history of Ethiopia, a survey of notable events and people in thehistory ofEthiopia, from the prehistoric era to the present day. Ethiopia is the largest and most populated country in theHorn of Africa. It is also one of the world’s oldest countries (sometimes referred to as Abyssinia in previous historical periods), its territorial extent having varied over themillennia of its existence. In ancient times it remained centerd onAksum, an imperial capital whose remains are located in the northern part of the modern state, about 100 miles (160 km) from theRed Sea coast. The present territory was consolidated during the 19th and 20th centuries.

Ethiopia lies completely within the tropical latitudes. It is also landlocked, having become so following the 1993 secession ofEritrea, its former province along theRed Sea. Ethiopia’s capital city,Addis Ababa, lies near the center of the country.

From Ethiopia’s prehistory to the Aksumite kingdom

That the human lineage is of great antiquity in Ethiopia is indicated by theHadar remains, a group of skeletal fragments found in the lowerAwash River valley. The bone fragments, thought to be 3.4 to 2.9 million years old, belong toAustralopithecus afarensis, an apelike creature that may have been an ancestor of modern humans.

Sometime between the 8th and 6th millenniabce, pastoralism and then agriculture developed in northern Africa and southwestern Asia, and, as the population grew, an ancient tongue spoken in this regionfissured into the modern languages of theAfro-Asiatic (formerly Hamito-Semitic) family. This family includes theCushitic,Semitic, andOmotic languages now spoken in Ethiopia. During the 2nd millenniumbce, cereal grains and the use of the plow were introduced into Ethiopia, possibly from the region of the Sudan, and peoples speakingGeʿez (a Semitic language) came to dominate the rich northern highlands ofTigray. There, in the 7th centurybce, they established the kingdom of Dʾmt (Daʾamat). This kingdom dominated lands to the west, obtaining ivory, tortoiseshell, rhinoceros horn, gold, silver, and slaves and trading them to South Arabian merchants.

After 300bce, Dʾmt deteriorated as trade routes were diverted eastward for easier access to coastal ports, and a number of smaller city-states arose in its place. Subsequent wars of aggrandizement led to unification under the inland state ofAksum, which, from its base on the Tigray Plateau, controlled the ivory trade into the Sudan, other trade routes leading farther inland to the south, and the port of Adulis on the Gulf of Zula. Aksum’sculturecomprised Geʿez, written in a modified South Arabian alphabet, sculpture and architecture based on South Arabianprototypes, and an amalgam of local and Middle Eastern deities. Thus, evidence exists of a close cultural exchange between Aksum and theArabian Peninsula, but the traditional scholarly view, that South Arabian immigrants actually peopled and created pre-Aksumite northern Ethiopia, is increasingly under siege. Nevertheless, the ancient cultural exchange across the Red Sea became enshrined in Ethiopianlegend in the persons of Makeda—theQueen of Sheba—and the Israelite kingSolomon. Their mythical union was said to have produced Menilek I, the progenitor of Ethiopia’s royaldynasty.

By the 5th centuryce, Aksum was the dominant trading power in the Red Sea region. Commerce rested on sound financial methods, attested to by the minting of coins bearing the effigies of Aksumite emperors. In the anonymous Greek travel bookPeriplus Maris Erythraei, written in the 1st centuryce, Adulis is described as an “open harbour” containing a settlement of Greco-Roman merchants. It was through suchcommunities, established for the purposes of trade, that theChristianity of the eastern Mediterranean reached Ethiopia during the reign of the emperor Ezanas (c. 303–c. 350). By the mid-5th century, monks were evangelizing among the Cushitic-speaking Agau (Agaw, or Agew) people to the east and south. The Ethiopian church opted to follow the leadership of theCoptic church (inAlexandria,Egypt) in rejecting theChristology proposed at theCouncil of Chalcedon in 451 and breaking with the bishops of Rome and Constantinople (relations would not resume until the second half of the 20th century).

At its height, Aksum extended its influence westward to the kingdom ofMeroe, southward toward theOmo River, and eastward to the spice coasts on theGulf of Aden. Even the South Arabian kingdom of theHimyarites, across the Red Sea in what is nowYemen, came under the suzerainty of Aksum. In the early 6th century, the emperor Caleb (Ella-Asbeha; reigned c. 500–534) was strong enough to reach across the Red Sea in order to protect his coreligionists in Yemen against persecution by a Jewish prince. However, Christian power in South Arabia ended after 572, when the Persians invaded and disrupted trade. They were followed 30 years later by the Arabs, whose rise in the 7th and 8th centuries cut off Aksum’s trade with the Mediterranean world.

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The Zagwe and Solomonic dynasties

As Christian shipping disappeared from theRed Sea, Aksum’s towns lost their vitality. The Aksumite state turned southward, conqueringadjacent grain-rich highlands. Monastic establishments moved even farther to the south; for example, a major church was founded near Lake Hayk in the 9th century. Over time, one of the subject peoples, theAgau, learned Geʿez, became Christian, andassimilated their Aksumite oppressors to the point that Agau princes were able to transfer the seat of the empire southward to their own region of Lasta. Thus theZagwe dynasty appeared inEthiopia. Laterecclesiastical texts accused this dynasty of not having been of pure “Solomonic” stock (i.e., not being descended from the union of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba), but it was in the religious plane that the Zagwe nonetheless distinguished themselves. At the Zagwe capital of Roha (modern-dayLalībela), the emperor Lalībela (reigned c. 1185–1225) directed the hewing of 11 churches out of living rock—a stupendous monument to Christianity, which he and the other Zagwes fostered along with the Ethiopianization of the countryside.

However, Zagwehegemony was never complete, and opposition continued among the Semitic-speaking elite of Tigray, to the north, and the newly emergentAmhara people, to the south. The opposition increasingly focused on questions of “Solomonic” legitimacy. In 1270 a leading nobleman of the province ofShewa, Yekuno Amlak, rebelled. He was supported by an influential faction of monastic churchmen, whocondoned his regicide of the emperor Yitbarek andlegitimated his descent from Solomon. The genealogy of the newSolomonic dynasty was published in the early 14th century in theKebra nagast (“Glory of the Kings”), a collection oflegends that related the birth of Menilek I, associated Ethiopia with the Judeo-Christian tradition, and provided a basis for Ethiopian national unity through the Solomonic dynasty, Semitic culture, and theAmharic language. Well-armed ideologically, the Ethiopian state was prepared for a struggle impending in its eastern and southern provinces, where Christianity was meeting increasing resistance from the forces ofIslam.

Islamic preaching had converted many of the people living on theperipheries of Ethiopian rule. In the late 13th century, various Muslim sultanates on Ethiopia’s southern border fell under the hegemony ofIfat, located on the eastern Shewan Plateau and in the Awash valley. The Ethiopian emperorAmda Tseyon proved a vigorous campaigner, waging wars in all directions—to the Red Sea in the north, unincorporated areas in the south, and eastward against the Muslim state of Ifat. He established strategic garrisons to consolidate the newly conquered regions, creating a system ofgults, or fiefs, in which the holders of agult were paid tribute by thegult’s inhabitants. His heavy taxation of exports, especially of gold, ivory, and enslaved people that were transshipped from Ifat to Arabia, met with resistance. Amda Tseyon and his successors replied with brutal pacification campaigns that carried Solomonic power into the Awash valley and even as far asSeylac (Zeila) on the Gulf of Aden.

Aggrandizement into non-Christian areas was accompanied by internal reform and consolidation of the Christian state. As heads of the church, the Solomonic monarchs actively participated in the development of religious culture anddiscipline by building and beautifying churches, repressing “pagan” practices, and promoting thecomposition of theological and doctrinal works. Nevertheless, the relations betweenchurch and state were marked by conflict as well as cooperation. The rise of the Shewan Solomonics had been preceded by a revival ofmonasticism in the Amhara areas, and the monks had an uneasy relationship with the new dynasty. The bolder ones among them condemned the dynasty’s practice ofpolygyny, and not until the late 14th century was the conflict resolved, the royal court having won over the monks with rich grants of land. Other conflicts also arose. The monkEwostatewos (c. 1273–1352) preached isolation from corrupting state influences and a return to biblical teachings—including observance of the Judaic Sabbath on Saturday in addition to the Sunday observance, an idea apparently already widelydiffused in Ethiopia. The great emperor Zara Yaqob (Zara Yakob; reigned 1434–68) conceded the latter point in 1450 at the Council of Debre Mitmaq, but he also initiated severe reforms in the church, eliminating abuses by strong measures and executing the leaders of heretical sects. In addition, Zara Yaqob conducted an unsuccessful military campaign against theBeta Israel, a group of Agau-speaking Jews who practiced a non-Talmudic form of Judaism.

Zara Yaqob valued national unity above all and feared Muslim encirclement. In 1445 he dealt Ifat such a crushing military defeat that hegemony over the Muslim states passed to the sultans ofAdal, in the vicinity ofHarer. About 1520 the leadership ofAdal was assumed byAḥmad ibn Ibrāhīm al-Ghāzī, a Muslim reformer who became known as Sahib al-Fath (“the Conqueror”) to the Muslims and Aḥmad Grāñ (“Ahmad the Left-Handed”) to the Christians. Aḥmad drilled his men in modern Ottoman tactics and led them on ajihad, orholy war, against Ethiopia, quickly taking areas on theperiphery of Solomonic rule. In 1528 the emperor Lebna Denegel was defeated at the battle of Shimbra Kure, and the Muslims pushed northward into the central highlands, destroying settlements, churches, and monasteries. In 1541 the Portuguese, whose interests in the Red Sea were imperiled by Muslim power, sent 400 musketeers to train the Ethiopian army in European tactics. The emperor Galawdewos (reigned 1540–59) opted for a hit-and-run strategy and on February 21, 1543, caught Aḥmad in the open nearLake Tana and killed him in action. The Muslim army broke, leaving the field and north-central Ethiopia to the Christians.

Challenge, revival, and decline (16th–19th century)

Meanwhile, population pressures hadmounted among theOromo, a pastoral people who inhabited the upper basin of the Genalē (Jubba) River in what is now southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya. Oromo society was based upon an “age-set” system known asgada, in which all males born into an eight-year generation moved together through all the stages of life. The warrior classes (luba) raided and rustled in order to prove themselves, and in the 16th century they began to undertake long-distance expeditions, availing themselves of the collapse of the frontier defenses of both the Christian and the Muslim states. By 1600 the Oromo had spread so widely in Ethiopia that the emperor Sarsa Dengel (reigned 1563–97) limited his government to what are now Eritrea, the northern regions of Tigray and Gonder, and parts of Gojam, Shewa, and Welo—areas that included the bulk of the Christian Semitic-speaking agriculturalists. Meanwhile, the church had barely revived following the destruction and massapostasy of the jihad era, when it found itself facing a different kind of threat, fromRoman Catholicism.

Following close upon the Portuguese musketeers were missionaries who, sent by theJesuit founderSt. Ignatius of Loyola, sought to convert Ethiopia to the Western church. The most successful of these was the JesuitPedro Páez. His personal authority and eminent qualities were such that the emperor Susenyos (reigned 1607–32) was persuaded to accept the doctrine of the dual nature of Christ and to notify the pope of his submission. This apostasy was joined by many in the royal court but met with violent resistance from the provincial nobles, the church, and the people at large. Susenyos was forced toabdicate in favour of his sonFasilides (reigned 1632–67).

Fasilides established a new capital atGonder, a trading center north ofLake Tana that connected the interior to the coast. At its height, about 1700, the city supported the arts and educational, religious, and social institutions as well as Beta Israel craftspeople, Muslim traders, and a large population of farmers, day laborers, students, and soldiers. Fasilides was succeeded by his son, Yohannes, and then by a grandson, Iyasu the Great. The court sponsoredsecular and religious construction, manuscript writing and copying, the verbal arts, and painting. A second wave of cultural productivity followed, in the middle decades of the 18th century, under the sponsorship of the empress Mentewwab (reigned 1730–69), a remarkable woman who ruled jointly with her son and grandson. However, ethnic, regional, and religious factionalism undermined the kingdom and led in 1769 to its collapse. The Zamana Masafent (“Age of the Princes”; 1769–1855), an era of feudalanarchy, had commenced.

For most Ethiopians, life during the Age of the Princes was difficult. Power had shifted from the central court to the courts of regional princes, and they vied with one another in battle. There were no significant changes in the social order, but the oppression of the farming population increased as armiestraversed the highlands, ruining the countryside and plundering the harvests of farmers. Nevertheless, significant developments were taking place in the south.

Agricultural development in the Gībē River basin led to the formation of Oromo states to the southwest of Shewa; the Gonga people developed their own states in the Kefa highlands on the west bank of theOmo River; and a line that claimed Solomonic descent established aformidable regional kingdom in northern Shewa. Shewa prospered in the growing trade of the Gībē states, and Shewa’s self-proclaimed king,Sahle Selassie (reigned 1813–47), and his successors expanded southward; by 1840 they controlled most of Shewa to the Awash River and enjoyed suzerainty as far south asGuragē.

To the north, Kassa Hailu was in the process of ending the Age of the Princes. After serving as a mercenary in Gojam, Kassa returned to his native Qwara on the extreme edge of the western highlands, where he prospered as a highwayman and built a good small army. By 1847 he had monopolized the lowlands’ revenues from trade and smuggling, forcing Gonder’s leading magnates tointegrate him into the establishment. Finally, in April 1853 at Takusa, Kassa defeated Ras (Prince) Ali, the last of a succession of the Oromo lords who had played a central role in the Age of the Princes. After defeating the ruler of northern Ethiopia, Kassa was crowned EmperorTewodros II on February 11, 1855. Later that year he marched south and forced the submission of Shewa. His consolidation of power over the formerly separate states established the modern Ethiopian country.

Emergence of modern Ethiopia (1855–1916)

Menilek II (1889–1913)

Sahle Mariam declared himself emperor of Ethiopia on March 25, taking the nameMenilek II, and at Wichale (or Ucciali, as the Italians called it) in Wallo on May 2 he signed a treaty of amity and commerce granting Italy rule over Eritrea. The Italian version of Article XVII of theTreaty of Wichale made Rome the medium for Ethiopia’sforeign relations, whereas the Amharic text was noncommittal. Both texts agreed that, in the case of differences, the Amharic text was toprevail. Learning that Rome had used the mistranslation to claim a protectorate over all of Ethiopia, Menilek first sought a diplomatic solution. Meanwhile, during 1891–93 he sent expeditions south and east to obtain gold, ivory, musk, coffee, hides, and enslaved people to trade for modern weapons and munitions. In December 1895, after two years of good harvests had filled Ethiopia’s granaries, Menilek moved his army into Tigray.

Rome believed that as few as 35,000 soldiers could control Ethiopia, but it was proved wrong on March 1, 1896, at theBattle of Adwa, whereGen. Oreste Baratieri led 14,500 Italian troops on a poorly organized attack against Menilek’s well-armed host of some 100,000 fighters. The Italian lines crumbled, and at noon retreat was sounded. The emperor retired into Ethiopia to await negotiations, and on October 26, 1896, he signed the Treaty of Addis Ababa, whichabrogated the Treaty of Wichale.

Menilek subsequently directed the Solomonic state into areas never before under its rule. Between 1896 and 1906 Ethiopia expanded to its present size, taking in the highlands, the key river systems, and a buffer of low-lying zones around the state’s central core. Revenues from the periphery were used to modernize the new capital of Addis Ababa, to open schools and hospitals, and to build communication networks. Menilek contracted with a French company to construct a railway between Addis Ababa andDjibouti, which thus spurred the exploitation of the country’s produce by foreign merchants in cooperation with the ruling elites.

Iyasu (1913–16)

As Menilek aged, he appointed a cabinet to act for his grandson and heir designate, Iyasu (Lij Yasu), a son of the Muslim Oromo ruler of Wallo. Upon the emperor’s death in 1913, Iyasu took power in his own right. Seeking a society free of religious and ethnic divisions, he removed many of Menilek’s governors andintegrated Muslims into the administration, outraging Ethiopia’s Christian ruling class. DuringWorld War I, Iyasu dallied with Islam and with theCentral Powers in the hope of regaining Eritrea and freeing himself still further from the dominance of the Shewan aristocrats. After theAllied powers formally protested, the Shewan aristocrats met, accused Iyasu of apostasy and subversion, and deposed him on September 27, 1916.