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Table 3

Table 3


Related Figures (26)

Although the majority of Iraqi Jews were dislocated in the wake of the partition of Palestine and the establishment of the State of Israel, the Hakham stayed to safeguard those who remained in Iraq, living through wars, revolutions, and a dictatorial regime that rendered hellish the situation of all Iraqis, but especially of Jews, existing as they did under the unrelenting suspicion of disloyalty. At the same time, some of the Hakham’s children moved to Israel where the Iraqi Jews, along with Sephardi/Middle Eastern Jews
Although the majority of Iraqi Jews were dislocated in the wake of the partition of Palestine and the establishment of the State of Israel, the Hakham stayed to safeguard those who remained in Iraq, living through wars, revolutions, and a dictatorial regime that rendered hellish the situation of all Iraqis, but especially of Jews, existing as they did under the unrelenting suspicion of disloyalty. At the same time, some of the Hakham’s children moved to Israel where the Iraqi Jews, along with Sephardi/Middle Eastern Jews
ine very protireration of terms suggests tnat It Is not only a matter of legal definition of citizenship that is at stake, but also the issue of mental maps of belonging. The push-and-pull circumstances generated a rather anomalous situation that to my mind was neither that of the refugee nor of the paradigmatic immigrant story. Could the departure of the Iraqi Jews be seriously regarded as an exercise of free will and a matter of straightforward agency? And once out of Iraq and unable to go back, even for a visit, did they regret the impossibility of their return? In the post-’48 climate of uncharted anxiety about their Iraqi future, the various push-and-pull forces steered many into the tasqit. Indeed, “Between Graveyard and Museum’s Sphere: Model Based on Synagogue Meir Tweig, Baghdad, Iraq” alludes to one of the sites for the registration of the departing Jews, namely the Meir Tweig synagogue inaugurated in 1942 and located in the affluent district of al-Bataween. As a tasqit point, the synagogue was no longer merely a gathering place for worship and socializing but a site of rupture— of giving up Iraqi citizenship in exchange for é laissez-passer stipulating that the document holder is definitively not permitted to return.* The virtually over-night cross-border movement was thus not only a physical dislocation but also a cultural and emotional displacement, a defining traumatizing event in the recent history of Iraqi Jews.
ine very protireration of terms suggests tnat It Is not only a matter of legal definition of citizenship that is at stake, but also the issue of mental maps of belonging. The push-and-pull circumstances generated a rather anomalous situation that to my mind was neither that of the refugee nor of the paradigmatic immigrant story. Could the departure of the Iraqi Jews be seriously regarded as an exercise of free will and a matter of straightforward agency? And once out of Iraq and unable to go back, even for a visit, did they regret the impossibility of their return? In the post-’48 climate of uncharted anxiety about their Iraqi future, the various push-and-pull forces steered many into the tasqit. Indeed, “Between Graveyard and Museum’s Sphere: Model Based on Synagogue Meir Tweig, Baghdad, Iraq” alludes to one of the sites for the registration of the departing Jews, namely the Meir Tweig synagogue inaugurated in 1942 and located in the affluent district of al-Bataween. As a tasqit point, the synagogue was no longer merely a gathering place for worship and socializing but a site of rupture— of giving up Iraqi citizenship in exchange for é laissez-passer stipulating that the document holder is definitively not permitted to return.* The virtually over-night cross-border movement was thus not only a physical dislocation but also a cultural and emotional displacement, a defining traumatizing event in the recent history of Iraqi Jews.
Although for the most part the Jewish-lragi community was not involved in political activity -- whether Iraqi nationalist, Zionist or communist activity -- it was involuntarily and dangerously implicated in the clashing nationalist ideologies. For example, in 1936 with the escalation of the conflict between the Jewish Yishuv and Palestinians in Mandate Palestine, the Hakham, in his capacity as the president of the Jewish community in Iraq, published a statement on behalf of Iraq’s a/-ta’ifa al-lsra’iliyya (the Israelite community) whose purpose was to clear the Jews of Iraq of any doubt that may be cast on them concerning their possible association with the Zionist movement. “All the members of the Israelite community of Iraq,” wrote the Hakham, “do not have any relation, contact, or joint activities with the Zionist movement, in any respect.” The Hakham’s declaration also insisted that the members of the community never “supported or adopted this movement neither inside nor outside of Palestine,” since the “Jews of Iraq are Iraqis and they are part of the Iraqi people” who are their “Iraqi brothers” and with whom they share “everything through thick and thin.” The declaration insisted that the community’s members “share the same feelings as all Iraqis, whether in joyful or troubled times.” ®
Although for the most part the Jewish-lragi community was not involved in political activity -- whether Iraqi nationalist, Zionist or communist activity -- it was involuntarily and dangerously implicated in the clashing nationalist ideologies. For example, in 1936 with the escalation of the conflict between the Jewish Yishuv and Palestinians in Mandate Palestine, the Hakham, in his capacity as the president of the Jewish community in Iraq, published a statement on behalf of Iraq’s a/-ta’ifa al-lsra’iliyya (the Israelite community) whose purpose was to clear the Jews of Iraq of any doubt that may be cast on them concerning their possible association with the Zionist movement. “All the members of the Israelite community of Iraq,” wrote the Hakham, “do not have any relation, contact, or joint activities with the Zionist movement, in any respect.” The Hakham’s declaration also insisted that the members of the community never “supported or adopted this movement neither inside nor outside of Palestine,” since the “Jews of Iraq are Iraqis and they are part of the Iraqi people” who are their “Iraqi brothers” and with whom they share “everything through thick and thin.” The declaration insisted that the community’s members “share the same feelings as all Iraqis, whether in joyful or troubled times.” ®
Joseph Sassoon Semah’s “The Third GaLUT” project is thus born out of two contradictory exilic/homecoming narratives: on the one hand, the Zionist translation of the Biblical redemptive restoration -- “kibbutz galuiot” -- into a modern nation-state formation; and, on the other, the uprooting of a community from its millennial homeland geography in Mesopotamia/Iraq. Despite the tasqit, a minority of the community’s members did not register and stayed for various reasons, including because they saw themselves first and foremost as Iraqis and/or they believed the storm would pass and/or simply did not want to abandon their lives. Hakham Sasson Khdhuri also remained in Baghdad in spite of the departure of most of his children, including Marcelle Semah, the mother of the artist.“ Separated until the end of his life from most members of his family, the Hakham resumed his leadership position." He continued to practice a flexible approach to Jewishness that accommodated shifting social mores. Deeply involved in the remaining community’s life, in celebration and in mourning, the Hakham was a vital symbolic figure for its Jewish identity.  After the tasqit and the exodus of the majority of Iraqi Jews, the cataclysmic atmosphere subsided. Although the anxiety linked to the Israel/Arab conflict persisted, this period is nonetheless characterized by relative stability in comparison with the following decade of the post-1963 coup d’état and especially with the violence of the post-1967 War era. With the 1968 coup d’état, the dictatorial Ba‘athist control of Iraq had a devastating impact on Iraqis of all denominations. The terrorizing measures taken to crush the regime’s real or imagined adversaries led, as we know, to the imprisonment, torture, kidnapping, and killing of many innocent Iraqi citizens generally, but the repression became exacerbated in the case of the Jewish community, now under a blanket suspicion of treason. The surveillance
Joseph Sassoon Semah’s “The Third GaLUT” project is thus born out of two contradictory exilic/homecoming narratives: on the one hand, the Zionist translation of the Biblical redemptive restoration -- “kibbutz galuiot” -- into a modern nation-state formation; and, on the other, the uprooting of a community from its millennial homeland geography in Mesopotamia/Iraq. Despite the tasqit, a minority of the community’s members did not register and stayed for various reasons, including because they saw themselves first and foremost as Iraqis and/or they believed the storm would pass and/or simply did not want to abandon their lives. Hakham Sasson Khdhuri also remained in Baghdad in spite of the departure of most of his children, including Marcelle Semah, the mother of the artist.“ Separated until the end of his life from most members of his family, the Hakham resumed his leadership position." He continued to practice a flexible approach to Jewishness that accommodated shifting social mores. Deeply involved in the remaining community’s life, in celebration and in mourning, the Hakham was a vital symbolic figure for its Jewish identity. After the tasqit and the exodus of the majority of Iraqi Jews, the cataclysmic atmosphere subsided. Although the anxiety linked to the Israel/Arab conflict persisted, this period is nonetheless characterized by relative stability in comparison with the following decade of the post-1963 coup d’état and especially with the violence of the post-1967 War era. With the 1968 coup d’état, the dictatorial Ba‘athist control of Iraq had a devastating impact on Iraqis of all denominations. The terrorizing measures taken to crush the regime’s real or imagined adversaries led, as we know, to the imprisonment, torture, kidnapping, and killing of many innocent Iraqi citizens generally, but the repression became exacerbated in the case of the Jewish community, now under a blanket suspicion of treason. The surveillance
AS the president oF Iraq s sewish community, haknam sasson KNanurl was tirelessly defending his community in highly dangerous situations when Jews were disappearing, detained, tortured, or publicly hanged.” And in the words of the Hakham’s son, Sha’ul Hakham Sasson: “For the Ba‘ath regime, every Jew was a dangerous spy.” In the 1999 biography of the Hakham written by his son, Sha’ul Hakham Sasson, the author who stayed with his father in Iraq, vehemently attempts to recuperate the negative image of the Hakham whose reputation tended to be rather maligned within the Zionist narrative.’® Entitled in Arabic Ra‘ wa-ra‘eeyya (A Leader and his Community), and published in Jerusalem by the Association of Jewish Academics from Iraq, the son passionately argues that the Hakham was without a shadow of a doubt a generously dedicated leader. For the author, the Hakham acted responsibly and did not abandon his community, staying in Baghdad to shepherd the Jewish life of those who remained. Fearing for its welfare, and indeed for its very existence, the Hakham altruistically defended the community under extraordinary pressures and at high personal cost. Indeed, in the turbulent period of the post-1967 era, the Hakham’s son Sha’ul was himself detained in Saddam Hussein’s prison, apparently in an attempt to exert pressure on the Hakham to make pro-regime declarations in the face of growing international protestations.”
AS the president oF Iraq s sewish community, haknam sasson KNanurl was tirelessly defending his community in highly dangerous situations when Jews were disappearing, detained, tortured, or publicly hanged.” And in the words of the Hakham’s son, Sha’ul Hakham Sasson: “For the Ba‘ath regime, every Jew was a dangerous spy.” In the 1999 biography of the Hakham written by his son, Sha’ul Hakham Sasson, the author who stayed with his father in Iraq, vehemently attempts to recuperate the negative image of the Hakham whose reputation tended to be rather maligned within the Zionist narrative.’® Entitled in Arabic Ra‘ wa-ra‘eeyya (A Leader and his Community), and published in Jerusalem by the Association of Jewish Academics from Iraq, the son passionately argues that the Hakham was without a shadow of a doubt a generously dedicated leader. For the author, the Hakham acted responsibly and did not abandon his community, staying in Baghdad to shepherd the Jewish life of those who remained. Fearing for its welfare, and indeed for its very existence, the Hakham altruistically defended the community under extraordinary pressures and at high personal cost. Indeed, in the turbulent period of the post-1967 era, the Hakham’s son Sha’ul was himself detained in Saddam Hussein’s prison, apparently in an attempt to exert pressure on the Hakham to make pro-regime declarations in the face of growing international protestations.”
Joseph Sassoon Semah On Friendship / (Collateral Damage) III -The Third GaLUT: Baghdad, Jerusalem, Amsterdam Joseph / YOSeF/ Yusuf: Based on the National Birds of Iraq / Israel / the Netherlands 201  sepia ink on paper, brown thread, 3 x 42 x 30 cm.  The story of the Hakham’s family encapsulates the story of the Jewish-lraqi -ommunity now dispersed in multiple geographies. In this sense, Joseph Sassoon Semah’s The Third GaLUT” as a whole forms a quest into the meaning of belonging in the wake »f these multiple dislocations. More specifically, in “Joseph / YOSeF/ Yusuf: Based on the National Birds of Iraq / Israel / The Netherlands,” the artist has each of the framed drawings of a bird inscribed with the name “Joseph,” in the alphabet of three languages, echoing three lifferent pronunciations. On the right, the chukar partridge, Iraq’s national bird, contains the \rabic script of “Yusef;” in the middle, the hoopoe, Israel’s national bird, contains the Hebrew script of “YOSeF;” and on the left, the Netherlands’ national bird, the black-tailed godwit, he Latin/Dutch script of “Joseph.” The juxtaposition of the three different birds, wrapped as t were in three distinct orthographies, is embedded in a biography and a communal history cross multiple spaces over the second half of the 20" century.
Joseph Sassoon Semah On Friendship / (Collateral Damage) III -The Third GaLUT: Baghdad, Jerusalem, Amsterdam Joseph / YOSeF/ Yusuf: Based on the National Birds of Iraq / Israel / the Netherlands 201 sepia ink on paper, brown thread, 3 x 42 x 30 cm. The story of the Hakham’s family encapsulates the story of the Jewish-lraqi -ommunity now dispersed in multiple geographies. In this sense, Joseph Sassoon Semah’s The Third GaLUT” as a whole forms a quest into the meaning of belonging in the wake »f these multiple dislocations. More specifically, in “Joseph / YOSeF/ Yusuf: Based on the National Birds of Iraq / Israel / The Netherlands,” the artist has each of the framed drawings of a bird inscribed with the name “Joseph,” in the alphabet of three languages, echoing three lifferent pronunciations. On the right, the chukar partridge, Iraq’s national bird, contains the \rabic script of “Yusef;” in the middle, the hoopoe, Israel’s national bird, contains the Hebrew script of “YOSeF;” and on the left, the Netherlands’ national bird, the black-tailed godwit, he Latin/Dutch script of “Joseph.” The juxtaposition of the three different birds, wrapped as t were in three distinct orthographies, is embedded in a biography and a communal history cross multiple spaces over the second half of the 20" century.
In this sense, Joseph Sassoon Semah’s multilingual utterance of the same name, “Joseph / YOSeF / Yusuf” must also be considered in relation to the thematization of the scapegoat in his 1986 work “SAIR La-AZAZeL (The AZAZeL Goat).” While on one level referring to the traditional animal sacrifice as a form of atonement, the scapegoat parable of betrayal and exile, | suggest, emerges as an allegory for a contemporary epic-scale cross- border movement between enemy zones. In the wake of their exodus from Iraq and their shock of arrival in Israel, Iraqi Jews often gave expression to their sense of betrayal by both Iraq and Israel. Referring to the rumors about the secretive deal between the Iraqi and Israeli governments under the auspices of the British, they pointed to the Iraqi regime’s benefiting financially from their property left behind and to Israel from turning them into cheap labor. The phrase “ba‘ona”-- “they sold us” 3"-- gave expression to an embittered sense of a no-exit situation, from a pre-departure fear of persecution if they were to remain in Iraq to a post-arrival encounter with Euro-lsraeli racist attitudes and discourses. Joseph Sassoon Semah’s 1979 exhibition entitled “Eretz Ahavti Eretz Oti Lo Ahavah” (“| Have Loved a Country, a Country Did Not Love Me”) gives expression to the sentiment of rejection, frustration, and alienation. The modern Jewish-lragi exodus has turned in this sense into a tale of a scapegoat sacrificed on the altar of the Arab/Jewish conflict.
In this sense, Joseph Sassoon Semah’s multilingual utterance of the same name, “Joseph / YOSeF / Yusuf” must also be considered in relation to the thematization of the scapegoat in his 1986 work “SAIR La-AZAZeL (The AZAZeL Goat).” While on one level referring to the traditional animal sacrifice as a form of atonement, the scapegoat parable of betrayal and exile, | suggest, emerges as an allegory for a contemporary epic-scale cross- border movement between enemy zones. In the wake of their exodus from Iraq and their shock of arrival in Israel, Iraqi Jews often gave expression to their sense of betrayal by both Iraq and Israel. Referring to the rumors about the secretive deal between the Iraqi and Israeli governments under the auspices of the British, they pointed to the Iraqi regime’s benefiting financially from their property left behind and to Israel from turning them into cheap labor. The phrase “ba‘ona”-- “they sold us” 3"-- gave expression to an embittered sense of a no-exit situation, from a pre-departure fear of persecution if they were to remain in Iraq to a post-arrival encounter with Euro-lsraeli racist attitudes and discourses. Joseph Sassoon Semah’s 1979 exhibition entitled “Eretz Ahavti Eretz Oti Lo Ahavah” (“| Have Loved a Country, a Country Did Not Love Me”) gives expression to the sentiment of rejection, frustration, and alienation. The modern Jewish-lragi exodus has turned in this sense into a tale of a scapegoat sacrificed on the altar of the Arab/Jewish conflict.
Joseph Sassoon Semah  A brief history of abstract painting 2016  linen cloths on canvas stretchers, white cotton thread, oil paint, glass, wood 77x 54x 5 cm.  ote: the imaqes are based on Air Strike Footage captured via a thermal camera.)
Joseph Sassoon Semah A brief history of abstract painting 2016 linen cloths on canvas stretchers, white cotton thread, oil paint, glass, wood 77x 54x 5 cm. ote: the imaqes are based on Air Strike Footage captured via a thermal camera.)
The Spinoza bronze monument erected by the sculptor Nicolas Dings in 2008 in front of the city hall, at the entrance to the old Jewish Quarter where Spinoza grew up, has the philosopher cloak decorated with roses (“Spinoza” deriving from the Portuguese “thorn”) and with two type of birds, sparrows -- an archetypical bird no longer ubiquitous in the city -- and rose-ringed parakeets, the once “exotic bird” that adapted to the local climate; ** taking us back to Joseph Sassoon Semah’s iconography of birds as allegorizing cross-border movement. But while the birds dotting Spinoza’s cloak “translate” his philosophical pantheism into visual language, in “The Third GaLUT” the birds, as a representation of a representation, come to signify the interstitial space between “home” and “exile.”
The Spinoza bronze monument erected by the sculptor Nicolas Dings in 2008 in front of the city hall, at the entrance to the old Jewish Quarter where Spinoza grew up, has the philosopher cloak decorated with roses (“Spinoza” deriving from the Portuguese “thorn”) and with two type of birds, sparrows -- an archetypical bird no longer ubiquitous in the city -- and rose-ringed parakeets, the once “exotic bird” that adapted to the local climate; ** taking us back to Joseph Sassoon Semah’s iconography of birds as allegorizing cross-border movement. But while the birds dotting Spinoza’s cloak “translate” his philosophical pantheism into visual language, in “The Third GaLUT” the birds, as a representation of a representation, come to signify the interstitial space between “home” and “exile.”
Graveyard and Museum’s Sphere: Model Based on Synagogue Meir Tweig, Baghdad, Iraq,” “Architectural Model Based on a Train Station in Baghdad, 1930,” “Architectural Model Based on Tigris Palace Hotel, Baghdad 1930,” “Architectural Model Based on Al Zawra Cinema” and “Architectural Model Based on The Baghdad Museum, 1926.” The dispersal of the Jewish-  Iraqi community and its lack of access to its past turns this act of re-membering of Babylon/ Baghdad into a diasporic aesthetic imperative.
Graveyard and Museum’s Sphere: Model Based on Synagogue Meir Tweig, Baghdad, Iraq,” “Architectural Model Based on a Train Station in Baghdad, 1930,” “Architectural Model Based on Tigris Palace Hotel, Baghdad 1930,” “Architectural Model Based on Al Zawra Cinema” and “Architectural Model Based on The Baghdad Museum, 1926.” The dispersal of the Jewish- Iraqi community and its lack of access to its past turns this act of re-membering of Babylon/ Baghdad into a diasporic aesthetic imperative.
Joseph Sassoon Semah’s various sculpted models are themselves based on archival photographic images, whether of a synagogue (“Between Graveyard and Museum's Sphere”), or a train station (“Architectural Model Based on a Train Station in Baghdad, 1930”), or a cemetery (“Architectural Model Based on the mass Grave of Jews in Baghdad - Farhud 1941”), or a movie theater (“Architectural Model Based on Al Zawra Cinema”), or a museum “Architectural Model Based on The Baghdad Museum, 1926”), thus constituting a document of a document. As such these reconstructed models only accentuate the exilic locus of the
Joseph Sassoon Semah’s various sculpted models are themselves based on archival photographic images, whether of a synagogue (“Between Graveyard and Museum's Sphere”), or a train station (“Architectural Model Based on a Train Station in Baghdad, 1930”), or a cemetery (“Architectural Model Based on the mass Grave of Jews in Baghdad - Farhud 1941”), or a movie theater (“Architectural Model Based on Al Zawra Cinema”), or a museum “Architectural Model Based on The Baghdad Museum, 1926”), thus constituting a document of a document. As such these reconstructed models only accentuate the exilic locus of the
Station in Baghdad, 1930 (left) and the source archival photo (right) 41  artwork itself. With the impossibility of returning to his birthplace, the Baghdad-born artist is also denied the possibility of conjuring up a more direct documentation or representation of the remnants. At the same time, the present-day subjugation of Iraq to decades-long devastating Gulf wars has turned the once thriving cultural geography into a ghost of  its own past. Here the drawings of the wild-life skulls could be viewed in relation to the contemporary carnage in Iraq. Indeed, in his 2016 “A brief history of abstract painting” the images are based on airstrike footage captured via a thermal camera; the human collateral damage is shielded behind the abstraction. In this sense, not only dislocated Iraqis -- of all denominations -- are unable to access their cities, towns and villages, but also those who stayed, continue fighting against all odds to re-member, revitalize and reconstruct a place out of its ruins.
Station in Baghdad, 1930 (left) and the source archival photo (right) 41 artwork itself. With the impossibility of returning to his birthplace, the Baghdad-born artist is also denied the possibility of conjuring up a more direct documentation or representation of the remnants. At the same time, the present-day subjugation of Iraq to decades-long devastating Gulf wars has turned the once thriving cultural geography into a ghost of its own past. Here the drawings of the wild-life skulls could be viewed in relation to the contemporary carnage in Iraq. Indeed, in his 2016 “A brief history of abstract painting” the images are based on airstrike footage captured via a thermal camera; the human collateral damage is shielded behind the abstraction. In this sense, not only dislocated Iraqis -- of all denominations -- are unable to access their cities, towns and villages, but also those who stayed, continue fighting against all odds to re-member, revitalize and reconstruct a place out of its ruins.
Top row: Joseph Sassoon Semah’s drawing of Architectural Model  Based on Al Zawra Cinema (left) and the source archival photo (right) &  see page 208
Top row: Joseph Sassoon Semah’s drawing of Architectural Model Based on Al Zawra Cinema (left) and the source archival photo (right) & see page 208
RAS MB OME) Co MN OS BS LOS he makeup of each segment of the garment. The robe is made of “silk and cotton satin from Damascus” while the upper robe of “machine-made wool” and the uppermost robe of “camel nair with couched silk cords.” The headdress consists of the “felted wool, silk tassel” fez and the “wool, cashmere weave, wool embroidery” of the turban.*® The Hakham’s attire forms part of the museum’s history of displaying items of “the Oriental communities” which includes quotidian relics and liturgical artifacts.*? In this ethnological version of Judaica, the museum nvites the visitor to “explore”  Nowhere is “the preservation of a vanishing world” more ironic than in the Israel Museum’s showcasing of the “Clothes of Rabbi Sasson Kadoorie, the Last Chief Rabbi of Iraqi Jewry.” Deeply engrained in the persistent exoticization of “‘edot ha-mizrah” (the Oriental communities), the description informs the viewer/reader:
RAS MB OME) Co MN OS BS LOS he makeup of each segment of the garment. The robe is made of “silk and cotton satin from Damascus” while the upper robe of “machine-made wool” and the uppermost robe of “camel nair with couched silk cords.” The headdress consists of the “felted wool, silk tassel” fez and the “wool, cashmere weave, wool embroidery” of the turban.*® The Hakham’s attire forms part of the museum’s history of displaying items of “the Oriental communities” which includes quotidian relics and liturgical artifacts.*? In this ethnological version of Judaica, the museum nvites the visitor to “explore” Nowhere is “the preservation of a vanishing world” more ironic than in the Israel Museum’s showcasing of the “Clothes of Rabbi Sasson Kadoorie, the Last Chief Rabbi of Iraqi Jewry.” Deeply engrained in the persistent exoticization of “‘edot ha-mizrah” (the Oriental communities), the description informs the viewer/reader:
SSS SE SECU SME SI LEMOS AES SS Ee bronze (Model Based on Synagogue Meir Tweig, Baghdad, Iraq) 10 ShOFaROT, 90 x 50 x 35 cm.  On Friendship / (Collateral Damage III -The Third GaLUT:  Baghdad, Jerusalem, Amsterdam
SSS SE SECU SME SI LEMOS AES SS Ee bronze (Model Based on Synagogue Meir Tweig, Baghdad, Iraq) 10 ShOFaROT, 90 x 50 x 35 cm. On Friendship / (Collateral Damage III -The Third GaLUT: Baghdad, Jerusalem, Amsterdam
Iraq placed in the Fatih Mosque at Rozengracht, Amsterdam, 2019 (right)
Iraq placed in the Fatih Mosque at Rozengracht, Amsterdam, 2019 (right)
Source archival image of the Tomb of the Prophet Ezekiel, al- Kifl,  Iraq, 2016 *8 (right)
Source archival image of the Tomb of the Prophet Ezekiel, al- Kifl, Iraq, 2016 *8 (right)
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