigny, in the provosty of Montclère and Andelot.In her childhood, she was not instructed in the beliefs and principlesof our Faith; but by certain old women she was initiatedin the science of witchcraft, divination, superstitious doings, andmagical arts. Many inhabitants of these villages have beenknown for all time as using these kinds of witchcraft: Jeannehath herself said that she learned from several, notably fromher godmother, many things touching her visions and theapparitions of fairies; through others also, she hath been penetratedby the detestable and pernicious errors of these evilspirits—so much so, that, in these interrogations before you,she hath confessed that even now she doth not know if thesefairies were evil spirits or not.

“For the first part it is true, in so far as concerns myfather, my mother, and the place of my birth. As to thefairies, I do not know what they are. On what touches myteaching, I learnt to believe, and have been brought up well andduly to do what a good child ought to do. For what concernsmy godmother, I refer to what I have said on another occasion.You ask me to say the Creed? Ask my confessor, to whom Isaid it.”

Article V. Near the village of Domremy there is a great tree,big and ancient; it is called “the Charmed Tree of the Fairy ofBourlement”: near by is a spring; round this tree and thisspring live, it is said, evil spirits called fairies, with whom thosewho use witchcraft are accustomed to come and dance at night.

“For the tree and the spring, I refer to my previous answers.The rest, I deny.”^[233]

344Article VI. Accustomed to frequent this tree and thisspring, above all by night, sometimes also by day, but at thetimes when the Church celebrates the Divine Office, Jeanne, inorder to find herself more alone, danced roundelays around thistree and this spring; from time to time she hung from itsbranches garlands of herbs and flowers woven by her ownhands, accompanying her dances with songs mingled withinvocations, sorceries, and other witchcrafts: the garlands thusleft overnight on the following morning were not to be found.

Article VII. Jeanne was in the habit of carrying aboutwith her a mandrake, hoping thereby to secure fortune andriches in this world, she, in fact, believed that the mandrake hasthe virtue of procuring fortune.

Article VIII. Towards her twentieth year, Jeanne, of herown wish, and without permission of her father and mother,went to Neufchâteau, in Lorraine, and was in service for sometime at the house of a woman, an inn-keeper named La Rousse,where lived women of evil life, and where soldiers were accustomedto lodge in great numbers. During her stay in this inn,Jeanne sometimes stayed with these evil women, sometimestook the sheep into the fields, or led the horses to wateringin the meadows and pastures: it was there that she learnt toride on horseback and to use arms.

Article IX. Whilst she was in service with these womenJeanne indicted a young man before the Officials at Toul forbreach of promise; many times she repaired to Toul for thisend, and spent thus nearly all that she had. This young manrefused to marry her, because he knew she had been connectedwith evil women. He died during the trial. Jeanne then,unable to remain longer, quitted the service of this woman.

“On the subject of this trial for marriage I have answeredelsewhere and refer to my answer. I deny the rest.”^[237]

Article X. After having quitted the service of La Rousse,Jeanne pretended, and still doth pretend, to have had continuallyduring five years, visions and apparitions of Saint Michael345Saint Catherine, and Saint Margaret. They revealed to her, shesays, by order of God, that she should raise the siege of Orleansand crown Charles, whom she calls her King; and that afterwardsshe would drive out his enemies from the realm of France.In spite of her father and mother, she left home, of her ownmotion, of her sole inspiration, and went to Robert de Baudricourt,captain of Vaucouleurs, to whom she communicated, invirtue of the order of Saint Michael, Saint Catherine, and SaintMargaret, the visions and revelations that God had made to her,asking of the said Robert to find her the means to accomplishwhat had been revealed to her. Twice repulsed by Robert, shereturned twice to her parents. Returning a third time to theattempt, on a pretended order sent to her by revelation, she wasthen admitted and received by the said Robert.

Article XI. Having become familiar with the said Robert,Jeanne boasted that, after having done and accomplished allthat had been commanded her of God, she would have threesons, of whom the first should be Pope, the secondEmperor, and the third King. Robert de Baudricourt, hearingthis, said to her, “Would I could be father to one myself, if theyare to be such great people! my own value would thereby bethe greater!” “Nay, nay, gentle Robert,” replied Jeanne, “it isnot time; the Holy Spirit will accomplish it.”^[239] This is thetale which the said Robert hath in many places often affirmed,told and published, and this in presence of prelates, lords, andhigh personages.

“I refer to what I have already said.^[240] I never boasted thatI should have three children.”^[241]

Article XII. In order the more openly and better toattain her end, Jeanne asked of Robert de Baudricourt to havemade for her a man’s dress and armour appropriate. Thiscaptain, with great repugnance, ended by acquiescing in herrequest. These garments and armour made and furnished,Jeanne, rejecting and abandoning women’s clothing, her hair cuta-round like a young coxcomb, took shirt, breeches, doublet,with hose joined together and fastened to the said doublet bytwenty points, long leggings laced on the outside, a short346mantle [surcoat] to the knees, or thereabouts, close-cut cap,tight-fitting boots or buskins, long spurs, sword, dagger, breastplate,lance and other arms in fashion of a man of war, affirmingthat in this she was executing the order of God, as had beenprescribed to her by revelation.

“Did you then take this costume, these arms, and all thiswarlike apparel by the order of God?”

Article XIII. Jeanne attributes to God, His Angels andHis Saints, orders which are against the modesty of the sex,and which are prohibited by the Divine Law, things abominableto God and man, interdicted on pain of anathema by ecclesiasticalcensure, such as dressing herself in the garments of a man,short, tight, dissolute, those underneath as well as above. It isin virtue of these pretended orders that she hath attired herselfin sumptuous and stately raiment, cloth-of-gold and furs;and not only did she wear short tunics, but she dressed herselfin tabards, and garments open at both sides; and it is notoriousthat she was taken prisoner in a loose cloak of cloth-of-gold.She was always seen with a cap on her head, her hair cut shortand a-round in the style of a man. In one word, putting asidethe modesty of her sex, she acted not only against all femininedecency, but even against the reserve which beseems men ofgood morals, wearing ornaments and garments which onlyprofligate men are accustomed to use, and going so far as to carryarms of offence. To attribute all this to the order of God, tothe order which had been transmitted to her by the Angels andeven by Virgin Saints, is to blaspheme God and His Saints, todestroy the Divine Law and violate the Canonical Rules; it isto libel the sex and its virtue, to overturn all decency, to justifyall examples of dissolute living, and to drive others thereto.

347Article XIV. Jeanne affirms that she has done right inattiring herself in garments worn only by dissolute men; shedoth profess that she will continue to retain them until sheshall have received, by revelation, the express order of God: bythis, she outrages God, the Angels, and the Saints.

[One of the Assessors]: “Did you have revelation or orderto wear a man’s dress?”

“I have already answered that elsewhere. I refer to myprevious sayings. To-morrow I will answer. I know well whomade me take a man’s dress; but I do not know how I canreveal it.”^[244]

Article XV. Jeanne, having many times asked that shemight be permitted to hear Mass, hath been invited to quit thedress she now wears and to take again her woman’s dress; shehath been allowed to hope that she will be admitted to hearMass and to receive Communion, if she will renounce entirelythe dress of a man and take that of a woman, as beseems hersex; she hath refused. In other words, she hath chosen rathernot to approach the Sacraments nor to assist in Divine Service,than to put aside her habit, pretending that this would displeaseGod. In this appears her obstinacy, her hardness of heart, herlack of charity, her disobedience to the Church, and her contemptof Divine Sacraments.

“I will not abandon it yet; the time is not come. If yourefuse to let me hear Mass, it is in the power of Our Lord to letme hear it, when it shall please Him, without you. I recollectbeing admonished to take again a woman’s dress. As to theirreverence and such like things, I deny them.”^[245]

Article XVI. Previous to, and since her capture, at theCastle of Beaurevoir and at Arras, Jeanne hath been manytimes advised with gentleness, by noble persons of both sexes,348to give up her man’s dress and resume suitable attire. She hathabsolutely refused, and to this day also she refuses with persistence;she disdains also to give herself up to feminine work,conducting herself in all things rather as a man than as awoman.

“At Arras and Beaurevoir I was invited to take a woman’sdress; then I refused, and I refuse still. As to the women’swork of which you speak, there are plenty of other women todo it.”^[246]

Article XVII. When Jeanne found herself in the presenceof Charles, thus attired and armed, she promised him thesethree things among others: that she would raise the siege ofOrleans; that she would have him consecrated at Rheims; thatshe would avenge him on his enemies, who, all of them, Englishor Burgundians, should be, thanks to her, killed or driven out ofthe kingdom. Many times and in many places did she repeatpublicly the same boasts; and, to give them greater weight,then and often afterwards, she did use divinations, and by thesemeans unveiled the morals, the entire life, the most secret acts,of persons who came before her, whom she had never beforeseen or known; she boasted of knowing all by revelation.

“In the name of God I brought the news to my King thatOur Lord would restore the kingdom to him, cause him to becrowned at Rheims, and drive out all his enemies; I was amessenger from God, when I told the King boldly to set me towork and I would raise the siege of Orleans. I mean, in sosaying, the whole kingdom; and if my Lord of Burgundy andthe other subjects of the King do not return to their obedience,the King will know how to make them by force. As to the endof the Article, of knowing Robert de Baudricourt and my King,I hold to what I said before.”^[247]

Article XVIII. So long as Jeanne remained with Charles,she did dissuade him with all her power, him and those withhim, from consenting to any treaty of peace, any arrangementwith his adversaries; inciting them always to murder andeffusion of blood; affirming that they could only have peace bysword and lance; and that God willed it so, because otherwisethe enemies of the King would not give up that which they heldin his kingdom; to fight against them thus, is, she told them,one of the greatest benefits that can happen to all Christendom.

“As to my Lord of Burgundy, I requested him by my349ambassadors and my letters that he would make peace betweenmy King and himself; but as to the English, the peace theyneed is that they may go away to their own country, to England.I have answered on the remainder of the Article; and I refer tothis answer.”^[248]

Article XIX. It was by consulting demons and usingdivinations, that Jeanne sent to look for a sword hidden in theChurch of Saint Catherine de Fierbois: (perchance she hadalready maliciously, fraudulently, and deceitfully hidden or causedto be hidden this sword in the same church, to seduce theprinces, nobles, clergy, and people, to induce them to believemore easily that she knew by revelation in what place thissword was). By this stratagem and others of a like nature shesucceeded in inspiring an absolute faith in all her words.

Article XX. She hath put faith in her ring, in her banner,in certain pieces of linen, and pennons which she carried orcaused to be carried by her people, and also in the sword foundby revelation, according to her, at Saint Catherine de Fierbois,saying that these things were very fortunate. She made thereonmany execrations and conjurations, in many and divers places,publicly asserting that by them she would do great things andwould obtain victory over her enemies; that to those of herpeople who carried pennons of this kind no ill could happen.She said all this at Compiègne on the eve of the day when,having sallied to attack my lord the Duke of Burgundy, she wastaken prisoner and many of her followers were wounded, killed,or taken. She said as much at Saint Denis, when she incitedher army to attack Paris.

“I refer to what I have already said. In all I have donethere was never any sorcery or evil arts. As for the good luckof my banner, I refer it to the fortune sent through it by OurLord (de bonâ fortunâ sui estandart se refert ad fortunium quodDominus Noster in es transmissit).”^[250]

Article XXI. Jeanne, by temerity or presumption, hathcaused to be written certain letters at the head of which sheplaced the names ‘Jhésus Maria,’ with a cross in the middle.These letters she caused to be addressed in her name to ourLord the King, to my Lord of Bedford, Regent of France, tothe lords and captains who were then at the siege of Orleans,350containing a number of things wicked, pernicious, contrary tothe Catholic Faith, the tenour of which is found in the Articlewhich follows:

“I did not send the letters of which you speak in pride orin presumption, but by command of Our Lord. I rememberand acknowledge the contents of these letters, with the exceptionof three words. If the English had believed my letters, theywould only have been wise; and before seven years are gonethey will perceive it well enough!”^[251]

“I remember having it written except three words, whichI did not dictate. If the English had believed my wordsthey would have acted wisely. Before seven years are gone,they will feel the truth of what I wrote to them, and for that,I refer to the answer which I made elsewhere.”

Article XXIII. The tenour of the letter contained in thepreceding Article proves well that Jeanne hath been the sportof evil spirits, and that she often consulted them to know whatshe ought to do; or, at least, that, to seduce the people, sheimagined these inventions by lying or wickedness.

“I deny ever having done anything under the inspiration ofevil spirits.”^[253]

Article XXIV. Jeanne hath gravely misused the names“Jhésus Maria” and the sign of the cross placed beside them; itwas understood between her and her people that, when they sawon her letters these words and this sign, they were to do thecontrary of what she wrote: and, in fact, they did do thecontrary.

Article XXV. Usurping the office of Angels, Jeanne hathsaid and affirmed that she hath been sent by God; and she hathsaid this even for cases which tend openly to violence andeffusion of human blood: a proposition the most foreign to allholiness, horrible and abominable to all pious souls.

“First, I begged them to make peace; and it was only incase they would not make peace that I was ready to fight.”^[255]

351Article XXVI. Jeanne, being at Compiègne in August of1429, did receive from the Count d’Armagnac a letter of whichthe tenour forms the article which follows.

Article XXVIII. To this letter Jeanne did send in answerthe letter signed with her name, found in the Articles whichfollow.

“What have you to say on these Articles, XXVII.,XXVIII., XXIX., XXX., which have been read to you withgreat care, from the first word to the last?”

[The next day, Wednesday, March 28th, in the same room,near the great Hall of the Castle of Rouen, before the Bishopand Brother Jean Lemaître, assisted by 35 Assessors.]

Before them hath been resumed the reading, begun the precedingday, of the Articles in the document produced by thePromoter. Their contents in French, being shewn to Jeanne,Article by Article, she hath been questioned on each of theseArticles and hath continued to reply, as here followeth, afterhaving anew sworn to speak truth on everything touching theTrial.^[260]

Article XXXI. From the time of her childhood and since,Jeanne hath boasted, and every day still doth boast, of havinghad, and of still having, numerous revelations and visions on thesubject which, although she hath been on this charitably admonishedand legally required to swear, she hath not made, norwished to make, nor is now willing to make, any oath. She willnot even make known the revelations made to her, by words nor352by signs. This she hath postponed, contested, refused, anddoth now also postpone, contest, and refuse. Many times hathshe said and affirmed in a formal manner, in Court andoutside, that she will not make known these revelations andvisions to you, her Judges, even if her head should be cut off,or her body dismembered. “They shall not drag it from mymouth,” she hath said, “neither the sign that God revealed tome, nor the means whereby I knew that this sign came to mefrom God.”

“As to revealing the sign and the other things, of whichyou speak, I may well have said I will not reveal them. I add,to what I before acknowledged that I should have said I wouldnot reveal it without leave from Our Lord.”^[261]

Article XXXII. By this refusal to make known thesepretended revelations, you may and should presume stronglythat the revelations and visions of Jeanne, if she had themalways, came to her from lying and evil spirits rather than fromgood. And all the world may take it for certain, consideringher cruelty, her pride, her dress, her actions, her lies, the contradictionshere given in various Articles, that all these togetherconstitute in this respect the most powerful of presumptions, bothof law and right.

“I did it by revelation, from Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret; and I will maintain it even unto death. If I put onmy letters the names ‘Jhésus Maria,’ it was because I wasadvised to do so by certain persons of my party; sometimes Iused these names, sometimes not. As to that passage in myanswer of which you remind me, ‘All that I did, I did by thecounsel of Our Lord,’ it should be completed thus: ‘All thatI didwell.’”

“The gentlemen of France wished to advance on Paris.In doing this, it seems to me they did their duty in going againsttheir enemies.”

Article XXXIII. Jeanne hath presumptuously and audaciouslyboasted, and doth still boast, of knowing the future andof having foreseen the past, of knowing things that are in thepresent, but hidden or unknown; all which, an attribute of theDeity, she claims for herself, a simple and ignorant creature.

“It is in Our Lord’s power to give revelations to whom Hepleases; that which I said of the sword of Fierbois and ofthings to come, I knew by revelation.”^[262]

Article XXXIV. Obstinate in her temerity and presumption,Jeanne hath said, proclaimed, and published, that sherecognized and discerned the voices of Archangels, Angels, andSaints; she hath affirmed and doth still affirm that she knowethhow to distinguish their Voices from human voices.

“I hold by what I have already said: of my pretendedtemerity, and, of that which has been concluded against me, Irefer to Our Lord, my Judge.”^[263]

Article XXXV. Jeanne hath boasted and affirmed thatshe did know how to discern those whom God loveth and thosewhom He hateth.

“I hold by what I have already said elsewhere of the Kingand the Duke d’Orléans; of the others I know not; I knowwell that God, for their well-being,^[264] (pro ediis corporumsuorum), loves my King and the Duke d’Orléans better thanme. I know it by revelation.”^[265]

Article XXXVI. Jeanne hath said, affirmed, and boasted,she doth say, affirm, and every day boast, that she hath known,and could know exactly—and that not only herself, but alsoothers through her means recognized and surely knew—theVoice which came to her, although from its nature a voice mustbe invisible to every human being.

Article XXXVII. Jeanne doth confess to having frequentlydone the contrary to what hath been commanded her by therevelations she doth boast to have had from God; for example,when she retired from St. Denis, after the assault on Paris, andwhen she leaped from the top of the tower of Beaurevoir. Bythis, it is manifest, either that she hath had no revelations fromGod, or that, if she hath had them, she hath despised them.And she it is, who, after this, doth dare to affirm that she is in354all things guided and governed by commands from on high andby revelation! Besides, she hath said that, when she had hadthe order not to leap from the top of the tower, she wascompelled to act contrary to this order, without being able toresist the constraint put upon her will; in the which she appearsto think wrongly on the matters of Free-will and to fall into theerror of those who believe that man is led by Fate or by someother irresistible power.

“I hold by what I have said elsewhere. I state in addition thatwhen I left St. Denis I had permission from my Voices.”

“I have answered elsewhere to that; I refer to that answer.On the concluding part of this Article, I refer me to God.”^[267]

Article XXXVIII. Jeanne, from the time of her childhood,hath said, done, and committed a great number of crimes,sins and evil deeds—shameful, cruel, scandalous, dishonouring,unworthy of her sex; now she doth say and affirm that all thatshe hath done hath been with the approbation and by the willof God; that she hath done nothing and now doeth nothingwhich proceedeth not from God, by means of the revelationstransmitted to her by the Holy Angels and the Holy Virgins,Catherine and Margaret.

Article XXXIX. Although the Just sin seven times a day,Jeanne hath said and published that she hath never committed,or, at least, that she doth believe never to have committed,mortal sin. Nevertheless, as many Articles of the presentaccusation prove, she hath indeed practised, and on a vast scale,acts customary to nations who are at war, and others yet moregrave.

Article XL. Forgetful of her salvation, impelled by thedevil, she is not and hath not been ashamed several times andin many and divers places to receive the Body of Christ, havingupon her a man’s dress of unseemly form, a dress which thelaws of God and man do forbid her to wear.

“I have answered elsewhere. I rely upon what I have saidbefore. I rely upon Our Lord.”^[270]

Article XLI. Jeanne, as one desperate, for hate andcontempt of the English, and foreseeing the destruction ofCompiègne, which she believed to be imminent, did attempt tokill herself by throwing herself down from the top of a tower;at the instigation of the devil, she took it into her head tocommit this action; she applied herself to commit it; she didcommit it in so far as she was able; on the other hand, in sothrowing herself down, she was so well impelled and guided bya diabolic instinct that she had in view rather the safety of herbody than that of her soul and of many others. Often indeed,hath she boasted that she would kill herself rather than thatshe should be delivered to the English.

Article XLII. Jeanne hath said and published that SaintCatherine and Saint Margaret and Saint Michael have bodies—thatis to say, head, eyes, face, hair, etc.; that she hath touchedthem with her hands; that she hath kissed them and embracedthem.

Article XLIII. Jeanne hath said and published that theSaints, the Angels, and the Archangels speak the French languageand not the English language, because the Saints, theAngels, and the Archangels are not on the side of the English,but of the French; she hath outraged the Saints in glory, inimplying to them a mortal hatred against a Catholic realm anda nation devoted, according to the will of the Church, to theveneration of all the Saints.

This Article having been set forth to Jeanne word for word,she only answered thus:

Article XLIV. Jeanne hath boasted and doth yet boast,she hath published and doth publish, that Saint Catherine andSaint Margaret have promised to lead her to Paradise, and haveassured her that she will obtain heavenly joy if she preserveher virginity; she affirms she is certain of this.

Article XLV. Although the judgments of God are impenetrableto us, nevertheless Jeanne hath said, uttered, declared,and promulgated that she hath known and can know those whoare Saints, Archangels, Angels, or the elect of God; she knowethhow to discern them.

Article XLVI. She hath said that, before leaping from thetower of Beaurevoir, she did most lovingly entreat Saint Catherineand Saint Margaret for the people of Compiègne, saying to theseSaints in a reproachful manner, “And how can God allow thesepeople of Compiègne, who are so loyal, to die thus miserably?”In the which did appear her impatience and her irreverencetowards God and the Saints.

Article XLVII. Provoked with her wound, Jeanne, afterthe leap from the tower of Beaurevoir, seeing she had not attainedher end, began to blaspheme God and the Saints, abjuring themwith horrible taunts, insulting them terribly, to the great confusionof all those present. In the same way, when she was inthe Castle of Rouen, many times, and on different days, did sheblaspheme and deny God, the Blessed Virgin, and the Saints,in impatience and resentment at being brought for judgmentbefore an ecclesiastical tribunal and forced to appear there.

Article XLVIII. Jeanne hath said that she did and dothstill believe that the spirits which appear to her are Angels andArchangels and the Saints of God, as firmly as she believes inthe Christian Faith, and in the Articles of that Faith, althoughshe can report no sign which can be of a nature to prove thatshe hath in reality had this communication; she hath consultedneither Bishop, Priest, nor Prelate, nor any ecclesiastical personwhatsoever, to know whether she ought to have faith in suchspirits; yet more, she saith that her Voices have forbidden herto reveal anything to any one whosoever it may be, save firstto a captain of soldiers, then to Charles her King, and afterwardsto other persons purely laic. By this, she admits that357her belief on this point is audacious, her faith erroneous, herrevelations doubtful, having always kept them from the knowledgeof the clergy and never having been willing to reveal themsave to seculars.

“I have answered it already. I refer to what is written.And as to the signs, if those who asked for them were notworthy, I could not help it. Many a time did I pray that itmight please God to reveal it to some of this party. It is true,that to believe in my revelations I asked neither Bishop, Priest,nor any one else. I believe it was Saint Michael, from the goodteaching he shewed me.”

As to the concluding part of the Article, she answered: “Irefer me to Our Lord.... As firmly as I believe Our SaviourJesus Christ suffered death to redeem us from the pains of hell,so firmly do I believe that it was Saint Michael and SaintGabriel, Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret whom OurSaviour sent to comfort and to counsel me.”^[278]

Article XLIX. On the foundation of this fancy aloneJeanne hath venerated spirits of this kind, kissing the ground onthe which she said they had walked, bending the knee beforethem, embracing them, kissing them, paying all sorts ofadoration to them, giving them thanks with clasped hands,taking the greatest familiarities with them; when she did notknow if they were good or evil spirits, and when, by reason ofall the circumstances revealed above, these spirits should havebeen rather considered by her as evil. This worship, thisveneration, is idolatry: it is a compact with demons.

Article L. Every day and many times daily Jeanne dothinvoke these evil spirits and consult them on what she should do,—notablyon the manner in which she should answer in court.This seems to constitute, and doth in effect constitute, aninvocation of demons.

“I have already answered it; I shall call them to my helpas long as I live.”

358“I beseech Our Lord and Our Lady that they will sendme counsel and comfort, and then They send it to me.”

“I say ‘Most sweet Lord, in honour of Thy Holy PassionI beseech Thee, if Thou lovest me, that Thou wilt reveal to mehow I should answer these Clergy. I know well, as regards thisdress, the command by which I have taken it; but I do notknow in what way I should leave it off: for this, may it pleaseThee to teach me.’ And soon they come to me. I often bymy Voices have news of my Lord of Beauvais.”

“I have answered you; I hear them well. Saint Catherineand Saint Margaret have told me what I should say on thesubject of my dress.”^[280]

Article LI. Jeanne hath not feared to proclaim that SaintMichael, the Archangel of God, did come to her with a greatmultitude of Angels in the house of a woman where she hadstopped at Chinon; that he walked with her, holding her by thehand; that they together mounted the stairs of the Castle andtogether gained the Chamber of the King; that the Angeldid reverence to the King, bowing before him, surrounded bythis multitude of Angels, of which some had crowns on theirheads and others had wings. To say such things of Archangelsand the Holy Angels is presumption, audacity, lying, as in theholy books we do not read that they did a like reverence, a likedemonstration, to any saint—not even to the Blessed Virgin,Mother of God. Jeanne hath said that the Archangel SaintGabriel hath often come to her with the blessed Michael, andsometimes even with thousands of Angels. She hath alsoproclaimed that the same Angel, at her prayer, did bring in thiscompany of Angels a crown, the most precious possible, to placeupon the head of her King—a crown which is to-day depositedin the treasury of the King; that the King would have beencrowned at Rheims with this crown, if he had deferred hisconsecration some days: it was only because of the extremehaste of his coronation that he received another. All these arelies imagined by Jeanne at the instigation of the devil, orsuggested by demons in deceitful apparitions, to make sport ofher curiosity,—she who would search secrets beyond her capacityand condition.

359“On the subject of the Angel who brought the sign I havealready answered. As to what the Promoter suggests on thesubject of the thousands of Angels, I do not recollect havingsaid it—that is to say, the number; I did certainly say that Ihad never been wounded without receiving great comfort andhelp from God and from the Saints Catherine and Margaret.As to the crown, on this also I have replied. Of the conclusionwhich the Promoter makes against my deeds, I refer me to God,Our Lord; and where the crown was made and forged, I leaveto Our Lord.”^[281]

Article LII. By all these inventions, Jeanne hath soseduced Christian people that many have in her presence adoredher as a Saint, and in her absence do adore her still, composingin her honour masses and collects; yet more, going so far as tocall her the greatest of all the Saints after the Virgin Mary,raising statues and images to her in the Churches of the Saints,and bearing about them medals in lead or other metal representingher—exactly as the Church does to honour the memory andthe recollection of the canonized Saints—publicly proclaimingthat she is sent from God, and more Angel than woman. Suchthings are pernicious to the Christian religion, scandalous, andprejudicial to the salvation of souls.

“As to the commencement of the Article, I have alreadyanswered; as to the conclusion, I refer to Our Lord.”^[282]

Article LIII. In contempt of the orders of God and theSaints, Jeanne, in her presumption and pride, hath gone so faras to take command over men; she hath made herself commander-in-chiefand hath had under her orders nearly 16,000men, among whom were Princes, Barons, and a number ofGentlemen: she hath made them all fight, being their principalcaptain.

“As to the fact of being commander-in-chief, I haveanswered before; if I have been commander-in-chief, it was tofight the English. As to the conclusion of the Article I referme to God.”^[283]

Article LIV. Jeanne doth behave in an unseemly mannerwith men, refuses the society of women, wishes to live with menonly, to be waited upon by them, even in her own room and inthe most private details: a like thing hath never been seen norheard of a chaste and pious woman.

“It is true that my command was over men; but as to myquarters and lodging, most often I had a woman with me.And when I was engaged in the war I slept fully dressed andarmed, not being able always to find a woman. As to theconclusion of the Article, I refer me to God.”

Article LV. Jeanne hath abused the revelations andprophecies that she saith she hath had from God, to procurefor herself lucre and temporal profit; by means of thesepretended revelations, she hath acquired great riches, a greatshow and great estate in officers, horses, and attire; she hathobtained great revenues for her brothers and relations, imitatingin this the false prophets, who, to acquire temporal gain or toobtain the favour of kings, were accustomed to pretend thatthey had had revelations from God on things which they knewwould be to the taste of their princes; abusing the divineoracles, she hath thus attributed her lies to God.

“I have answered elsewhere. As to the gifts made to mybrothers, that which the King gave to them was of his grace,without my asking. As to the charge made by the Promoterand the conclusion of the Article, I refer me to Our Lord.”^[284]

Article LVI. Jeanne hath many times proclaimed thatshe hath two counsellors whom she calls ‘Counsellors of theWell,’ and who have come to her since she hath been takencaptive, as appears from the declaration made by Catherine dela Rochelle before the Officials in Paris.^[285] This Catherine hathsaid that Jeanne, if she be not well guarded, will get out ofprison, by the help of the Devil.

“I hold by what I have already said; and as to the‘Counsellors of the Well,’ I do not know what it means. Icertainly believe that I overheard Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret there. The conclusion of the Article I deny.”

[And then she did swear by her oath ^[286] that she did not wishthat the Devil should get her out of prison.^[287]]

Article LVII. The day of the Nativity of the BlessedVirgin, Jeanne did assemble the whole army of Charles, tomake an attack on the city of Paris; she did lead the armyagainst the city, affirming that she would enter it on that day—thatshe knew it by revelation: she directed all the arrangementspossible for the entry. And, nevertheless, she is not361afraid to deny it before us here in court. And at other placesalso, at La Charité-sur-Loire, for example, at Pont L’Evêque,at Compiègne, when she attacked the army of the Duke ofBurgundy, she affirmed and foretold that which, according toher, would take place, saying that she knew it by revelation:now, not only did the things predicted by her not come to pass,but the very contrary happened. Before you she hath deniedhaving made these predictions, because they were not realized,as she had said; but many people worthy of trust report ^[288] tohave heard her utter them. At the time of the assault on Paris,she said that thousands of angels were around her, ready tobear her to Paradise if she should be killed: now, when she wasasked why, after the promises made to her, not only did she notenter Paris but that many of her men and she herself had beenwounded in a horrible manner and some even killed, sheanswered “It was Jesus, who broke His word to me.”

“As to the beginning, I have answered it already. If Ithink of more later, I will willingly answer then. I never saidthat Jesus had failed me.”^[289]

Article LVIII. Jeanne did cause to be painted a standardwhereon are two Angels, one on each side of God holding theworld in His hand, with the words “Jhésus Maria” and otherdesigns. She said that she caused this standard to be done bythe order of God, who had revealed it to her by the agency ofHis Angels and Saints. This standard she did place at Rheimsnear the Altar, during the consecration of Charles, wishing, inher pride and vain glory, that it should be peculiarly honoured.Also did she cause to be painted arms, in the which she placedtwo golden lilies on a field azure; between the lilies a swordargent, with a hilt and guard gilded, the point of the swordpointing upwards and surmounted with a crown, gilded. Allthis is display and vanity, it is not religion nor piety; to attributesuch vanities to God and to the Angels, is to be wanting inrespect to God and the Saints.

“I have already answered it; for the conclusions drawn bythe Promoter, I refer to Our Lord.”^[290]

Article LIX. At St. Denis in France Jeanne did offer andcause to be placed in the Church, in the most prominent place,the armour she wore when she was wounded while attacking the362town of Paris; she desired that this armour should be honouredas relics. In this same town, she did cause to be lighted candles,for the melted wax to fall on the heads of little children, sayingthat this would bring them happiness, and making by suchwitchcrafts many divinations.

“As to my armour, I have answered; as to the candleslighted and melted, I deny it.”^[291]

Article LX. In contempt of the laws and sanction of theChurch, Jeanne hath several times before this tribunal refusedto speak the truth: by this, she doth render suspect all shehath said or done in matters of faith and revelation, because shedares not reveal them to ecclesiastical judges; she dreads thejust punishment she hath merited and of which she appears herselfto be conscious, when, on this question, she did in courturge this proverb, that “for speaking the truth, one was oftenhanged.” Also she hath often said: “You will not know all,”and again, “I would rather have my head cut off than tellyou all.”

“I never sought delay, except to answer more surely onwhat was asked me. When I am doubtful if I ought to answer,I ask delay to know if I ought to speak. As to the counsel ofmy King, because it does not touch on this case, I would notreveal it. Of the sign given to the King, I have told it, becausethe clergy did constrain me to do so.”^[292]

Article LXI. Admonished of having to submit all herwords and actions to the Church Militant, after that the distinctionbetween the Church Militant and the Church Triumphanthad been shewn to her, Jeanne declared that she submitted herselfto the Church Triumphant and refused to submit to theChurch Militant, confessing by this that she doth not rightlyunderstand the Article of the Faith ‘I believe in the Church,One, Holy, Catholic,’ and that she is in error on this point.She hath said she would reveal them only to God, and that shereferred her acts to God and to His Saints and not to thejudgment of the Church.

“I wish with all my power to give honour and reverence tothe Church Militant. For referring my acts to the ChurchMilitant, I must refer to Our Lord Who caused me to do them.”

Article LXII. Jeanne hath laboured to scandalize thepeople, to induce them to believe in her talk, taking to herselfthe authority of God and His Angels, presumptuously seekingto seduce men from ecclesiastical authority, as do the falseprophets who establish sects of error and perdition and separatethemselves from the unity of the Church; a thing pernicious inthe Christian religion, which, if the Bishops did not provideagainst it, might destroy ecclesiastical authority; on all sides,in fact, raising up men and women who, pretending to haverevelations from God and the Angels, will sow untruth anderror—as hath already happened to many since this womanhath arisen and hath begun to scandalize Christian people andto publish her knaveries.

Article LXIII. Jeanne is not afraid to lie in court, and toviolate her own oath when on the subject of her revelations; shedoth affirm a number of contradictory things, and which implycontradiction among themselves: she doth not fear to hurlmalediction against a whole nation, the rulers of that nation andits greatest people; she doth speak of them without respect,allowing herself a tone of mockery and derision such as nowoman in a state of holiness would allow; which sheweth wellthat she is ruled and guided by evil spirits and not, as she hathboasted, by God and the Angels. Christ said of false prophets,“Ye shall know them by their fruits.”

“I refer to what I have said, and, for the conclusion, to GodOur Lord.”^[294]

Article LXIV. Jeanne doth pretend to know that she hathobtained pardon of the sin committed when, in despair, drivenby the evil spirits, she threw herself from the tower of the Castleat Beaurevoir: yet the Scriptures say that no one knoweth if heis worthy of love or hate, nor, in consequence, if he is purged ofsin and justified.

“I have answered you, and to that I refer. Of the chargeand the conclusion, I refer me to Our Lord.”

Article LXV. Many times Jeanne hath said that she askedof God to send her special revelations by the Angels and by theSaints Catherine and Margaret upon what she ought to do: forexample, in the matter of learning if she ought to make known364the truth in court on certain points and certain facts which arepersonal to herself. It is to tempt God, to ask Him that whichought not to be asked of Him, because there is no need, and manmay himself suffice for it by his own research. Thus, by theleap from the tower of Beaurevoir she doth seem manifestly tohave tempted God.

“I have answered it, and will not, without the leave of OurLord, reveal what has been revealed to me. It is not withoutneed that I beseech God. I would He might send me yet more,so that it might be discerned that I am come from God and thatit is He Who hath sent me.”

Article LXVI. Of many of the deeds and words thathave just been noticed some are opposed to the Divine Law, toGospel Law, to Canon Law, to Civil Law, and to the rules ofGeneral Councils; others are witchcrafts, divinations, or superstitions;others breathe heresy and errors in faith; others areattempts against peace and tend to the effusion of human blood;others constitute blasphemies against God and the Saints andare wounding to pious ears. In all this, the Accused, by heraudacious temerity, at the instigation of the Devil, hath offendedGod and sinned against Holy Church; she hath been a cause ofscandal; she is on all these points notoriously defamed: sheshould be punished and corrected by you.

“I am a good Christian; for all with which you charge meI refer to Our Lord.”

Article LXVII. All and each of these transgressions theAccused hath committed, perpetrated, said, uttered, recited, dogmatized,promulgated, put in action, as much in your jurisdictionas elsewhere, in many and divers places of this realm, not onceonly but many times, in divers times, days and hours. She hathfallen again and again into all these errors; she hath furnishedcounsel, help, and favour to those who have committed themwith her.

Article LXVIII. Because a persistent clamour hath struckyour ears not once only, but many times; because public rumourand an information based on what hath gone before hath madeyou recognize that the Accused is vehemently suspect anddefamed; you have decreed that there is reason to bring anaction against her, and to proceed therein, by you or one of you,by causing the said woman to be cited, and by setting her toanswer—as hath been done.

365Article LXIX. By all which precedes, the Accused isvehemently suspect, scandalized and as far as possible defamedby all honest and serious people. But by all that hath gonebefore she is neither corrected nor amended; she hath postponedand doth still postpone; she hath refused and doth still refuse tocorrect or amend herself; she hath continued and persevered,doth continue and persevere, in her errors, although by you theJudges, and by a great number of notable clergy, and otherhonest persons, she hath been charitably and otherwise dulyand sufficiently warned, summoned and required.

“The misdeeds brought forward against me by the Promoter,I have not done. For the rest, I refer me to God. Of all themisdeeds brought forward against me, I do not think I havecommitted any against the Christian faith.”

“If you have done anything against the Christian faith, willyou submit to the Church and to those to whom correctionbelongs?”

Article LXX. All and each of these propositions containedin these Articles are true, notorious and manifest; the publicvoice and rumour hath occupied and doth occupy itself therewith;the Accused hath recognized and acknowledged thesethings as true, many times and sufficiently, before witnessesproved and worthy of belief, in and out of court.

CONCLUSION.—Having attained conviction of the truth of allor part of the preceding Articles in a manner to justify the proposedend, which is that you may be enabled to pronounce inrecognition of the cause, the Promoter doth conclude that it will beultimately judged by you, upon the whole, according to lawand right.

And the said Promoter humbly imploreth your offices on allthese things, as may be suitable.

366The Seventy Articles preceding [p.341] which form theAct of Accusation for the Trial, were reduced to Twelve byMaître Nicolas Midi; the twelve Articles are here given.

THE TWELVE ARTICLES OF ACCUSATION.

ARTICLE I.

A woman doth say and affirm that when she was of the ageof thirteen years or thereabouts, she did, with her bodily eyes,see Saint Michael come to comfort her, and from time to timealso Saint Gabriel; that both the one and the other appearedto her in bodily form. Sometimes also she hath seen a greatmultitude of Angels; since then, Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret have shewn themselves to her in bodily form; everyday she sees these two Saints and hears their voices; she hathoften kissed and embraced them, and sometimes she hathtouched them, in a physical and corporeal manner. She hathseen the heads of these Angels and these Saints, but of the restof their persons and of their dress she will say nothing. Thesaid Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret have also formerlyspoken to her near a spring which flows at the foot of a greattree, called in the neighbourhood “The Fairies’ Tree.” Thisspring and this tree nevertheless have been, it is said, frequentedby fairies; persons ill of fever have repaired there in greatnumbers to recover their health. This spring and this tree arenevertheless in a profane place. There and elsewhere she hathoften venerated these two Saints, and hath done them obeisance.

Besides this, she doth say that Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret appear and shew themselves to her adorned with mostbeautiful and most precious crowns. At this time and veryoften since, they have announced to her, by the order of God,that she was to go in search of a certain secular Prince,promising that, by her help and succour, this same Princeshould, by force of arms, recover a great temporal domain andthe honour of this world, and should obtain victory over hisadversaries: this same Prince received her, and furnished herwith arms and soldiers for the carrying out of what has just beensaid. Further, Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret haveordered this same woman, by the command of God, to take andto wear a man’s dress, which she hath borne and doth still bear,persisting in obeying this order, to the extent that she saith shewould rather die than give up this dress, adding that she willonly abandon it by the express order of God. She hath even367preferred not to assist in the Office of the Mass and to depriveherself of the Holy Communion of the Eucharist, at the timewhen the Church commands the faithful to receive it, rather thanto resume female dress and to quit this man’s habit.

The said woman hath gone so far, under the inspiration ofthese two Saints, that without the knowledge and against thewill of her parents, at the age of seventeen, she did quit thepaternal roof and joined herself to a great troop of soldiers, withwhom she lived night and day, having never had, or at leastvery rarely, another woman with her. These two Saints havesaid and prescribed to her many other things for the which shedeclares herself sent by the God of Heaven and the ChurchVictorious, composed of Saints who already enjoy celestialblessedness; it is to them that she submits as right all she hathdone. As to the Church Militant, she hath deferred and refusedto submit herself, her deeds, and her words to it, although manytimes required and admonished so to do, saying always that itis impossible to her to do contrary to what she hath, in herTrial, affirmed to have done by the order of God; and that forthese things she will not refer to the decision or the judgmentof any man alive, but to the judgment of God alone.

The said Saints have revealed to this woman that she willobtain the glory of the blessed and will gain the salvation of hersoul if she doth preserve the virginity which she vowed to theseSaints the first time she saw and recognized them. As a resultof this revelation, she doth affirm that she is as assured of hersalvation as if, now and in fact, she were already in the Kingdomof Heaven.

ARTICLE II.

The same woman saith that the sign which was received bythe Prince to whom she was sent—a sign which decided thisPrince to believe in her and to aid her to carry on the war—was,that Saint Michael came to the said Prince, accompanied by amultitude of Angels, of which some had crowns and others hadwings; with them also were Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret.She and the Angel proceeded together, their feet touching theground, by the road, the staircase, and the Prince’s chamber;the Angel was accompanied by other Angels and by the saidtwo Saints; he gave to the Prince a crown, very precious andmade of the purest gold, bowing before him and doing himreverence. Once she hath said that when her Prince receivedthis sign, it seemed to her he was alone, although many otherpersons were close by; another time she hath said that it seemedto her that an Archbishop had received the sign of the crownand had given it to the Prince, in the presence of severaltemporal lords.

The same woman doth say and affirm that he who visits heris Saint Michael; that which makes her believe in him is thegood counsel, the comfort, and the good teaching which he dothgive her, and because he hath named himself to her, and hathtold her that he was Saint Michael. She hath in the same wayrecognized Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret; she knowethhow to distinguish the one from the other, because they namethemselves to her and greet her.

On the subject of the pretended Saint Michael who appeared toher, she believes that it is truly Saint Michael; and the sayingsand deeds of this Michael she believes to be true and good asfirmly as she believes that Our Lord Jesus suffered and died forour redemption.

ARTICLE IV.

The same woman doth say and affirm that she is certain ofwhat should happen on the subject of certain future things, assurely as she is certain of those which she sees passing under hereyes. On the subject of occult things she doth boast to knowor to have known them by means of the revelations which havebeen made to her by the Voices of Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret: for example, that she will be delivered from hercaptivity, and that the French will do, under her guidance, thegreatest exploits that they have ever done in all Christendom;for example, again, she saith she hath known by revelation withoutany one pointing them out to her, men whom she had neverseen, and herself revealed and pointed out the existence of asword which was hidden in the earth.

ARTICLE V.

The same woman doth say and affirm that, by the commandand good pleasure of God, she hath taken and borne and continuethstill to bear a man’s dress. Further, she doth say that,because she hath had God’s command to bear this habit, it wasnecessary that she should have a short tunic, cap, jerkin, breeches,hose with many points, hair cut close above her ears, keeping nogarment which might indicate her sex. She doth say and affirmthat she hath, in this dress, several times received the Sacramentof the Eucharist. She hath not desired and doth still not desireto resume woman’s dress, although many times required andcharitably admonished so to do. At times she saith that shewould rather die than leave off the dress which she bears; attimes she saith that she will leave it off only by the command ofGod. She doth also say, that if she again found herself with this369dress among those for whom she hath armed herself,she would act as she did before her capture; and this would be,she doth add, one of the greatest benefits that could happen tothe whole kingdom of France. Also, for nothing in the worldwill she swear to wear this dress or to take arms no more. Inall this she doth say that she hath done and doeth well, obeyingGod and His Commandments.

ARTICLE VI.

The same woman doth avow and acknowledge that she hathcaused to be written many letters and warnings on the whichwere placed these names “Jhésus Maria,” with the sign of theCross. Sometimes, she put a cross, and between her and herparty this signified that she did not wish them to do what in thissame letter she told them to do. At other times she caused itto be written that she would have those who did not obey herwarnings killed, and “by the blows she would give they wouldsee who had the true right from the God of Heaven.” She hathoften said that she hath done nothing but by the revelation andorder of God.

ARTICLE VII.

The same woman doth say and confess that, being of the age ofseventeen, by revelation, as she saith, and spontaneously, she wentto seek a Knight whom she had never seen, abandoning for thisthe paternal roof, against the will of her parents. These, whenthey had knowledge of her departure, were wild with grief. Thissame woman ordered the Knight to conduct her, or to have herconducted, to the Prince already mentioned. The said Knight,or Captain, furnished this woman, on her demand, with a man’sdress and a sword, and appointed and commanded for her conducta Knight, a Squire, and four servants. When they hadcome to the Prince, this woman told him that she wished tofight against his adversaries. She promised to establish him ingreat sovereignty and to vanquish his enemies; and for this shehad been sent by the God of Heaven. She saith she hath actedwell, having had revelation and the command of God.

ARTICLE VIII.

The same woman doth say and affirm that she, of herself, noone compelling her, did throw herself down from a very hightower, wishing rather to die than to be placed in the hands of herenemies and to live after the destruction of the town of Compiègne.She saith also that she was not able to avoid this fall,370although Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret had forbidden it toher. To offend them is, she herself saith, a great sin. But sheknoweth that this sin was remitted to her after she had confessedit; she saith she received revelation of this.

ARTICLE IX.

The same woman saith that Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret have promised to conduct her to Paradise, if she dothpreserve with care the virginity of body and soul which shevowed to them. Of this she saith she is as assured as if she werealready in the glory of the blessed. She doth not think she hathcommitted mortal sin; for, if she were in a state of mortal sin,she saith it seemeth to her that Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret would not visit her each day as they do.

ARTICLE X.

The same woman doth say and affirm that God doth lovesundry persons still living, designated by her and named, morethan He doth this woman: this, she knoweth by revelation fromSaint Catherine and Saint Margaret, who speak frequently toher, but in French and not in English, because these Saints arenot on the side of the English. Since she hath known by revelationthat their Voices were for the Prince aforesaid she hath ceasedto love the Burgundians.

ARTICLE XI.

The same woman doth say and confess that to the Voices andthe Spirits now under consideration, whom she calls Michael,Gabriel, Catherine and Margaret, she doth often do reverence,uncovering, bending the knee, kissing the earth on which theywalk, vowing to them her virginity, at times kissing andembracing Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret; she hathtouched them with her own hands, corporeally and physically;she hath asked of them counsel and help; at times she doth callthem, and they even come to her without being called; sheaccedes to and obeys their counsels and their commands; shehath always obeyed them, without having asked counsel thereonfrom whomsoever it be—father, mother, curé, prelate, or anyecclesiastic whatsoever. She doth believe no less firmly that theVoices and the revelations she receives by the medium of theSaints of whom she speaks come from God and by His order:she believes it as firmly as she believes the Christian Faith andthat Our Lord Jesus Christ suffered for us Death and Passion.She doth add that, if it were an evil spirit who had come to her371under the appearance and mask of Saint Michael she would quitewell have known how to distinguish that it was not Saint Michael.Finally she saith, that of her own wish and without any onepressing her thereto, she hath sworn to Saint Catherine and SaintMargaret, who appeared to her, to reveal to no one the sign ofthe crown given to the Prince to whom she was sent, until sheshould have permission from God to reveal it.

ARTICLE XII.

The same woman doth say and confess that if the Churchwished that she should do anything contrary to the order shedoth pretend to have received from God, she would not consent,whatsoever it might be. She doth affirm that she knows well,that all contained in her Trial has come to her by the order ofGod, and it would be impossible for her to do contrary to whatshe doth. Thereupon she doth not wish to refer to the decisionof the Church Militant, nor to any one, whoever it be in theworld, but to God alone, Our Lord, Whose commands she dothalways execute, above all in what doth concern her revelations,and in what she doth in consequence. This answer and all theothers are not from her own head, she saith, but she hath madeand given them by order of her Voices and revelations: she dothpersist [in this], although by the Judges and others of theAssessors, the Article of Faith, ‘The Church, One, Holy,Catholic,’ hath often been recalled to her, and it hath often beenshewn to her that all the faithful are bound to obey the ChurchMilitant and to submit to it their words and actions—above allin matters of faith and in all which concerns sacred Doctrineand Ecclesiastical sanction.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO THE REHABILITATION.

It was not until nearly twenty years after the death of Jeanned’Arc that any attempt was made by those in authority tovindicate her memory or even to acknowledge the services shehad rendered to the kingdom of France.

In 1450, however, after the occupation of Normandy and thesubmission of the town of Rouen, the idea appeared to haveoccurred to Charles VII. that to suffer the stigma of heresy andwitchcraft to rest on the name of the Maid of Orleans, who had“led him to his anointing,” was to throw a doubt upon his ownorthodoxy, and to justify the taunt of his enemies that he hadbeen the mere tool of “a lyme of the Fiend.” On February13th, 1450, therefore, he issued a Declaration empowering one372of his Counsellors, Guillaume Bouillé, to enquire into the conductof the Trial undertaken against Jeanne by “our ancientenemies the English,” who, “against reason, had cruelly puther to death,” and to report the result of his investigations tothe Council.

Bouillé was Rector of the University of Paris, Dean of theTheological Faculty, Dean of Noyon, a Member of the GreatCouncil, and at one time Ambassador to Rome. It is veryprobable that he was the author of the first memorial issued infavour of Jeanne, throwing doubts upon the validity of theRouen sentence—a memorial which, according to some, was priorto the Enquiry of 1450 with which we are now dealing.

It was to an able and competent person therefore, that Charlescommitted the Enquiry, which was held at Rouen on March 4thand 5th, less than three weeks after the issue of the RoyalMandate.

Seven witnesses were heard; namely, Toutmouillé, de laPierre, Ladvenu, and Duval,—all Dominicans of Saint Jacques,Rouen; the Notary Manchon, the Usher Massieu, and Beaupère,one of the chief Examiners. But the Court took no furtherinterest in the matter; and, although in the opinion of severallegal authorities consulted by De Bouillé, the Process of Condemnationwas held as null and void, the proceedings were carriedno further: the Enquiry was forwarded to the King and Council,and the whole question once more fell into abeyance.

Two years later, the Cardinal-Bishop of Digne, Guillaumed’Estouteville, Legate in France for Pope Nicholas V. took upthe Enquiry, at the formal request of Isabel d’Arc, mother of theMaid, who claimed, on Civil as well as on Ecclesiastical authority,the rehabilitation of her daughter, and the restoration of thefamily to the position they had lost by the imputation of heresycast on them in the person of one of their number.

The failure of the former Enquiry was due, in great part, tothe fear of arousing the hostility of the English, and also ofmeeting with opposition from the Ecclesiastical authorities, bybringing forward an action instituted by the Sovereign againstproceedings which had received the unquestioned sanction ofthe Holy Office and the University of Paris, and which were alsoguaranteed by the protection of the English King. The expedientof shifting the entire responsibility on to the shoulders of thed’Arc family obviated these difficulties, and enabled the Case tobe taken as a purely private one, an appeal against a judgmentgiven on false premisses. The reversal of this verdict couldoffend no one, as the action was brought against Defendantsnone of whom were living to meet the charge, and who couldtherefore be represented only by their titular legal successors.Their innocence in the whole matter made the case a perfectly373harmless one—a legal fiction which might satisfy many andcould injure none.

The first act of the Cardinal d’Estouteville was to associatewith himself the Prior of the Convent of the Jacobins at Paris,Jean Bréhal, Inquisitor of France; and, together, they proceededto an Enquiry at Rouen in April, 1452, at which witnesses to thenumber of twenty-one, including some of those heard in 1450,gave their evidence. The Cardinal being obliged by his dutiesto leave Rouen, the Enquiry was left in the hands of Bréhal andof Philippe la Rose, the Treasurer of the Cathedral. There werestill difficulties in the way. The Pope feared to wound Englishsusceptibilities; and, in spite of the efforts of the Cardinal and ofthe petition presented to Rome by Isabel d’Arc and her twosons, the proceeding languished; and three more years passedwithout any definite step being taken.

In 1455, however, the Pope Nicholas V. died, and his successorCalixtus III. [Borgia], less timorous, acceded to the request of thed’Arc family, granting a Rescript authorizing the process of revision,and appointing as delegates for the Trial the Archbishopof Rheims (Jean Jouvenal des Ursins), the Bishop of Paris(Guillaume Chartier), and the Bishop of Coutances (Richard deLongueil), who afterwards associated with themselves theInquisitor, Jean Bréhal.

The Case was solemnly opened on November 7th, 1455, inthe Church of Notre Dame at Paris, when the mother andbrothers of the Maid came before the Court to present theirhumble petition for a revision of her sentence, demanding only“the triumph of truth and justice.” The Court heard the requestwith some emotion. When Isabel d’Arc threw herself at the feetof the Commissioners, shewing the Papal Rescript and weepingaloud, while her Advocate, Pierre Maugier, and his assistantsprayed for justice for her and for the memory of her martyreddaughter, so many of those present joined aloud in the petition,that at last, we are told, it seemed that one great cry for justicebroke from the multitude.

The Commissioners formally received the petition, andappointed November 17th, ten days later, for its consideration,warning the Petitioners of the possible danger of a confirmationof the previous Trial, instead of the reversal they looked for, butpromising careful consideration of the Case should they persistin their appeal.

On November 17th the Court met a second time at NotreDame; the Papal Rescript was solemnly read, and the Advocatefor the Petitioners brought his formal accusation against theJudges and Promoter of the late Trial—none of whom, as hasbeen said, were then alive—carefully excluding the Assessorsconcerned in the case, who, he said, were led to wrong conclusions374by false deductions. At the close of the Advocate’s address,the Archbishop of Rheims and the Bishop of Paris declaredthemselves ready to act as Judges in the Appeal Case, in conjunctionwith the Inquisitor Bréhal, appointing the followingDecember 12th for the inaugural sitting, and citing all thoseconcerned in this Case to appear before them on that day.

The Trial opened on December 12th. The family of d’Arcwere represented by the Procurator, Guillaume Prévosteau, whohad formerly been appointed Promoter in the case instituted byCardinal d’Estouteville: but the Plaintiffs alone were represented,no one appearing to answer for either of the accused Judges norfor the Promoter d’Estivet. The Case was adjourned untilDecember 15th, in order that Advocates for the Defendantsmight be summoned to appear.

The Court met accordingly on the 15th December; but, inspite of mandates and citations placed on Church-doors andother public places, no one was found to come forward as representativesof the accused; and a further delay of five dayswas therefore granted. At the same time, the Commissionersformally constituted the Tribunal and appointed their Officers:Simon Chapitault as Promoter or Advocate-General, Ferreboucand Lecomte as Registrars for the Court. The Registrars ofthe former Trial, being present, were asked if they wished inany way to defend the Process in which they had been concerned;but, on their replying in the negative, they were requested to laybefore the Court any documents relating to the previous Trialwhich they might have in their possession. By this means theCommissioners were enabled to have before them the actualMinute of the Trial of 1431, written in Manchon’s own hand andpresented by him, and also to obtain his formal attestation ofthe authenticity of the Official Procès-Verbal, upon which theirfurther enquiries were to be based.

The “Preliminary Enquiry” made in 1452, by command ofthe Cardinal d’Estouteville and his delegates, was formally annexed,by request of the Promoter, to the official documents ofthe Trial of Rehabilitation; but the earlier Enquiry of 1450,having been made under secular authority, was unfortunatelytreated as of no value, and not included in the authorizedCase.

On December 18th the Promoter lodged his request on thepart of the family of d’Arc, and prayed for a Judgment of Nullityon the previous sentence, on the ground that, both in form andsubstantiation, it was null and void, and that it should thereforebe publicly and legally so declared.

On December 20th—the last day appointed for the appearanceof any representatives of the accused—only the Advocatefor the family of Cauchon presented himself. He made a375declaration to the effect that the heirs of the late Bishop had nodesire to maintain the validity of a Trial with which they hadno concern, and which took place either before they were bornor when they were very little children; that Jeanne had beenthe victim of the hatred of the English, and that therefore theresponsibility fell rather upon them; finally they begged thatthe Rehabilitation of Jeanne might not be to their prejudice,invoking for themselves the benefits of the King’s amnestygranted after the conquest of Normandy.

The Procurator having declared his willingness to agree, theheirs of Cauchon were put out of the question; and the otherDefendants, not having appeared, were declared contumacious,and cited once more to appear on February 16th following. Onthe same day [Dec. 20th] the Promoter formulated his Accusation,and brought before the notice of the Court certain specialpoints in the previous Trial which tended to vitiate the whole:1st, the intervention of the hidden registrars and the alterations,additions, and omissions made in the Twelve Articles; 2nd, thesuppression of the Preliminary Enquiry, and the obvious predispositionof the Judges; 3rd, the incompetence of the Court,and the unfairness of the treatment received throughout by theAccused, culminating in an illegal sentence and an irregularexecution.

The Promoter then asked that enquiries might be institutedinto the life and conduct of the Maid, and as to the manner inwhich she had undertaken the reconquest of the country.Orders were accordingly given, that information should at oncebe taken at Domremy and Vaucouleurs, under the direction ofReginald de Chichery, Dean of Vaucouleurs, and of WautrinThierry, Canon of Toul.

While these enquiries were being made, a document containing101 Articles was drawn up,^[295] setting forth the case of thePlaintiffs for the consideration of the still-absent Defendants,and stating at great length the grounds, both in fact and reason,for the demand of a revision of sentence.

On the day fixed for the final citation of the Defendants—Feb.16th, 1456,—the Court again assembled; and on this occasionthe accused were represented by their legal successors: thePromoter of the Diocese of Beauvais, Brédouille, as representativeof the authority of the Bishop, Guillaume de Hellande;and Chaussetier, the Prior of the Convent of Evreux, as representingthe Dominicans of Beauvais, to whose Order JeanLemaître, the other Judge of the Maid, belonged. Both of thesedisclaimed any responsibility for the former Trial, but submittedthemselves to the mandate of the Court; and, no objection being376offered to the 101 Articles, these were accepted by the Judges,and the case was proceeded with.

The Enquiry of 1456 extended over several months. Thirty-fourwitnesses were heard, in January and February, at Domremyand Vaucouleurs; forty-one, in February and March, at Orleans;twenty at Paris, in April and May; nineteen at Rouen, in Decemberand May; and on May 28th, at Lyons, the Vice-Inquisitorof the province received the deposition of Jean d’Aulon, whoseevidence is specially important, as being that of the Steward ofthe Maid’s household, and the most devoted of her followers.

After the close of these Enquiries and their formal reception aspart of the Process, the Advocate of the d’Arc family petitionedthe Judges to give their attention to certain Memorials drawn upon the Case by learned men, which documents he prayed mightalso be inserted among the formal proceedings of the Trial.The request being granted, Eight Memorials were presented andformally annexed to the Authentic Documents of the Process.The whole case was then admirably summed up, for the guidanceof the Judges, in the ‘Recollectio’ of the Inquisitor, Jean Bréhal,and on this document the final Sentence of Rehabilitation wassubsequently based.

On the 18th of June, Jean d’Arc and the Promoter, Chapitaultin the name of the Plaintiffs, appeared at the Palace of theBishop of Paris, and prayed that a day might be fixed for theconclusion of the Case. In answer to this request the following1st of July was appointed for the purpose, and an announcementto that effect was ordered to be placed on all the doors of theCathedral at Rouen.

On July 2nd the Pontifical Delegates met and appointed thefollowing Wednesday, July 7th, for the pronouncement of thefinal Sentence; and on that day, at 8 a.m., the Court assembledin the Hall of the Archiepiscopal Palace, and the formalSentence of Rehabilitation was solemnly read by the Archbishopof Rheims. This was followed by a procession andsermon on the same day in the Place St. Ouen, and by asecond sermon on the day following in the Old Market Place,where a Cross to perpetuate the memory of the martyrdom wasthen erected, “for the salvation of her soul.” This Crossremained until the end of the following century, when it wasreplaced by a fountain, with a statue of the Maid under anarcade surmounted by a Cross; the fountain now standing waserected in 1756.

1. Had there been any desire on the part of the French King to rescueJeanne from captivity, a ‘King’s ransom,’ which was later paid for herby Cauchon, could scarcely have been refused in those days for a prisonerof war, however renowned. Unhappily for the memory of Charles, she wasleft to the tender mercies of the English without any offer being made forher release, or any attempt at rescue. There existed a bitter feeling ofjealousy towards Jeanne in consequence of her great successes in the field.This was notably shown during her attack upon Paris, where she was thwartedin every direction, and all possibility of victory was taken from her by the conductof the King. Whether or not Flavy, the Governor of Compiègne, whowas completely under the control of the King, betrayed Jeanne at Compiègne,by shutting the gates and closing the drawbridge at her approach, will neverbe known, but suspicion has always pointed to his betrayal of the Maid.

Alain Bouchard states that, in the year 1488, he heard from two aged menof Compiègne, who had themselves been present, that a few days before hercapture, the Maid was attending Mass in the Church of St. Jacques. Aftercommunicating and spending some time in devotion, she turned to theassembled congregation, and, leaning against a pillar, uttered this prediction:“My good friends, my dear little children, I am sold and betrayed. SoonI shall be given up to death. Pray to God for me, for I can no longer servethe King and the Kingdom of France.”—Grandes Annales de Bretagne, alsoMiroir des Femmes Vertueuses.

2. The House of Lancaster was fervidly orthodox. Persecution of hereticsbegins with Henry IV. The “Cardinal of England” (Beaufort Bishop ofWinchester) was themalleus hereticorum at home and abroad. He spokeagainst the Hussites at the Council of Basle, and he planned Crusadesagainst both heretics and “Saracens.”

3. The court before which Jeanne was brought to trial at Rouen was not acourt of the Holy Office or Inquisition, neither was it, as the English courtsfor the trial of heresy were in Lancastrian times, a statutable court of ecclesiasticaljurisdiction on whose decision, certified by the bishop, the sheriff wasbound to act. It was a composite tribunal. The Bishop of Beauvais claimedand exercised jurisdiction as Ordinary. But the Deputy Inquisitor wasjoined with him as co-ordinate judge with officers of his own.

The Inquisition arose out of the troubles in Spain and South France,where heresy was to some extent necessarily a kind of treason to the polityof Christian Europe. Men were punished for heretical opinions, but theseheretical opinions were in most cases lapses from allegiance at a time ofnational peril. The later Inquisition has no such excuse.

4. The Great Schism arose out of the Babylonian captivity at Avignon(1306–1376). Popes and anti-Popes contended for 40 years (1378–1418).France was on the side of the Avignon Popes, while the Empire and Englandsupported the Popes in Rome. Philip the Fair, by arrangement with thePope, changed the Papal chair to Avignon. During the seventy years ofthe captivity, when the Church was ruled by French Popes, France underwentthe disasters of Crecy and Poitiers, and became almost a provinceof England.

5. It is agreed by all authorities that Jeanne was not captured in the Dioceseof Beauvais, which ended at the Bridge of Compiègne. Jeanne was takennorth of the Bridge, on the right bank of the river, and either in the Dioceseof Noyon or Soissons, which of the two has not been determined. TheBishop’s assertion is distinctly untrue.

6. On January 6th, 1412. “In nocte Epiphiniarum Domini.” (Letterfrom Boulainvilliers to the Duke of Milan. Quicherat, vol. v., 116.)

7. The Font and Holy water stoup in the old Church at Domremy are saidto be those in use in the 15th century.

8. Jeanne appears to have had a great many godparents. In the Enquirymade at Domremy in 1455, eight are mentioned, viz.: Jean Morel, JeanBarrey, Jean de Laxart, and Jean Raiguesson, as godfathers; and JeannetteThévenin, Jeannette Thiesselin, Beatrix Estellin, and Edith Barrey, asgodmothers.

9. John Gris, or Grey, a gentleman in the Household of the Duke ofBedford, afterwards knighted. He was appointed chief guardian to theMaid, with two assistants, all members of the King’s Body Guard. Theyappear to have left her entirely in the hands of the common soldiers fiveof whom kept constant watch over her.

10. There is no certain date for this event. By some it is placed betweenthe first and second visits to Vaucouleurs, in 1428; by others, earlier, at thetime of the Picard ravages of the neighbourhood in the September of 1426.

11. Robert de Baudricourt, Squire, Captain of Vaucouleurs in 1428; afterwardsknighted and made Councillor and Chamberlain to the King andBailly of Chaumont, 1454.

12. Of the ancient château the “Porte de France” alone survives. From thisgate Jeanne rode out with her escort to visit the King at Chinon. The cryptof the chapel remains, where Jeanne constantly prayed.

13. This is said to have been on account of the impression produced onhim by Jeanne’s prediction, on February 12th: “To-day the gentle Dauphinhath had great hurt near the town of Orleans, and yet greater will he have ifyou do not soon send me to him.” This “great hurt” proved to be theBattle of Rouvray, in which the French and Scottish troops were defeatedby the English under Sir John Fastolf.

14. Charles I., the reigning Duke de Lorraine in 1428, was in very badhealth, and, having no son, the succession was a matter of some anxiety.He died in 1431, and was succeeded by his son-in-law, Réné of Anjou, whohad married his only daughter, Isabella. This Réné was a brother of QueenMary, wife of Charles VII., and father of our own Queen Margaret, marriedin 1441 to Henry VI.

15. Jean de Novelomport, called de Metz, Bertrand de Poulengey, Colet deVienne, the King’s Messenger, and three servants.

16. March 22nd, 1428.

17. This letter appears later, p.36. Jeanne may have forgotten its contents,as both these expressions occur; or the Clerics who acted as heramanuenses may have inserted them without her knowledge.

18. Jeanne was entertained by command of the King in a small room onthe first floor of the Tour de Coudray, within the Castle walls. Her roomwas approached by a staircase outside the tower. The vaulted roof of theroom has fallen in and the fireplace is in ruins, but the room could easily berestored. Jeanne stayed here from March 8th to April 20th, 1429. Shewas two days at Chinon before she obtained access to the King.

19. Charles de Bourbon, Count de Clermont, Governor of the Duchy of theBourbonnais and the Comté of Auvergne, during the captivity of his fatherin England.

20. On September 8th, 1429.

21. Up to the end of her life, Jeanne spoke of the Bishop as the personresponsible for her trial and death. “Bishop, I die through you,” was herlast speech to him, on May 30th, the day of her martyrdom.

22. This, and a subsequent enquiry, on February 27th, as to Jeanne’s habitof fasting, would seem to suggest a desire on the part of the questioner toprove that her visions had a more or less physical cause in a weak bodilystate resulting from abstinence. As Jeanne’s usual food consisted of alittle bread dipped in wine and water, and as she is reported to havehad when at home (not in war) but one meal a day, it need hardly besupposed that she suffered much from the results of a Lenten Fast.

23. The fifteen days’ respite would coincide with the first Examination heldin the Prison, May 10th, the first day on which the Allegory of the Sign wasgiven.

24. Gérardin of Epinal, to whose child Jeanne was godmother, is probablythe person alluded to; he gave witness in 1455 that Jeanne had called him“Burgundian.”

25. A small fortress in an island formed by two arms of the Meuse, nearlyopposite the village of Domremy.

26. According to local tradition, this tree stood to within the last 50 years,and was struck by lightning; another has been planted in its place. Thehouse, in which Jeanne was born, remained in the possession of the DeLys family till the 16th Century, when it passed into the hands of theCount de Salm, Seigneur of Domremy. In the 18th Century it becamethe property of Jean Gerardin, whose grandson, Nicolas, gave it up in1818 to the Department of Vosges; so that it is now preserved as Nationalproperty.

27. This is probably a survival of the Fontinalia, an old Latin festival. Thecustom of decorating the wells and springs was kept up in England until thelast century, and still exists in a few remote villages. The name ‘WellSunday’ survives, though the processions of youths and maidens have longpassed away. The ‘fontaine aux Groseilliers’ is still in existence. It isan oblong tank of water, with the original spring flowing through it. Thegreat beech tree stood close by.

28. Pierre de Bourlement, Head of the ancient house of Bassigny, and Lordof the Manor of Bourlement. He was the last of his race.

29. Merlin had foretold the coming of a maiden out of an Oak-woodfrom Lorraine; and a paper containing a prophecy to this effect hadbeen sent, at the beginning of Jeanne’s career, to the English Commander,the Earl of Suffolk. There was also an old prophecy (quoted by Jeanneherself to Catharine Leroyer) that France, which had been “lost by awoman, should be saved by a Maid.” The conduct of Isabeau of Bavaria,wife of Charles VI., might certainly be said to have fulfilled the first half ofthis prophecy; and a tradition in the eastern counties that “deliveranceshould come from a maid of the Marches of Lorraine” must have directedmany hopes to the mission of the Maiden from Domremy, though sheherself does not seem to have known of the last prediction until some timelater. The Oak-wood covers the hills above Domremy to this day.

30. This is the first identification of the “revelations” with any name;Jeanne had always spoken of her “Voices” or her “Counsel.”

31. This Examination at Poitiers had taken place in the Chapel attached tothe Palace of the Counts of Poitou, which still exists and adjoins the ‘Salledes Pas Perdus,’ now the Great Hall of thePalais de Justice. It wasconducted under the direction of the Archbishop of Rheims during themonths of March and April, 1429, and extended over three weeks. Atthe conclusion, the assembly sent, as the result of their inquiries, a resolutionto the King to the effect that he should follow the Maid’s guidance, andseek for the sign she promised him in the relief of Orleans, as a proof ofthe Divine origin of her mission, “for,” they added, “to doubt or forsake herwithout any appearance of evil would be to vex the Holy Spirit, and to makehimself unworthy of the help of God: so saith Gamaliel in the Council ofthe Jews with regard to the Apostles.”

Unfortunately, no trace of this Examination has been found: the ‘Bookof Poitiers’ is referred to several times in the Trial; but it was not forthcomingat the time of the Rehabilitation. It was probably lost or destroyedby Jeanne’s enemies among her own party. The Archbishop of Rheimswould have had it in his charge: and he was consistently opposed to Jeannethroughout.

During her stay at Poitiers the Maid lodged in the house of Jean Rabatier.

32. According to local tradition, this Church was originally founded byCharles Martel in 732, after his victory over the Saracens, whom he hereceased to pursue, and deposited his sword as an offering. This is by somesupposed to have been the sword which later Jeanne sent for; but thelegend is not of an early date, and there is no suggestion of the kind incontemporary writings.

According to one authority, the Greffier de la Rochelle, the swordwas found in a reliquary, which had not been opened for twenty yearsor more. TheChronique de la Pucelle and theJournal of the Siege ofOrleans state that it was one of many votive offerings, and was recognizedby Jeanne’s description of the five crosses on the blade, possibly a JerusalemCross. Some of the old Chronicles say that Jeanne told the King shehad never been at Fierbois: but this statement is disproved by her ownwords in this answer. The suggestion that, having been to three Massesin the Church, she might easily have seen the sword, is to some extentanswered by the alleged difficulty of the Priests to find, among the manyswords there, the one she had specially described.

Of the ultimate fate of this sword there are many versions, and no twoagree exactly as to date. It was certainly broken in striking a camp-follower,one of a class the Maid had forbidden to enter the Camp; but whether thiswas just after the retreat from Paris or earlier, it does not seem possible todecide. Jeanne herself says she “had it up to Saint-Denis” and “Lagny,”both of which dates would imply the autumn of 1429: but most witnessestell the story of its being broken in the July preceding, though severaldifferent places are mentioned as the scene of the incident.

33. On September 13th, 1429.

34. A small town near Auxerre. In this neighbourhood some of thechronicles place the incident referred to of the breaking of the sword.The question may, therefore, have been intended to elicit the story.

35. The armour offered at Saint-Denis was the “blanc harnois” she woreduring the earlier part of her career. When the church was pillaged by theEnglish troops shortly after, this armour was sent to the King of England;but no further trace of it is known to exist.

36. Jeanne appears to have been a good horse-woman; she rode “horsesso ill-tempered that no one would dare to ride them.” The Duke deLorraine, on her first visit to him, and the Duke d’Alençon, after seeingher skill in riding a course, each gave her a horse; and we read also of agift of a war-horse from the town of Orleans, and “many horses of value”sent from the Duke of Brittany. She had entered Orleans on a white horse,according to theJournal du Siège d’Orléans; but seems to have been in thehabit of riding black chargers in war; and mention is also made byChâtelain of a “lyart” or grey. A story, repeated in a letter from Guy deLaval, relates that, on one occasion (June 6th, 1428), when her horse, “a fineblack war-horse” was brought to the door, he was so restive that he wouldnot stand still. “Take him to the Cross,” she said; and there he stood, “asthough he were tied,” while she mounted. This was at Selles; and localtradition says that, from her lodging (a Dominican Monastery now the Liond’Or hotel) the old iron town-cross was visible. It stood until about acentury ago some fifteen paces in front of the north door of the Church, andwas removed when the cemetery was converted into a market place. TheMonastery was the property of the monks of Glatigny.

The writers of the letter referred to above, Guy and André de Laval, weregrandsons of Bertrand du Guesclin: the letter was dated Selles, June, 1429.The following are extracts:

“... On Monday (June 6th) I left the King to go to Selles en Berry, fourleagues from Saint Aignan. The King had summoned the Maid to comebefore him from Selles, where she then was, and many said this was much inmy favour, so that I might see her. The said Maid treated my brother andme with great kindness: she was armed at all points, save the head, andbore lance in hand. After we had arrived at Selles, I went to her lodging tosee her, and she called for wine for me and said she would soon have medrink it in Paris. She seemed to me a thing divine, in all she did and all Isaw and heard.

“On Monday evening she left Selles to go to Romorantin.... I saw hermounting her horse armed all in white, save the head, a little axe in herhand.... And then, turning to the door of the Church, which was quitenear, she said in a gentle woman’s voice, ‘You priests and clergy, makeprocessions and prayers to God.’ Then she turned again on her way saying,‘Draw on, draw on!’ her standard flying, borne by a gracious page, andher little axe in her hand. One of her brothers who arrived eight dayssince, left also with her, armed all in white.”

37. The banner was painted at Tours, while Jeanne was staying there, beforeher march to the relief of Orleans. The account for payment, in the“Comptes” of the Treasurer of War, gives: “À Hauvres Poulnoir, paintre,demourant à Tours, pour avoir paint et baillé estoffes pour une grandestandart et ung petit pour la Pucelle ... 25 livres tournois.”

The description of this banner varies in different authors. The followingaccount is compiled from them. “A white banner, sprinkled with fleur-de-lys;on the one side, the figure of Our Lord in Glory, holding the world,and giving His benediction to a lily, held by one of two Angels who arekneeling on each side: the words ‘Jhesus Maria’ at the side; on the otherside the figure of Our Lady and a shield with the arms of France supportedby two Angels” (de Cagny). This banner was blessed at the Church ofSaint-Sauveur at Tours (Chronique de la Pucelle andde Cagny).

The small banner or pennon had a representation of the Annunciation.

There was also a third banner round which the priests assembled dailyfor service, and on this was depicted the Crucifixion (Pasquerel).

Another banner is mentioned by the Greffier de la Rochelle, whichJeanne is said to have adopted as her own private pennon. It was made atPoitiers; and represented on a blue ground a white dove, holding in itsbeak a scroll, with the words, “De par le Roy du Ciel.”

39. This prophecy is recorded in a letter written, April 22nd, 1429, afortnight before the event, by a Flemish diplomatist, De Rotslaer, then atLyons. Her chaplain, Pasquerel, also states, in his evidence given in 1455,that she had told him of the coming injury on the previous day.

40. June 11th, 1429.

41. Gallicè: “en leur petite cotte,”i.e., with only the light clothing wornunder their armour.

42. The “three Pontiffs” referred to are Martin V. (Colonna), the real andacknowledged Pope; the schismatic, Clement VIII.; and a mere pretender,Benedict XIV., who was supported only by one Cardinal. The Schism waspractically at an end at the time of this letter, as Clement had abdicated amonth earlier (July 26th). Clement VIII. is the true title, though calledClement VII. in Count d’Armagnac’s letter.

43. The English lost Paris in 1436.

44. Compiègne was relieved early in November; Saint Martin’s Day isNovember 11th.

45. The mandrake was a part of the accepted paraphernalia of a sorcerer.It was kept wrapped in a silk or linen cloth, and was supposed to preserveits owner from poverty. Brother Richard had recently preached a sermonagainst them (April, 1429); and many had been burned in consequence.

46. The balance was a frequent accessory to Saint Michael in the Frenchstained glass windows of the 13th and 14th centuries. A noted example inthe Cathedral at Arles represents him weighing the souls of the departed ina balance as big as himself. One of the earliest examples in England isthat in a fresco-painting at Preston Manor, Sussex, said to be of the reignof Edward I., in which Saint Michael appears weighing the souls of the faithful,accompanied by Jeanne’s saints, Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret.

47. Mary of Anjou, wife of Charles VII., daughter of Louis, Duke of Anjouand Yolande of Arragon.

48. Jeanne was taken from Beaurevoir early in August, and removed fromthere, when the negotiations for selling her were complete, about the middleof November.

49. Jeanne, Countess de Saint-Pol et Ligny, sister to Count Waleran deLuxembourg and aunt to Jean de Luxembourg.

50. Jeanne de Bethune, Viscountess de Meaux, wife of Jean de Luxembourg.Both these ladies were at Beaurevoir during Jeanne’s captivity, and shewedher great kindness, even interceding for her that she should not be sold tothe English.

51. The Sieur de Pressy, in Artois. Present in the Burgundian camp whenJeanne was taken prisoner, and afterwards at Arras, where she was imprisonedon her way from Beaurevoir to Rouen. The questions seem to suggest thatBeaupère had before him some information which has not come down to us.

52. This may perhaps refer to a popular belief in a halo, as of a Saint,surrounding the Maid’s head.

53. Brother Richard, a Mendicant Friar; some say, Augustan; some,Cordelier. He was preaching in Paris and the neighbourhood in 1428–9;and said, amongst other things, in a sermon at Sainte Géneviève, April 16th,1419, that “strange things would happen in 1430.” He professed to havebeen in Jerusalem; and his sermons were so popular that congregationswere found to listen to him for 10 or 11 hours, from 5 o’clock in themorning! He was driven out of Paris by the English and went to Troyes,where he joined the Maid.

54. No absolutely authentic portraits of Jeanne are known. A head of finework, the portrait of a young girl wearing a casque and of Jeanne’s time,is at theMusée Historique at Orleans. Tradition asserts that when Jeanneentered Orleans in triumph with the relieving force a sculptor modelledthe head of his statue of St. Maurice from Jeanne herself. This head is aportion of the statue which formerly stood in the church at Orleans dedicatedto St. Maurice. The church was demolished in 1850. A photographfrom the head is given as the frontispiece to this book, and an admirablecopy maybe seen at the Musée du Trocadéro in Paris. It should have beenstated on the frontispiece that the original is at Orleans, the copy in Paris.

55. Latin text adds: “dum rex suus consecraretur.” Tradition asserts thatat the Coronation Jeanne stood on the left and slightly in front of the altar,coming direct from the sacristy of the cathedral. The coronation thronestood in front of the high altar. The cathedral and its painted glass existas at the Coronation, with the exception of some comparatively recent stonework surrounding the choir. The Coronation of the Kings of France hastaken place at Rheims Cathedral since the twelfth century. The King wasnot to all intents King of France until he had been anointed by the Holy Oil,brought in great state to the cathedral from the more ancient church ofSt. Remy.

An inscription on the front of the Hotel Maison Rouge, situated near thewest entrance of the cathedral, states that the town entertained Jeanne’sfather and mother in that house during the Coronation.

57. November 9th, 1429.

58. The Minute adds: “and I should be cured.”

59. Surrendered July 22nd.

60. In spite of this assertion, the Bishop was present atfour out of thenine Examinations.

61. On May 23rd, 1430.

62. In the Minute only.

63. Not in the Minute. Latin text reads: “quod dedit regi suo dum venitad eum.”

64. The “sign,”i.e. the appearance of “the White Lady.”

65. Jean, Duke d’Alençon: son of the Duke killed at Agincourt. He wasof the blood-royal of France, and had married a daughter of the Duked’Orléans. Jeanne was on very friendly terms with him, and always calledhim her “Beau Duc.”

66. The allegory of the Angel sent with a crown, here first given to avoid“perjury,”i.e., breaking her promise to preserve the King’s secret, isexplained by Jeanne herself, on the last day of her life, to mean her ownmission from Heaven to lead Charles to his crowning.

67. In the Minute: “et l’admener en trois ans”: not in the Latin Text.

68. The Minute reads: “la laissant faire de prisonniers.”

69. March 8th, 1428; it wasbefore Easter, which in that year fell on March7th.

70. The house in which Jeanne lodged at Chinon is said to have belongedto a certain Regnier de la Barrier, whose widow or daughter is the “worthywoman” referred to. Jeanne was afterwards lodged in the Tower of Coudray,where her room may still be seen. It is approached by a staircase outsidethe tower. The vaulted roof has fallen in, and the fireplace is damaged,but the walls are intact, and the room could easily be restored. Jeannestayed in this tower from March 8th to April 20th, 1429.

71. In the Minute only.

72. Charles, Duke d’Orléans, then a prisoner in England: one of the fiveprinces of the blood taken at Agincourt.

73. There is no allusion to either of these in any evidence of the time.

75. Easter week, April 16th–23rd, 1430.

76. Jeanne says that her leap from the tower was “towards the end,” and asthe town of Compiègne was in great straits in October, she probably madeher attempt at escape towards the end of that month. The army of reliefunder the Count de Vendôme started on October 25th, and the siege wasraised early in November.

77. The Minute inverts the order of this and the following question andanswer.

78. There is no fuller account of this attempt. It probably took placeduring the month of July, and may have been the reason for her removalto the stronger prison of Beaurevoir, early in August.

79. Henry VI. arrived in Rouen first on July 29th, 1430, when Jeanne wasat Beaulieu; he was crowned at Paris in the following November, andreturned to Rouen for Christmas, remaining there about six weeks, forthe date of his landing at Dover is given as February 11th. It is notimprobable that the prisoner may have seen the King, as they were bothresiding in the same Castle, and her windows looked on the fields, where hewould probably take exercise.

80. “Faceret unam aggressionem;”Gallicè, “une entreprise.”

81. In the Minute: “mesme le chaperon de femme.”

82. In the Minute: “et ne fait point de différence de celle qui est au ciel etcelle qui se appert à moi.”

83. “Le vrai office de Monseigneur Saint-Michel est de faire grandesrévélations aux hommes en bas, en leur donnant moult sainct conseils.”(“Le Livre des Angeles de Dieu.”—MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale,Paris.)

85. In the Minute: “et toute voyes de tout, je m’en attendaye à NotreSeigneur.”

86. Given only in the Minute.

87. Guillaume Delachambre says that he was sent for by the Cardinal ofEngland and the Earl of Warwick to attend Jeanne, with Desjardins andother Doctors; he was told by Warwick to give all attention to the patient,“as the King would not for anything in the world, that she should die anatural death; she had cost too dear for that; he had bought her dear,and he did not wish her to die except by justice and the fire.”

89. In the margin is written “Superba responsio.”

90. Jean de la Brosse, Marshal of France, called occasionally Marshal deBoussac and de Saint Sevère, being lord of both these territories.

91. The Day of the Holy Cross, May 3rd.

92. The Minute adds: “in the evening.”

93. April 18th, May 2nd, 19th, and 23rd.

94. Against this passage is written, on the margin of the original MS. notein the hand of the Registrar Manchon, ‘Responsio Johannæ superba.’

95. In ipsâ Causâ concludimus.

96. In the Square of Saint-Ouen were two platforms on each side of thesouth door of the Church: Jeanne and Maître Érard, the preacher, occupiedone; the Bishop of Beauvais, together with a great number of Assessors,filled the other. In those days, and up to comparatively recent times, acemetery occupied this site, which is now a garden. There was amplespace for a large crowd to collect on the gently sloping ground facing thesouth door.

97. There is no note as to when Jeanne interrupted the Bishop. The Latingives no hint. It is probable that, during the reading of the sentence,Érard and Loiseleur were trying to induce Jeanne to recant and sign theschedule, and that her abjuration was the result of their endeavours, not ofthe Bishop’s.

98. The Latin reading is, “Ante finem sententiæ, Johanna, timens ignem,dixit se velle obedire ecclesiæ.”

99. Several versions of the reasons which caused Jeanne to resume theforbidden dress were given in the evidence taken at the Rehabilitation, allpurporting to have come from her. According to Massieu, her woman’sdress was taken away while she was asleep, and the English soldiersrefused to give it back to her, offering in its stead the man’s dress she hadpreviously worn, ‘which they emptied from a sack.’ She refused to wear it,reminding them that it was forbidden her; but at last, at mid-day, findingthem deaf to her remonstrance, she was obliged to rise and attire herself inthe prohibited garments. The Dominican Brothers declared that she hadbeen assaulted by an English milord, as she told them, and that she thereforeconsidered it necessary to return to the protection of her old dress; butconsidering the type of soldier in whose care she was placed, there seemsno need to seek for any further explanation than her own, as given in thetext, and as later corroborated by Manchon and De Courcelles. In theRehabilitation Enquiry, both Jean de Metz and de Poulengey claim to havesuggested the male attire. At Poitiers, Jeanne herself stated that she hadadopted it as most suitable to her work and the company she must share.

100. This request is found only in the Minute.

101. In the margin, the Registrar has written against this answer: “Responsiomortifera.”

102. An appointment equivalent to a Rural Dean.

103. Brothers Ysambard de la Pierre and Martin Ladvenu.

104. Not included in the Official Text of the Trial.

105. ‘Old style’ is adopted throughout: thus 1449 is given instead of1449
1450.

106. The word is given in English in the text. Cauchon prided himself onhis knowledge of this language.

107. Jean de Saint Avit, formerly Abbot of Saint-Denis, and, about 1390,Bishop of Avranches. In 1432, he was imprisoned at Rouen, on suspicionof complicity with the French, who wished to get possession of the town.

108. “Doyen de la Rote”—Court of Appeals at Rome.

109. On theMinute of Manchon, which was in the hands of the Judges of theRehabilitation in 1455.

110. This was the Examination called theActa Posterius, which, thoughincluded by Cauchon in the Process, is not signed by the Official Registrars,Manchon, Boisguillaume, and Taquel.

111. Jeanne was burnt in the Market Place at Rouen, where an inscribedstone marks the site. It is stated that the execution took place in front ofthe Church of St. Sauveur, and facing the principal street which leadsto the Market Place, thus accommodating a larger number of spectatorsthan was possible in any other part of the Place.

There is still some dispute as to the actual spot; but as the Cemeterywas religious ground and the execution was, nominally at least, a secularone, the ground chosen must have been on land belonging to the municipalityof Rouen. Probably this was in theMarché aux Veaux, as we find an orderfor the burning of a heretic there in 1522, “lieu accoutumé faire tellesexécutions.”

112. Cognomen given to the Promoter, d’Estivet.

113. At the beginning of the Trial, Jeanne had asked for Counsel, and it hadbeen refused.

114. There were three keys to the prison, one being in the possession ofthe Promoter, one of the Inquisitor, and one belonging to the Cardinal.

116. To the Schismatic Council, then being held at Basle.

117. Articles for Examination of Witnesses in the Second Enquiry of 1452were prepared under the direction of Cardinal d’Estouteville and BrotherJean Bréhal, Inquisitor. The witnesses were examined on twelve questions.Articles were also prepared under the direction of Philippe de Rose,Delegate for Cardinal d’Estouteville, the witnesses being examined ontwenty-seven questions.

118. Note by Quicherat: This is an error of the witness. [The Promoter wasd’Estivet.]

119. Jeanne’s father went also to Rheims for the coronation. There stillexists in the old accounts of the town an item for his expenses at the inn;and, in the Compte of the Treasurer Raguier there is also an entry of60 livres tournois, paid Jeanne to give to her father. On the day after thecoronation, Jeanne obtained from the King an exemption from taxes for thevillage of Domremy and Greux: this document, dated July 31st, 1429, stillexists in the Archives of France. This exemption from taxes has now lapsed.

120. Durand Laxart, her uncle.

121. This is also called the “Fontaine aux Groseilliers”; the Latin name isprobably intended for Rhamnus, the Buckthorn.

122. Mid-Lent Sunday, the 4th Sunday in Lent; so-called, because the introitfor the day begins, “Laetare Jerusalem,” &c.

123. “Ad cameram regis.”

124. Margaret, daughter of James I. of Scotland, who was betrothed to Louis,afterwards Louis XI.

125. February 13th, 1428.

127. March 6th, 1428.

128. June 23rd, 1428.

129. July 17th, 1429.

130. Near Vaucouleurs.

131. This covers the period of several visits, made between May 1428, andFebruary 1429.

132. The mother of Charles VII., who denied the legitimacy of her ownson, being Burgundian at heart, and ratified the iniquitous Treaty of Troyes,so disastrous for France.

133. In the text Vaucouleurs is an obvious misprint for Saint-Nicolas.

134. He also gave her a horse;cf. previous depositions.

135. Saint-Nicolas-du-Port—then a celebrated centre of pilgrimage—nearNancy. As both Poulengey and Laxart connect this pilgrimage with hervisit to the Duke de Lorraine, whose residence was at Nancy, it is clearthat Saint-Nicolas-du-Port is meant, and not the Chapel of St. Nicolasnear Vaucouleurs.

136. The village of Domremy, although in the territory of Lorraine, belongedto France, not to Lorraine; for administrative purposes it was a dependanceof Champagne.

137. May 13th, 1428.

138. See Deposition of Jean Morel.

139. This Chapel in the crypt may still be seen at Vaucouleurs.

140. Jean, a natural son of Louis, Duke d’Orléans, was brought up with thefamily of Orleans, and acknowledged by Valentine, the widowed Duchess,after the murder of his father in 1407. At 25 years of age, in company withde Gaucourt, he defeated the English under Warwick at Montargis in 1427,and afterwards defended Orleans till its relief in 1429. He was createdCount de Dunois, in 1439.

141. Then Captain of Blois.

142. Regnault de Chartres.

143. Gilles de Laval, Seigneur de Rais, notorious for the horrible excesseswhich brought him to the scaffold in 1440.

144. The Duke was then a prisoner in England.

146. Antiquarians state that theCafé le Bœuf at Orleans covers the ancient“Boulevard” captured by Jeanne d’Arc. This redoubt adjoined the“Tourelles” and was close to the bridge of Orleans. Many steps belowground, and entered from theCafé le Bœuf, is a room of carefully constructedmasonry, being the interior of a tower, with embrasures for cannon, andiron rings to which cannons were attached.

147. i.e., William Glasdale, Bailly of Alençon. He was Captain of the Fortof the Tourelles, called here the Bridge Tower.

148. Gerard Machet, according to theChronique de la Pucelle; he was notBishop until after the death of Jeanne.

149. Robert le Maçon, Chancellor, in 1418, was harassed by the opposition ofthe Burgundian faction and the favourites of the Dauphin. He retired in1421, and acted henceforward as a simple Councillor.

150. Jean Leguise, ennobled by Charles VII. for his share in the surrenderof the town.

151. William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, Grand Steward of the King ofEngland.

152. The prophecy of Merlin, as it appears in MS. 7301 of the BibliothèqueNationale, runs: “Descendit virgo dorsum sagittari et flores virgineosobscultabit.”

153. Raoul,not Jean, de Gaucourt, Grand Steward, born 1370. Fought, in1394, under the banner of Jean de Nevers, afterwards Duke of Burgundy,for Sigismund, King of Hungary, against Bajazet; and was knighted on thefield of Nicopolis, from which only himself, his leader, and twenty-twoother French nobles escaped. He defended Harfleur against Henry V., in1415, and was a prisoner for ten years, being one of those specially namedby Henry in his dying commands to Bedford as prisoners “to be kept.” In1425, he was ransomed for the sum of 20,000 gold crowns; in 1427, heaided Dunois at the victory of Montargis, and afterwards in the defence ofOrleans.

154. Quicherat thinks there is an error of copy here; that Bellier could nothave been Bailly of Troyes when that town was in the hands of the English,nor could he at any time have combined so high an office with the lieutenancyof Chinon.

155. Master of the Horse, Counsellor and Steward to the Court. He wasmade prisoner in 1437, but ransomed from the English for 500 crowns.In 1459, he was sent by Charles VII. to Bordeaux, in order to settle adispute between the municipal authority and some English ships. He wasliving in 1472, and in receipt of a pension from Louis XI.

156. In December, 1429.

158. Seigneur de Bignon, whose father was distinguished at the siege ofOrleans. He was great-grandfather of Christopher de Thou, first Presidentof the Parliament of Paris.

159. Head of one of the principal families of Orleans. Amian de Saint-Mesminwas ennobled in 1460, on account of his services. He died at theripe age of 118 years.

160. Brother-in-law to Louis de Contes, Jeanne’s page, and owner of thelordships of la Chaussée and Miramion. From his younger brother, Guillaume,descended the Beauharnais who was husband to Josephine andfather of Eugène.

161. Daughter of Jacques Bourchier, Treasurer of Orleans, at whose houseJeanne lodged.

162. See decrees of Henry VI. against fugitives, “terrificatos incautionibuspuellae.”

163. Nevertheless, his name appears as having agreed with the Abbot ofFécamp in his opinion of the Condemnation.

164. Not mentioned elsewhere.

165. Secretary to the King of England.

166. It is, however, stated that, on being consulted, he did advise the extrememeasure of putting Jeanne to the torture.

167. Louis de Contes was brother-in-law of Beauharnais, the Bourgeois ofOrleans. He was a son of Jean de Contes, Captain of Châteaudun, andChamberlain to the Duke d’Orléans.

168. Jacques Bouchier.

169. [“Ha! sanglant garçon, vous ne me dyriez pas que le sanc de Francefeust repandu!”]

170. Cœlestinorum, in the text.

171. John de la Pole, Captain of Avranches, brother of the Earl of Suffolk.

172. Jeanne’s hatred of swearing is noticed by many of her followers, and inher hearing they endeavoured to abstain from it. La Hire, whose languagewas apparently the most violent, was permitted by her to employ the mildexpletive ‘Par mon martin,’ ‘By my baton,’ an expression she herself isconstantly reported to have used.

173. A nickname of Poulengey.

174. These three forts were on the left bank of the Loire; the fort of theTourelles, of the Augustins, and of Saint-Privé were further west.

175. A woman called “la gasque d’Avignon,” whose predictions made muchstir at the beginning of the fifteenth century.

176. The devoted Margaret of Bavaria, who was separated from him onaccount of his evil life.

177. Jean, Duke d’Alençon, son of the Duke killed at Agincourt. He was ofthe Blood Royal, descended from Philip II.

178. The Bishop referred to is Simon Bonnet, Bishop of Senlis at that time,not the partisan of the English who occupied the seat in 1429.

179. Yolande, daughter of John I. of Aragon; wife of Louis XI., Dukeof Anjou, and titular King of Sicily. She was the mother of Mary,wife of Charles VII., and grandmother of Margaret, afterwards wife ofHenry VI.

A receipt is recorded, inQuicherat (III. 93), for the carriage of corn, onher behalf, from Orleans to Blois.

180. A captain of some repute, exchanged for Talbot after the Battle ofPatay.

181. In the Accounts (formerly kept in theChambre des Comtes at Paris), ofMaître Hemon Raguier, Treasurer of War, there is an item relating to thissuit of armour: “To the Master Armourer, for a complete harness for thesaid Pucelle, 100 livres tournois.”

182. A street in Orleans is still called after d’Illiers, then Captain ofChâteaudun.

183. Jeanne, daughter of the Duke d’Orléans.

184. The Duke d’Alençon, at the age of eighteen, had been taken prisonerat the battle of Verneuil, in 1424, and kept for five years in the Castle ofCrotoy, where Jeanne herself was afterwards imprisoned.

185. Head-covering without visor, “chapeline casque léger en forme decalotte sans masque.”

186. Jargeau was taken on June 11th, 1429.

187. John Talbot, afterwards Earl of Shrewsbury. He was exchanged forAmbroise de Loré and killed while attempting the relief of Châtillon, thenbesieged by Dunois.

188. Arthur, Count de Richemont, Constable of France, brother of the Dukeof Britanny. He was one of the Princes of the Blood taken at Agincourt,but was released on parole; and Henry V. dying soon after, he claimed hisfreedom, saying he had given his word to the King alone. He married asister of the Duke of Burgundy and widow of the late Dauphin. Althoughfriendly to the French cause, he was distrusted by Charles, and, at thistime, was in disgrace. He was uncle to the Duke d’Alençon, his sisterMary having married the preceding Duke. He succeeded to the Duchyof Britanny in 1453, but died childless.

189. It was after this battle of Patay that Sir John Fastolf, one of the Englishcaptains, was deprived of the Garter, for his conduct in retreating before theFrench army.

190. Louis, Duke d’Orléans, taken prisoner at Agincourt, in 1415, wasimprisoned in England until the year 1440, when he was ransomed at theprice of 54,000 nobles (about £36,000), the negotiations being carried out onthe English side by Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais.

191. Of the Order of Hermit Friars of Saint Augustin, living at their Conventin Tours in 1429, and at Bayeux in 1456.

192. There is some doubt as to the identity of this town. The text gives“Aniciensis,” which would refer to Puy-en-Valais; but this, Quicheratsays, is unlikely, owing to the distance, and proposes to substitute“Anceinsi,”i.e., Anche. Fabre, following Simon de Lune, is in favour ofthe former reading, as the town was one noted for pilgrimages; and, in theLent of 1429, there was an unusual number of pilgrims, in honour of thespecial feast of La Vierge Noire de Puy, which, in that year, fell on GoodFriday. This fact might account for the presence of Jeanne’s motherat Puy, and of the men-at-arms, who had escorted the Maid to Chinon.

193. Quicherat prefers to read, “brother.”

194. Probably the husband of the woman named Lapau, mentioned by Louisde Contes.

195. Doubt had been thrown on the fact here stated, since Charles VII.’smother, Queen Isabeau, had denied her son’s legitimacy.

196. The account for this banner appears in the 13th Compte of MaîtreHemon Raguier, Treasurer of War: 25 liv. tour. were paid to “HauvesPoulnois, painter, living at Tours, for painting and procuring materials for agreat standard, and a small one for the Maid.”

197. The siege was raised on the 8th of May.

198. Established on the site of a convent in the previous December.

199. The first letter was sent on March 22nd, 1429: of the second nothing isknown.

200. i.e., Glasdale.

201. 8th May. The commemoration of the relief of Orleans was made anational festival by Louis XI. and confirmed by Richelieu. This day is stillkept in the town with great rejoicings and religious processions: it has beencelebrated, excepting during the Revolution, ever since the relief of the city.

202. Louis de Luxembourg.

203. “Godon,” or “goddam,” a common term for the English in the MiddleAges and to the present day.

204. An error; the first sermon was by Érard.

205. Louis de Contes, called “Imerguet” and “Mugot” by his companions.

206. The phrase is left thus unfinished in all the MSS. It is quoted in theLatin texts in the original French, as above.

207. The Court of the Bailiff.

208. “Crimen læsæ majestatis.”

209. The examination of d’Aulon, who served Jeanne d’Arc as Steward,and who, at the time of being examined, was Seneschal of Beaucaire, isthe only evidence preserved in the original French.

210. Guillaume d’Estouteville: Enquiry of 1452.

211. See Appendix: Note on Documents of Rehabilitation Enquiry: p.332.

212. Viz., the Twelve Articles.

213. Chronicles of the Dukes of Alençon.

214. Philip the Good, son of Jean Sans-Peur, the Duke murdered at theBridge of Montereau in 1418 by the Armagnac faction; he was consequentlyan ally of England. Anne, his sister, married John, Duke of Bedford.Efforts were constantly made by both sides to secure the sympathies of sopowerful an ally; but after the death of his sister in 1432, the Duke’s attachmentto the English cause waned; and in 1435, a week after the death ofBedford, he made peace with Charles VII., and signed the Treaty of Arras,which practically restored France to the King. He died in 1467, and wassucceeded by his son Charles the Bold.

215. Jean de Luxembourg, Sire de Luxembourg and de Choques, nephew ofthe Constable Waleran de Luxembourg. A captain of Free-Lances in theservice of the Duke of Burgundy, afterwards Count de Ligny and Guise,and a knight of the Toison d’Or. He remained true to the English, evenafter his chief had made terms with Charles, and died in 1441, still obstinatelyrefusing to recognize the Treaty of Arras.

216. Louis de Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne, 1414, and Chancellor ofFrance for Henry VI., 1425, surnamed “Le Renard”; afterwards Archbishopof Rouen, Bishop of Hély, and Cardinal. A warm adherent of theEnglish cause, and a consistent supporter of Bedford and Warwick. It washe who received information of the capture of Jeanne on May 25th, andhimself went with the news to the Parliament. When the tide turned, andCharles VII. was able to establish himself in his kingdom, the Bishop retiredto England, and there died, 1443.

217. Jean D’Aulon. Formerly a squire in the service of the King, appointedChief of Jeanne’s Household by Charles VII., in 1428. He remainedwith her from that time till her capture at Compiègne; was taken prisonerwith her, and carried to Beaulieu, but was ransomed during the autumn.He was afterwards knighted, and made Seneschal of Beaucaire.

218. Lionel Bastard de Wandonne; nowWandomme, a castle in Artois; acaptain in the service of Jean de Luxembourg, to whom the Maid finallysurrendered at Compiègne. For his share of the reward he received 300poundsrente. He was afterwards Count de Nesle and Beaulieu, in Vermandois.

219. The much-vexed question of the date of the Capture seems to be decidedby these two last contemporary documents. The same date, May 23rd, isalso given in the Chronicle of William of Worcester.

220. The news, received in the letter from Jean de Luxembourg, was communicatedby his brother, the Bishop of Thérouanne, to the Parliament.

221. Or let herself down, as some state, by a rope that was too short to reachthe ground.

228. According to the rules of Inquisitorial Trials it was not necessary to grantan advocate to the accused. In the “Directorium Inquisitorum” the Decretalon the treatment of Heretics empowers the Bishop and the Judge of theInquisition, acting conjointly, to dispense with other assistance, and to actalone.

229. See “Execution of the Mandate,” Feb. 20th.

233. Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 5th Public Examination,March 1st; 8th Private Examination, 17th; and 9th Private Examination,March 17th.

234. Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th.

235. Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

236. Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd, and 3rd Public Examination,February 24th.

237. Cf. 2nd Private Examination, March 12th.

238. Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 3rd Public Examination,February 24th; 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 5th Public Examination,March 1st; 2nd Private Examination, March 12th; 3rd PrivateExamination, March 12th.

239. This answer is given in French in the text.

240. No previous answer is recorded.

241. Cf. 2nd Private Examination, March 12th.

242. Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 4th Public Examination,February 27th; 3rd Private Examination, March 12th; and 8th PrivateExamination, March 17th.

243. The two following questions and answers appear in the Minute only:—

“But, Jeanne, the Holy Canons and Holy Writ declare that womenwho take men’s dress or men who take women’s dress, do a thing abominableto God. How then can you say that you took this dress at God’scommand?”

“You have been answered. If you wish that I should answer you further,grant me delay, and I will answer you.”

“Will you not take the dress of a woman to receive your Saviour onEaster Day?”

“Neither for that nor for anything else will I yet put off my dress. Imake no difference between man’s dress and woman’s dress for receivingmy Saviour. I ought not to be refused for this question of dress.” Cf. 4thPublic Examination, February 27th, and 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

244. Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 3rd Private Examination,March 12th; 8th Private Examination, March 17th. These questions andanswers come after Article XIII. in the minute.

245. Cf. 7th Private Examination, March 15th; 8th Private Examination,March 17th.

After Article XV., the following sentence is inserted in the Extracts, butis not in the Procès. “She added that the Demoiselle de Luxembourgprayed the Seigneur de Luxembourg not to give her up to the English.”

246. Cf. 6th Public Examination, March 3rd.

247. Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 4th Private Examination,March 13th.

248. Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th.

249. Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th; 8th Private Examination,March 17th.

250. Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st; 6th Public Examination, March3rd; 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

251. Cf. 2nd Public Examination, February 22nd; 6th Public Examination,March 3rd.

252. Vide 5th Public Examination, March 1st: pages 36–38.

253. Cf. 4th Public Examination, February 27th.

254. Cf. 9th Private Examination, March 17th.

255. Cf. 3rd Public Examination, February 24th; 9th Private Examination,March 17th.

256. Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

257. Vide 5th Public Examination, March 1st: pages 34–35.

258. Vide ante, page 35.

259. Cf. 5th Public Examination, March 1st.

260. The following incident occurs in the Minute only:

The Bishop, referring to the promise given on the previous day by Jeannethat she would answer on the subject of her dress, asks that, before proceedingwith the reading, this answer may be given. To which Jeanne replies:

“The dress and the arms that I wear, I wear by the permission of God:I will not leave them off without the permission of God, even if it costme my head: but, if it should so please Our Lord, I will leave them off:I will not take a woman’s dress if I have not permission from Our Saviour.”

1411–12.	January 6th	Birth at Domremy.
1424 (?).	Summer	First visions.
		Sojourn at Neufchâteau.
1428.		Call to mission in France.
	May	Visit to Vaucouleurs (?), May 13th; Ascension Day.
1428–9.	February	Second visit to Vaucouleurs.
		Visit to Duke of Lorraine.
		Pilgrimage to Saint Nicolas.
	February 12th	Battle of the Herrings.
	February 13th (First Sunday in Lent)	Return to Vaucouleurs.
	February 23rd, Wednesday	Departure from Vaucouleurs, with Jean de Metz and others.
	March 5th, Saturday	Fierbois.
	March 6th, Sunday	Arrival at Chinon.
	March 8th, Tuesday	Interview with the King.
	March 22nd, Tuesday in Holy Week.	First letter to the English.
1429.	March 27th, Easter Day.

Note.—The year, in the fifteenth century, is computed from Easter.

	April	Stay at Tours. Household appointed. Banner painted.
		Joins the army at Blois.
	April 27th, Wednesday (?)	Start for Orleans.
	April 29th, Friday	Arrival at Orleans.
	May 4th, Wednesday	Fort of Saint Loup taken.
	May 5th,	Ascension Day Third letter to the English.
	May 6th, Friday	Fort of the Augustins taken.
	May 7th, Saturday	Jeanne wounded.
	May 8th, Sunday	Siege of Orleans raised.
	May 10th, Tuesday	Leaves for Blois.
	May 12th, Thursday	Tours.
	May 13th, Friday	Meeting with King Charles.
	May 23rd, Monday	Loches.
	June 2nd, Thursday	Selles: grant of arms to Jeanne and her family.
	[June 6th, Monday	Selles: Incident of the horse.]
	June 9th, Thursday	Return to Orleans.
	June 11–12th	Siege of Jargeau.
	June 14th	Attack on Meung.
3781429.	June 16th	Siege of Beaugency.
	June 17th, Friday	Arrival of the Constable of France.
	June 18th, Saturday	Battle of Patay.
	June 19th, Sunday	Return to Orleans.
	June 24th, Friday	Jeanne encamps at Gien.
	June 29th, Wednesday	Start for Rheims.
	July 1st, Friday	Arrival before Auxerre.
	July 5th, Tuesday	Arrival before Troyes.
	July	Meeting with Brother Richard.
	July 9th, Saturday	Surrender of Troyes.
	July 10th, Sunday	Entry into Troyes.
	July 12th, Tuesday	Departure from Troyes.
	July 14th, Thursday	Chalons.
	July 15th, Friday	Departure from Chalons.
	July 16th, Saturday	Charles enters Rheims.
	July 17th, Sunday	Coronation of Charles.
	July 21st, Thursday	Charles touches for “the Evil” at Saint Marcoul.
	July 22nd, Friday	Charles receives keys of Soissons and Laon at Vailly,
	July 23rd, Saturday	and of four other towns.
	July 29th, Friday	Skirmish at Château Thierry.
	August 4th, Thursday	Charles signs fifteen days’ truce with the Duke of Burgundy.
	August 13th, Saturday	Skirmish at Dammartin.
	August 18th, Thursday	Compiègne entered.
	August	Senlis and Beauvais surrender; flight of Bishop.
	August 23rd, Tuesday	Jeanne leaves Compiègne for Saint Denis; letter from the Count of Armagnac received when starting.
	August 26th, Friday	Jeanne at Saint Denis.
	August 28th, Sunday	Secret treaty of Charles VII. with the Duke of Burgundy, to Christmas.
	September 8th, Thursday (Nativity B.V.M.)	Attack on Paris. Jeanne wounded.
	September 10th, Saturday	Retreat ordered by Charles.
	September	Jeanne’s armour hung up in the church at Saint Denis.
	September 13th, Tuesday	Charles leaves Saint Denis.
	September 18th, Sunday	Second treaty of Charles VII. With the Duke of Burgundy.
	October	Jeanne at Bourges.
	November	Saint Pierre-le-Moustier assailed and taken.
	November 9th, Wednesday	Siege of La Charité.
	November	Truce with Burgundy till Easter.
1429–30.	December January February	Passed in visiting the towns she had freed. Orleans visited for the last time on January 19th.
	March 3rd	At Sully with the King.
		Leaves Sully, accompanied by D’Aulon and Pasquerel, and goes to Lagny.
	April	Franquet d’Arras taken and executed at Lagny.
		Alleged miracle.
3791430.	April 16th, Easter day
	April Easter-tide	Melun—warning of capture.
	April 23rd, Sunday	Henry VI. lands at Calais.
	May 13th, Saturday	Jeanne at Compiègne (Archbishop of Rheims then in the city). During this month she visits Senlis, Soissons, and other towns.
	May	Jeanne repulsed on the Oise whilst trying to relieve Choisy, then besieged by the Duke of Burgundy.
		Jeanne in Compiègne; prediction in the church of Saint Jacques.
	May 22nd, Monday.	Jeanne goes to Crespy for reinforcements.
	May 23rd, Tuesday	Jeanne’s return to Compiègne, and capture. Letter of Duke of Burgundy to the people of Saint-Quentin, announcing the capture.
	May 25th, Ascension Day	News of capture reaches Paris.
	May	Jeanne a prisoner for several days at Marigny.
	May	In prison at Beaulieu.
1430.	June 6th	At Noyon.
	July 14th, Friday	Cauchon’s mission to the Duke of Burgundy.
	July 29th, Saturday	Henry VI. arrives at Rouen.
	August	In prison at Beaurevoir.
	October	Leap from the Tower of Beaurevoir.
		Prophecy of the relief of Compiègne “before Martinmas.”
	October 25th	Relief of Compiègne.
	Nov. (about the middle)	Jeanne sold by Jean de Luxembourg.
		Jeanne taken to Arras, then Crotoy.
	December (late)	Brought to Rouen.
1430–1.	January 3rd, Wednesday	Order of surrender of Jeanne as “suspect of heresy,” from Henry VI. To the Judges.


I.Cause de Lapse.


TrialEx Officio.

	January 9th, Tuesday	First day of the Trial. Preliminary meeting in the Bishop’s house. Appointment of officers.
	January 13th, Saturday	First consultation of the Bishop with the Doctors; the result of the Domremy enquiry discussed (?) Articles of Accusation to be prepared.
	January 23rd, Tuesday	Second consultation with the six Doctors. Articles approved. Delafontaine appointed to make further enquiries.
	February 13th–17th, Tuesday-Saturday	Officers make oath of fidelity.
3801430–1.	February 19th, Monday	Consultation of the Bishop with twelve Doctors. Decision that the Case shall be proceeded with, and the Inquisitor or his Deputy invited to attend. The Deputy Inquisitor, being summoned, pleads inability.
	February 20th, Tuesday	The Deputy Inquisitor again appears, but still refuses to act as Judge without Commission from his Superior. It is decided to write to the Chief Inquisitor. Jeanne is cited to appear the next day.
	February 21st, Wednesday	First Public Examination, in the Chapel-Royal. Jeanne’s guardians appointed from the King’s Body Guard. (42 Assessors.)
	February 22nd, Thursday	Second Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. The Deputy Inquisitor declares his assent to the Trial. Beaupère charged with the examination. (48 Assessors.)
	February 24th, Saturday	Third Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. (52 Assessors.)
	February 27th, Tuesday	Fourth Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. (54 Assessors.)
	March 1st, Thursday	Fifth Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. (58 Assessors.)
	March 3rd, Saturday	Sixth Public Examination, in the Ornament Room. (41 Assessors.)
		The Bishop decides to continue the Examination privately.
	March 4th–9th, Sunday-Friday	The Examinations are considered by the Bishop and some of the Doctors, and it is decided to question Jeanne on sundry doubtful points.
	March 10th, Saturday	First Private Examination, in prison, conducted by Delafontaine, assisted by two Assessors and two witnesses.
	March 12th, Monday	Second Private Examination, in prison, in the morning.
		Third Private Examination, in prison, in the afternoon, the Bishop not present.
		In the Bishop’s house, on the same day, the letter from the Inquisitor, appointing his Vicar to act as his Deputy, is read; and the Vicar is appointed to act as Judge.
	March 13th, Tuesday	The Vicar joins with the Bishop and appoints his officers.
		Fourth Private Examination,—the first at which the Inquisitor is present as Judge.
	March 14th, Wednesday.	Fifth Private Examination, in prison, in the morning.
		Sixth Private Examination, in prison, in the afternoon.
3811430–1.	March 15th, Thursday	Seventh Private Examination in prison.
	March 17th, Saturday	Eighth Private Examination, in prison, in the morning.
		Ninth Private Examination, in prison, in the afternoon.
	March 18th, Passion Sunday	Consultation of the Bishop with twelve Assessors, in the Bishop’s house. They adjourn till March 22nd, to deliberate over the examinations already held.
	March 22nd, Thursday	Consultation at the Bishop’s house. Résumé of the answers of Jeanne read to twenty-two Assessors.
	March 24th, Saturday	The Judges, Delafontaine, and six Assessors visit Jeanne in prison, and the examinations are read over to her in French by Manchon.
	March 25th, Palm Sunday	The Bishop and four Assessors visit Jeanne in prison.
		The complete papers of the Process ex officio are given to the Promoter that he may prepare the Articles of Accusation for the Trial in Ordinary.
	March 26th, Monday	At a meeting at the Bishop’s house, twelve Assessors and the two Judges being present, it is decided to proceed on the following day to the Trial in Ordinary, to be conducted by the Promoter.


Trial in Ordinary.

1430–1.	March 27th, Tuesday	Solemn sitting in the Great Hall of the Castle; the two Judges and 38 Assessors present. The Act of Accusation, in Seventy Articles, is produced by the Promoter, and read to Jeanne by Thomas de Courcelles. Questions are put to her on each Article.
	March 28th, Wednesday.	The same continued—35 Assessors present.
	March 31st, Easter Eve.	The Judges and 9 Assessors visit Jeanne in prison, to question her on sundry points upon which she had asked for delay.
1431.	April 1st, Easter Day.
	April 2nd–4th, Monday-Wednesday	The Judges and certain of the Assessors employ themselves in reducing the Seventy Articles to Twelve; these are finally drawn up by Nicholas Midi.
	April 5th, Thursday	The Twelve Articles are sent to the Assessors for their opinion, which they are asked to send in by April 10th.
382	April 12th, Thursday	Consultation of 22 Assessors, who decide that Jeanne must be condemned.
		During the following week many other opinions, all more or less in accordance with this, are sent in.
	April 18th, Wednesday	Jeanne is ill. The two Judges and 7 Assessors visit her in prison; and the Bishop addresses to her a charitable exhortation.
	April 19th, Thursday	The Twelve Articles are sent to the University of Paris.
	(May 14th)	These are discussed in full assembly on April 29th; then by the Faculties of Theology and Decrees, separately; and finally, the Resolutions of these Faculties are adopted by the University and forwarded to Rouen.
	May 2nd, Wednesday	Solemn assembly in the Ornament Room; the two Judges and 63 Assessors present. Jeanne is summoned and admonished by the Bishop; and a solemn preachment is made to her by the Archdeacon of Eu.
	May 9th, Wednesday	The Judges and 9 Assessors summon Jeanne to the Torture Chamber in the Great Tower, and threaten her with torture.
	May 10th, Ascension Day.
	May 12th, Saturday	Consultation in the Bishop’s house; the Judges and 12 Assessors present. It is decided not to torture Jeanne.
	May 19th, Saturday	Solemn assembly in the Chapel of the Archiepiscopal Manor—51 Assessors present. The Resolutions of the University of Paris are read, and the opinions of the Assessors taken.
	May 23rd, Wednesday	Solemn meeting in a room near the prison. The Judges and 7 Assessors are accompanied by the Bishops of Noyon and Thérouanne. Jeanne is summoned, and solemnly admonished by Pierre Maurice. The Final Sentence is appointed for the next day.
	May 24th, Thursday	Public assembly in the Cemetery of St. Ouen; the Cardinal of England and the Bishop of Norwich present. Exhortation from Érard. Abjuration of Jeanne. Sentence of perpetual imprisonment. In the afternoon, the Deputy Inquisitor and sundry Assessors visit Jeanne in prison.


383II.Cause de Relapse.


	May 28th, Monday	The Judges and 4 Assessors visit Jeanne in prison, having been informed of her relapse.
	May 29th, Tuesday	Solemn meeting in the Chapel of the Archiepiscopal Manor, 40 Assessors present. Consultation on the relapse of Jeanne. Decision of the Assessors that she must be delivered up to the secular arm as a relapsed heretic.
	May 30th, Wednesday	Massieu delivers the order of execution to Jeanne. Visit of sundry Assessors and of the Bishop to the prison.
		Jeanne receives the Holy Communion. Final Exhortation from Nicholas Midi at the public assembly in the Old Market Place. Sentence pronounced against Jeanne. Her Death.
	June 7th, Wednesday	Information taken after the death of Jeanne by certain persons who visited her in prison on May 30th.
	June 8th, Thursday	(1) Letter from the King, Henry VI., to the Emperor, announcing the trial, sentence, and execution of Jeanne.
	June 12th, Monday	Letter of Guarantee for those concerned in the Trial, from Henry VI.
	June 28th. (2)	Letter from Henry VI. to the same effect as (1), to prelates and nobles.
		Letter of the University of Paris to the Pope.
	August 8th	Sentence pronounced against a monk who had spoken ill of the Judges.

p.121, l. 25	read ‘Thérouanne’instead of ‘Thérouenne.’
p.127, l. 21
p.142, l. 16
p.208, l. 28
Index, p.395

P.156, l. 10read “In the Original, the whole of thefirst Enquiry is in French, the second and third are in Latin.”

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JEANNE D’ARCMAID OF ORLEANS DELIVERER OF FRANCEBeing the Story of her Life, her Achievements, and her Death, as attested on Oath and Set forth in the Original Documents

PREFACE

INTRODUCTION

The Trial and Rehabilitation.

CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Part I THE TRIAL

I FIRST PROCESS: THE LAPSE

TRIAL EX OFFICIO

Six Public Examinations

Nine Private Examinations.

THE TRIAL IN ORDINARY

Exhortations and Admonitions.

FINAL SESSION AND SENTENCE. RECANTATION.

THE SENTENCE

II SECOND PROCESS: THE RELAPSE

SENTENCE OF DEATH

SUBSEQUENT EXAMINATIONS[104]AND PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE RELAPSE.

Examination of Witnesses.

Part II THE REHABILITATION

THE FIRST ENQUIRY: 1449.

Examination of Witnesses.

THE SECOND ENQUIRY[117]: 1452, AND THIRD ENQUIRY: 1455–6.

Examination of Witnesses.

DEPOSITIONS AT DOMREMY: 1455.

Examination of Witnesses.

DEPOSITIONS AT ORLEANS: 1455.

DEPOSITIONS IN PARIS: 1455–6.

Examination of Witnesses.

DEPOSITIONS AT ROUEN: 1455–6.

SENTENCE OF REHABILITATION.

APPENDIX

NOTE ON ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS OF THE PROCESS OF CONDEMNATION

NOTE ON THE DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE TRIAL OF REHABILITATION

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO THE TRIAL

ACT OF ACCUSATION PREPARED BY THE PROMOTER

THE TWELVE ARTICLES OF ACCUSATION.

ARTICLE I.

ARTICLE II.

ARTICLE III.

ARTICLE IV.

ARTICLE V.

ARTICLE VI.

ARTICLE VII.

ARTICLE VIII.

ARTICLE IX.

ARTICLE X.

ARTICLE XI.

ARTICLE XII.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO THE REHABILITATION.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF JEANNE D’ARC.

INDEX

ERRATA

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

JEANNE D’ARC
MAID OF ORLEANS
DELIVERER OF FRANCE
Being the Story of her Life, her Achievements, and her Death, as attested on Oath and Set forth in the Original Documents

Part I
THE TRIAL

I
FIRST PROCESS: THE LAPSE

II
SECOND PROCESS: THE RELAPSE

SUBSEQUENT EXAMINATIONS ^[104]
AND
PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE RELAPSE.

Part II
THE REHABILITATION

THE SECOND ENQUIRY ^[117]: 1452,
AND THIRD ENQUIRY: 1455–6.