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The Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438-1445) was an ecumenical council of the Catholic Church convened to address the East-West Schism, aiming to achieve reconciliation between the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox Churches, primarily through discussions on theological differences and the authority of the papacy.

This essay unfolds from the vantage point of panSEMIOentheism-a theological and metaphysical orientation that affirms God's presence as manifest in signs, wonders, and logoi, constituting a cosmos of symbolic mediation and participatory...more

This essay unfolds from the vantage point of panSEMIOentheism-a theological and metaphysical orientation that affirms God's presence as manifest in signs, wonders, and logoi, constituting a cosmos of symbolic mediation and participatory meaning. Within this frame, theology is not merely discursive reasoning about God but a semiotic engagement with divine self-disclosure.

The following assessment of J. Van Rossum is quite typical of what I have in mind: "the Palamite distinction between essence and energies does not have to be conceived of in a human and logical sense. According to human logic,...more

The following assessment of J. Van Rossum is quite typical of what I have in mind: "the Palamite distinction between essence and energies does not have to be conceived of in a human and logical sense. According to human logic, 'distinction' implies the notion of separability. Palamas emphasizes that this distinction in God is not according to our human understanding of 'distinction', but in a manner that is known to God alone. Palamas never attempted to give a philosophical explanation of this distinction. His approach was thoroughly apophatic, and that is why 'Palamism' remains unsatisfactory for philosophically minded theologians, especially for those who are trained in western scholasticism. Indeed, his theology raises the problem of the relation between philosophy and theology. Palamas makes clear that the mystery of God cannot be expressed adequately in the terms of our human logic. All philosophical and logical notions get a new meaning when applied to the divine mystery: essence, nature, hypostasis, distinction" ("Deification in Palamas and Aquinas," St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly 47 (2003): 368.

Herrschaft artikulierte sich während des Mittelalters in besonders ausgeprägter Weise in Form der Rechtsprechung. Erst vom späten 12. Jahrhundert an wird allerdings die Praxis geistlicher und weltlicher Gerichtstätigkeit durch eine...more

Herrschaft artikulierte sich während des Mittelalters in besonders ausgeprägter Weise in Form der Rechtsprechung. Erst vom späten 12. Jahrhundert an wird allerdings die Praxis geistlicher und weltlicher Gerichtstätigkeit durch eine gewachsene Verschriftlichung zunehmend über Quellen zugänglich. Bis vor wenigen Jahren kaum beachtet, zieht das Prozeßschriftgut vermehrt das Interesse von Historikern und Rechtshistorikern auf sich. Dabei standen bislang vor allem inhaltliche Aspekte im Vordergrund. Dieser Band rückt dagegen Entstehungsvoraussetzungen und Überlieferungszusammenhang des Prozeßschriftgutes in den Mittelpunkt und erhebt diese besondere Quellengattung selbst zum Forschungsgegenstand, indem er aus transdisziplinärer Perspektive Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede einer europäischen Universalie in den Blick nimmt.

Darstellungen der Akathistos Hymnos erscheinen erst in der byzantinischen Wandmalerei des 14. Jahrhundert. Die Ausbreitung einer liturgischen Thematik außerhalb der Altarapsis, besonders ins Pastophorien und Seitenschiffe, wurde als eine...more

Darstellungen der Akathistos Hymnos erscheinen erst in der byzantinischen Wandmalerei des 14. Jahrhundert. Die Ausbreitung einer liturgischen Thematik außerhalb der Altarapsis, besonders ins Pastophorien und Seitenschiffe, wurde als eine der wichtigsten Tendenzen in der byzantinischen Wandmalerei des 13. und 14. Jahrhundert verteidigt. Als Gottesmutter geweihtes Gesung und gleichzeitigen Huldigung der Menschwerdung Christi gehört der Akathistos Hymnos zum allgemeinen Thema der Inkarnationsmysterium, indem die spätbyzantinische Kirchenmalerei besonders interessiert ist. Der Akathistos wird zum Hauptthema des Narthexraum im 16. Jh. Klosterkirchen in der Wallachei. Die Lokalbeispielen und die byzantinische Tradition spielen einen Zusammenrolle in der Anschaffung des Narthexprogramms der 16. Jh. Denkmäler.

Im Folgenden geht es um Männlichkeiten und Fragen queerer Repräsentation in der italienischen Frührenaissance oder besser Indizien einer solchen am Beispiel des ferraresischen Fürsten Borso d'Este (1413-1471). Nicht nur durch die...more

Im Folgenden geht es um Männlichkeiten und Fragen queerer Repräsentation in der italienischen Frührenaissance oder besser Indizien einer solchen am Beispiel des ferraresischen Fürsten Borso d'Este (1413-1471). Nicht nur durch die prominente Beschäftigung Aby Warburgs mit dem Palazzo Schifanoia1 und Roberto Longhis mit der ferraresischen Schule,2 sondern auch durch die gestiegene Aufmerksamkeit auf Ferrara als ein Zentrum der Renaissance tritt Borso, einer der wichtigsten Auftraggeber und Fürsten der d'Este, immer wieder in den Blick der Forschung. Dass er mittlerweile teils mehr Beachtung als seine Brüder Lionello und Ercole (Vorgänger und Nachfolger) erhält, ist auch durch seine auf Sichtbarkeit angelegte Patronage, sein ›Self-fashioning‹ und dessen große Resonanz unter den Zeitgenossen zurückzuführen. Er schuf sich ein Image, das maßgeblich dazu beitrug, ihm einen Herzogtitel zunächst vom Kaiser und dann vom Papst zu verschaffen.3 Einleitend wird sich der Blick direkt auf ein Hauptwerk dieses fürstlichen Selbstentwurfs richten, das auch als wichtigstes Beispiel in der vorliegenden Untersuchung dient, der Salone dei Mesi des Palazzo Schifanoia und darin der zweite Dekan des April-bzw. Venusfeldes (Abb. 1).4 Die Autorschaft des Bildprogramms ist in Teilen immer noch umstritten und beteiligte verschiedene ferraresische Künstler, doch die am besten erhaltene Stirnseite und das darin befindliche Aprilfeld sind eindeutig Francesco del Cossa zugeschrieben. Der zweite Dekan des Stieres wird in der astrologischen Literatur beschrieben als »vir nudus manu clavem tenens«.5 Sein Körper ist von einem hellen Inkarnat, auf dem Cossa Muskeln und Adern in großer Lebensnähe darzustellen versucht. Statt gänzlich unbekleidet zu sein (nudus), trägt er lediglich einen Turban, eine knappe Hose mit einer Schlaufe am Bund und Lederstrümpfe. Er blickt schräg hinab zu Borso d'Este und seiner Entourage und lagert grazil im blauen Äther, indem die Beine sowie Unterarm und Oberschenkel nicht aufeinanderliegen, sondern jeweils leicht angehoben sind. Dies verleiht dem Körper eine spürbare Spannung, während die Eleganz noch durch die Hand, welche mit gespreizter Geste den Schlüssel hält, und den geschwungenen

This paper attempts to examine a rather latent byzantine proverbial expression, first recorded by Sylvester Syropoylos (c. 1400 – post 1464), one of the eyewitnesses of the proceedings of the Ferrara – Florence Council (1438-39) in his...more

This paper attempts to examine a rather latent byzantine proverbial
expression, first recorded by Sylvester Syropoylos (c. 1400 – post 1464),
one of the eyewitnesses of the proceedings of the Ferrara – Florence
Council (1438-39) in his Memoirs, on the occasion of an incident that
occurred during the signing of the Council’s Decree (July 6th, 1439). This
is the proverbial expression “Ἰδοῦ ἔχομεν καὶ εἰς τὴν φακὴν στίχον”
(“Look we provide also to the lentil a line / row”) that the Metropolitan of
Nicaea, Bessarion (1403-1472), exclaimed when he was informed of the
secret flee of Metropolitan Isaiah of Stavroupolis († post 1440), from
Florence, in order to avoid signing the Council’s Decree. After first
determining the exact nature, use and meaning of this specific expression,
an effort will then be made to better understand the specific incident
narrated by Syropoulos in his Memoirs and to update what is currently
known about Metropolitan Isaiah of Stavroupolis.

This paper offers a study of the manuscript production of the so-called Anonymus 11 Harlfinger. Based on palaeographic, historical and philological evidence, the authors sketch a biographical profile of the anonymous scribe. They show...more

This paper offers a study of the manuscript production of the so-called Anonymus 11 Harlfinger. Based on palaeographic, historical and philological evidence, the authors sketch a biographical profile of the anonymous scribe. They show that he lived mainly in the Genoese territories of the northeastern Aegean and was closely connected to intellectual circles in Constantinople in the first half of the 15th century. Finally, the authors provide strong evidence for the identification of Anonymus 11 Harlfinger with Ioannes, a correspondent and pupil of Georgios Scholarios. Furthermore, they support the hypothesis, already put forward by Thierry Ganchou, that Ioannes, the student of Scholarios, could be the historian Ioannes Kanaboutzes.

When and how did the Schism between the Western Catholic and the Eastern Orthodox churches take place? The West commonly associates it with an incident in 1054 CE. Of the many points of difference and dispute between East and West in...more

When and how did the Schism between the Western Catholic and the Eastern Orthodox churches take place?  The West commonly associates it with an incident in 1054 CE.  Of the many points of difference and dispute between East and West in 1054 only two remain current: the ultimate theological authority of either ecumenical councils or the papacy, and the West’s insertion of the Filioque (“and the Son”) into the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed of 381 CE.  This essay discusses both the origin of the Filioque and the subsequent rise of monarchic papal authority in the West.  The insertion of the Filioque is sometimes incorrectly attributed to the Third Council of Toledo (589 CE), but it was definitively added to the creed by the Carolingians at a council in Aachen in 809 CE in close association with Charlemagne’s claim to be the only legitimate Roman emperor, and that change in the creed prevailed despite opposition at the time by Pope Leo III.

The most important Catholic association on ecumenism needed this first decade to overcome its own lack of preparation in the field of ecumenical theology as well. This became especially clear in the difficulty of presenting a common...more

The most important Catholic association on ecumenism needed this first decade to overcome its own lack of preparation in the field of ecumenical theology as well. This became especially clear in the difficulty of presenting a common response to the Christological themes discussed by the World Council of Churches during this decade. The only solution was to entrust it to the most competent theologian, that is to say, Congar, to prepare his personal synthesis and reflection on the basis of the interventions during the CCEQ conferences in Dijnselburg, Mainz and Chevetogne. Since Willebrands continued to hold the Dominican theologian in great esteem, he not only solicited his advice on the selection of speakers but regularly built conferences around major contributions published by the latter. The reconstruction of the genealogy of the theological ideas expressed in the 1959 Memorandum on Christian unity also makes it clear that it was less the work of the entire CCEQ board than that of the main drafter, Christophe-Jean Dumont.
The Memorandum has become a masterpiece of ecumenical formation for future Council fathers, asking them to be attentive to psychological sensitivities in the field of ecumenism, to treat the Christian East in a different way from the Protestant world while not neglecting the connections between the different schisms, and above all to become promoters of all legitimate forms of liturgical, canonical and theological diversity both within and outside the Church. The theological reflections of the CCEQ in the Memorandum, but also the 1960 and 1961 conferences on ‘Differences compatible with unity’ and ‘Renewal in the Church’, would bear fruits in the work of the Council, particularly in its Decree on Ecumenism.

The article analyzes the history of the term perichoresis in the space of time embraced by the first seven ecumenical councils. After the Christological debut of the terminology in the fourth century in the work of Gregory of Nazianzus to...more

The article analyzes the history of the term perichoresis in the space of time embraced by the first seven ecumenical councils. After the Christological debut of the terminology in the fourth century in the work of Gregory of Nazianzus to indicate the dynamism of the relationship of the two natures of Christ in the hypostatic union, the text shows how this theological transition was the basis of the development in Maximus the Confessor. In the seventh century he applied the theological gain of Gregory of Nazianzus to divinization, making explicit the Christological foundation of Christian salvation. The journey ends in the 8th century with John Damascene, who applies perichoresis to both Christology and divinization, as already seen before him, but extends the terminology to the Trinitarian dimension, thus sealing the parable of theological thought. This makes it possible to recognize a true theological grammar which, consistently with Timothy Pawl's studies, reveals the archite...

This paper examines selected icons and images from the Ruthenian (early modern Ukrainian and Belorussian) lands to explore forms of cultural and religious exchange, framed within the concepts of interconfessionality, transconfessionality,...more

This paper examines selected icons and images from the Ruthenian (early modern Ukrainian and Belorussian) lands to explore forms of cultural and religious exchange, framed within the concepts of interconfessionality, transconfessionality, and confessional ambiguity. Key sources include Eastern Christian sacred icons, including Theotokos and festal icons. The central argument suggests that confessional ambiguity in the visual cultures of early modern Ruthenian lands can be identified through the adoption of iconographic patterns from other confessions; the integration of “foreign” iconographic elements and rituals; and, finally, the shared veneration of miraculous sacred objects. The paper argues that all these processes reflect a broader practice of confessional ambiguity. These forms of ambiguity emerged through direct exchanges with artists connected to the Western Republic of Letters.

The article presents the ambo from the katholikon of the Bachkovo (Virgin Petritsiotissa / Petritsonitissa) Monastery, made probably in the early 18th century by an anonymous woodcarver, influenced by the stylistic trends of the...more

The article presents the ambo from the katholikon of the Bachkovo (Virgin
Petritsiotissa / Petritsonitissa) Monastery, made probably in the early 18th century by an anonymous woodcarver, influenced by the stylistic trends of the ecclesiastical woodcarving of Epirus and Mount Athos. Subsequently, according to its dedicatory inscription, the ambo was painted in 1719 by hieromonk Symeon, thanks to the donation of the new ktetor archiereas (archpriest) Damaskinos, who is portraited on the ambo.

Allan Wolter is best known for his work on the text and translation of Blessed John Duns Scotus. But he was an accomplished thinker in his own right. This little book was published in Latin (at a time when trained Catholics were more...more

Allan Wolter is best known for his work on the text and translation of Blessed John Duns Scotus. But he was an accomplished thinker in his own right. This little book was published in Latin (at a time when trained Catholics were more comfortable reading and writing Latin-and when seminarians in Rome were still taught in Latin). It deserves to be better known, for it is a fine introduction to key concepts, ideas, and questions in metaphysics. The preface neatly explains Wolter's purpose and procedure in writing the book. Worth noting, though, is how remarkably ecumenical it is in its use of Scholastic and non-Scholastic materials. For while it tends to follow the Scotist position, it does not ignore, or entirely eschew, the positions of St. Thomas Aquinas or other great Scholastics, past and present, nor does it ignore, though it hardly endorses, later and non-Scholastic thinkers and theories. Distinctive of it is the way it lays out and defends in direct and pleasingly summative ways such doctrines (marginalized or opposed by others in the Scholastic tradition) as the disjunctive attributes of being, the univocity of the concept of being, multiple proofs based on the disjunctive attributes for the existence of God (running at a tangent to the famous five ways of St. Thomas), among others. The work is historically as well as metaphysically informed and informative, and may well serve as a suitable textbook in metaphysics courses, at least for those who do not wish students to know only what modern philosophers, or modern Thomists, are up to. At all events, for diversion if not also for instruction, the following translation (still in need of revision) is offered here to the indulgent reader.

Saint Mark’s letter to Pope Eugene IV unveils a nuanced perspective on the Metropolitan of Ephesus. Traditionally regarded as a proponent against union, both within the Orthodox Church and in Western circles, the Metropolitan, however,...more

Saint Mark’s letter to Pope Eugene IV unveils a nuanced perspective on the Metropolitan of Ephesus. Traditionally regarded as a proponent against union, both within the Orthodox Church and in Western circles, the Metropolitan, however, did not outright reject the prospect of unity. Within the pages of the letter, we encounter a persona receptive to the idea of church unity yet profoundly grounded in Orthodox theology. His discourse is characterized by candor. Despite employing complimentary language (τῷ μακαριωτατῷ πάπᾳ and other) in addressing the Pope, he remains unreserved in highlighting the challenges he observes: Filioque and Eucharist issues. The novelty introduced by this letter lies in the different light in which the metropolitan’s personality is seen. Th e contrasting attitudes between the preceding and subsequent synodal stances underscore a profound shift. Consequently, the causes for the failure of
unification should be sought elsewhere, disassociating them from the subsequent
Byzantine opposition.

Review of George Amiroutzes. The Philosopher, or On Faith, edited and translated by John Monfasani (Graphai: Writings from Byzantium and Its Neighbors, 1), Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington D.C., 2021. Pp. 237....more

Review of George Amiroutzes. The Philosopher, or On Faith, edited and translated by John Monfasani (Graphai: Writings from Byzantium and Its Neighbors, 1), Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington D.C., 2021. Pp. 237. ISBN: 978-0-88402-485-9.

Eschatologie: L'au-delà de l'au-deçà, W. Gobbo, M. Afr. CFMA, 2012/13 7 chapitre analysera la fondation biblique de l'eschatologie. L'eschatologie dans l'histoire fera partie du deuxième chapitre. Le chapitre trois traitera des...more

Eschatologie: L'au-delà de l'au-deçà, W. Gobbo, M. Afr. CFMA, 2012/13 7 chapitre analysera la fondation biblique de l'eschatologie. L'eschatologie dans l'histoire fera partie du deuxième chapitre. Le chapitre trois traitera des différentes approches de l'eschatologie. Le dernier chapitre analysera les différents éléments de l'eschatologie : la mort, l'au-delà, la parousie, la résurrection, le jugement, l'enfer, le purgatoire, le ciel, le paradis et la vie éternelle. La méthode classique nous demande d'étudier les deux 'loci theologici' des écritures (scriptura) et la tradition apostolique (traditio apostolica). Est-ce que nous pouvons nous contenter de ces deux 'piliers théologiques' ? Pouvons-nous bâtir l'eschatologie avec seulement ces deux 'emplacements théologiques' ? Pour mieux étudier l'eschatologie notre méthode prendra également au sérieux un troisième 'locus theologicus' du 'contexte humain' (contextus humanus). Nous allons regarder et évaluer dans les Traditions Africaines la présence des éléments eschatologiques. De nos jours tenir compte de la théologie contextuelle n'est pas une option. 6 Le mot « eschaton » (et d'autres mots de la même racine) se trouve à plusieurs reprises dans le Nouveau Testament :

Eschatologie: L'au-delà de l'au-deçà, W. Gobbo, M. Afr. CFMA, 2012/13 7 chapitre analysera la fondation biblique de l'eschatologie. L'eschatologie dans l'histoire fera partie du deuxième chapitre. Le chapitre trois traitera des...more

Eschatologie: L'au-delà de l'au-deçà, W. Gobbo, M. Afr. CFMA, 2012/13 7 chapitre analysera la fondation biblique de l'eschatologie. L'eschatologie dans l'histoire fera partie du deuxième chapitre. Le chapitre trois traitera des différentes approches de l'eschatologie. Le dernier chapitre analysera les différents éléments de l'eschatologie : la mort, l'au-delà, la parousie, la résurrection, le jugement, l'enfer, le purgatoire, le ciel, le paradis et la vie éternelle. La méthode classique nous demande d'étudier les deux 'loci theologici' des écritures (scriptura) et la tradition apostolique (traditio apostolica). Est-ce que nous pouvons nous contenter de ces deux 'piliers théologiques' ? Pouvons-nous bâtir l'eschatologie avec seulement ces deux 'emplacements théologiques' ? Pour mieux étudier l'eschatologie notre méthode prendra également au sérieux un troisième 'locus theologicus' du 'contexte humain' (contextus humanus). Nous allons regarder et évaluer dans les Traditions Africaines la présence des éléments eschatologiques. De nos jours tenir compte de la théologie contextuelle n'est pas une option. 6 Le mot « eschaton » (et d'autres mots de la même racine) se trouve à plusieurs reprises dans le Nouveau Testament :

Makarios III ibn al-Zaʻīm, the patriarch of Antioch (1647-1672), was born around 1600 in Aleppo, Syria, into a family of priests. Following in the clerical footsteps of his father and grandfather, he also became a priest. In 1635,...more

Makarios III ibn al-Zaʻīm, the patriarch of Antioch (1647-1672), was born around 1600 in Aleppo, Syria, into a family of priests. Following in the clerical footsteps of his father and grandfather, he also became a priest. In 1635, Makarios was elected metropolitan of Aleppo, adopting the name Meletios, that of his spiritual and intellectual father, the previous metropolitan of Aleppo, Meletios Karma (1527-1634). By this time, his wife had passed away, and his son and future collaborator, Paul ("of Aleppo"), was just eight years old. It was during his tenure as metropolitan that Makarios began his intellectual activities. In addition to Arabic, he was well-versed in the Greek language and literature, and many of his works were translations of contemporary Greek authors.1 Upon becoming patriarch of the Orthodox Church of Antioch in 1647, Makarios faced several serious problems: 1) Financial issues exacerbated by rising taxes; 2) Apostasy and conversions to Islam due to the increased taxing on Christians; 3) The poor intellectual and educational level of the clergy; 4) The activity of the Western missionaries among the Orthodox flock. To address the financial issues, Makarios travelled to Orthodox Christian countries such as Wallachia, Moldavia, Ukraine, and Russia, seeking help and assistance from their rulers.2 It appears 1 On his life, context and writings, see, among others,

This essay summarises the evolution of the concept of tyranny from classical antiquity through late medieval Europe, examining its application to both secular and ecclesiastical figures. Beginning with Aristotle's characterisation of...more

This essay summarises the evolution of the concept of tyranny from classical antiquity through late medieval Europe, examining its application to both secular and ecclesiastical figures. Beginning with Aristotle's characterisation of tyranny as unconstitutional rule, the essay explores how classical definitions influenced early Christian thought, particularly through the writings of Isidore of Seville. Isidore's adaptation of tyranny to ecclesiastical contexts paved the way for later medieval thinkers like John of Salisbury and Bartolus de Sassoferato to articulate theories of illegitimate power in both secular and religious spheres. The essay then delves into the Great Western Schism (1378-1417), during which the papacy was divided between rival claimants, leading to accusations of tyranny against popes and secular rulers alike. Through detailed analysis of historical sources and contemporary accounts, the essay demonstrates how charges of tyranny were leveraged to justify the deposition or elimination of political and religious figures, including Pope Urban VI, King Richard II of England, King Wenceslaus of Germany, and Pope Benedict XIII. I conclude with the case of King Władysław II Jagiełło of Poland. Drawing parallels between these cases, the article highlights common themes found in accusations of tyranny, such as abuse of power, financial mismanagement, refusal of counsel, and religious dissent.

The 15th century Suzdalian travelogue describes the journey of Metropolitan Isidore of Kiev to the Council of Florence (1437-1440). Its study within the longue durée (manuscript copies span from 15th till 17th centuries) proves that it...more

The 15th century Suzdalian travelogue describes the journey of Metropolitan Isidore of Kiev to the Council of Florence (1437-1440). Its study within the longue durée (manuscript copies span from 15th till 17th centuries) proves that it served for a longtime as a parallel information on the event where the communion of Christian East and West had been renewed. Thus, the travelogue operated for centuries in significant contrast with the seclusionist narrative that had been formed later as a result of complicated anti-latin compilation process.

The juxtaposition of the Suzdalian travelogue to the chronology of events in Rus' contains no trace of the refusal of the Union of Florence in Moscow. The widening of panorama to Lithuania, Poland and Hungarian kingdom reveals that the political conflicts within the West had a devastating influence on the Eastern reception of the Union of Florence.

This article presents an analysis and translation with commentaries of the works of George Gemistos Plethon related to the anti-Latin polemic: his treatise against the book defending the Latin dogma and a letter to cardinal Bessarion with...more

This article presents an analysis and translation with commentaries of the works of George Gemistos Plethon related to the anti-Latin polemic: his treatise against the book defending the Latin dogma and a letter to cardinal Bessarion with Plethon’s answers to his objections. The analysis and commentary include studying the history of these writings, their theological and historical context, and their connection with the views of Plethon as a whole. The anti-Latin writings of Plethon, known for his commitment to Platonism and Hellenic religious and philosophical concepts, as well as his participation in the work of Ferraro-Florence Council, his support of St. Mark of Ephesus and criticism of the Unia aroused particular interest among researchers and led to ambiguous assessments and contradictory interpretations of the personality, views and goals of Gemistos. The work re-examines a number of the related issues, in particular, Vojtĕch Hladki’s interpretation that Plethon was a Christian and did not have any neo-pagan circle of followers, and his “Laws” were simply personal notes which did not reflect any actual religious views of the author. The article has shown that, despite the formal defense of Orthodoxy at the Council and the written treatise against the Filioque, Plethon remained a Platonist, faithful to those non-Christian views that he outlined in the “Laws” and which deeply outraged George Scholarios, then leader of the Orthodox resistance. Plethon used his anti-Latin treatise not just to criticize the Filioque, but to set out the foundations of “Hellenic theology,” which, from the point of view of Gemistos, had a philosophical logic that Christian theology had abandoned. Plethon rejected the union with the Latins not because of his own Orthodox beliefs: from his point of view, the union was useless as a purely human device that could not help the state, and the main sin of the Byzantines, because of which they lost divine help, was unbelief, in contrast to Turks, into divine providence, which the philosopher understood, like the Stoics, as an inevitable fate.

Jeremiah Carey has responded to critique of his proposal that God’s ‘energies’ are the ‘form’ of each thing, akin to a substantial form. While Carey helpfully clarifies his position on key points that were vague in the original article,...more

Jeremiah Carey has responded to critique of his proposal that God’s ‘energies’ are the ‘form’ of each thing, akin to a substantial form. While Carey helpfully clarifies his position on key points that were vague in the original article, his responses to the initial objections imply that he has abandoned his position or is drawing ambiguous distinctions that fail to address the critique. This paper will focus clarifying the main lines of objection from metaphysics, pointing to an underlying mereological incoherence implied by Carey’s position. In short, Carey is caught in a dilemma. On one side, Carey would be committed to mereological incoherence, and Carey’s panentheism being merely nominally different from theism. On the other side, he would be committed to the view that God intrinsically changes in virtue of composing a whole with created entities. This results in denial of divine immutability and aseity, leading to metaphysical circularity. To conclude, I briefly review the patristic evidence against Carey’s interpretations, diagnose how Carey became caught in this dilemma, and then outline how we ought to understand Palamas and Aquinas’ claims about the way that creation is a manifestation of and participation in divine ideas and energies.

The Great Schism of 1054 marked a profound division between the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church, significantly impacting the trajectory of Christianity in the subsequent centuries. This paper examines the theological...more

The Great Schism of 1054 marked a profound division between the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church, significantly impacting the trajectory of Christianity in the subsequent centuries. This paper examines the theological perspectives that underpinned the estrangement between the two branches of Christianity. By analyzing key theological differences such as the nature of the Holy Spirit, papal authority, and the role of tradition versus scripture, this paper seeks to illuminate how these divergent perspectives contributed to the schism and shaped the identities of both churches.

In his renowned book The Orthodox Church, Bishop Kallistos of Diokleia, Timothy Ware, wrote that Western Christians – Roman and Reformed – perhaps do not agree about the answers, but they at least start with the same theological...more

In his renowned book The Orthodox Church, Bishop Kallistos of Diokleia, Timothy Ware, wrote that Western Christians – Roman and Reformed – perhaps do not agree about the answers, but they at least start with the same theological questions, while the Eastern Orthodox deal with a different set of questions altogether. Professor David Bradshaw’s book reflects this observation all too well, since Western Christianity tackles the question of divine energies almost exclusively when studying orthodoxy, even if there is an encouraging trend of Westerners addressing this issue from a practical interest in the topic itself. As a Protestant pastor-theologian, I believe that reading this book has indeed done more for me than just inform me of a mysterious nous of Orthodoxy. It has indeed given me a fresh look at God, his workings in nature, and the Christian life.

James Dominic Rooney argues in response to a previous article by me that the view according to which God is the formal cause of creatures is unorthodox and ultimately incoherent. This is because it involves either making God a part of...more

James Dominic Rooney argues in response to a previous article by me that the view according to which God is the formal cause of creatures is unorthodox and ultimately incoherent. This is because it involves either making God a part of creatures, or dividing God into finite parts, both of which, he claims, lead to contradictions with traditional Christian claims. However, Rooney both misunderstands central parts of my presentation, and fails to make his case.

The paper aims to present a selected group of 68 post-Byzantine Greek-Orthodox icons, five carved Bema doors from sanctuaries and an iconostasis epistyle, to give a general idea of their main features. These artefacts, which are dated to...more

The paper aims to present a selected group of 68 post-Byzantine Greek-Orthodox icons, five carved Bema doors from sanctuaries and an iconostasis epistyle, to give a general idea of their main features. These artefacts, which are dated to the 19 th and 20 th centuries, are kept in the archaeological museums of Antalya and Tokat. After the end of the so-called Cretan School, which signifies an influential iconographical and stylistical approach to the icon painting from the 15 th to the 18 th centuries, no similar major school was founded. At this time and in fact already two centuries prior numerous works with local characters and regional ideas and interpretations had occurred. These were in continuous interactive relation with one another and they also borrowed and adopted many stylistical and iconographical features and motifs from the works of late Renaissance, Mannerism and Baroque. The examples from Antalya and Tokat illustrate this practice and show the likely pattern of the post-Byzantine Greek-Orthodox icon painting. Their iconographical and stylistic analysis including dating suggestions and considerations of possible origins pointed out that during the iconographical formulation of their works painters followed and adopted models and works of the middle and late Byzantine periods. They reveal at the same time, however, in the modifications of their iconography influences of the Zeitgeist, as it is in the regional painting of the time observed -there was no homogeneous development in the exterritories of the former Byzantine Empire, also not in Asia Minor.

The paper aims to present a selected group of 68 post-Byzantine Greek-Orthodox icons, five carved Bema doors from sanctuaries and an iconostasis epistyle, to give a general idea of their main features. These artefacts, which are dated to...more

The paper aims to present a selected group of 68 post-Byzantine Greek-Orthodox icons, five carved Bema doors from sanctuaries and an iconostasis epistyle, to give a general idea of their main features. These artefacts, which are dated to the 19 th and 20 th centuries, are kept in the archaeological museums of Antalya and Tokat. After the end of the so-called Cretan School, which signifies an influential iconographical and stylistical approach to the icon painting from the 15 th to the 18 th centuries, no similar major school was founded. At this time and in fact already two centuries prior numerous works with local characters and regional ideas and interpretations had occurred. These were in continuous interactive relation with one another and they also borrowed and adopted many stylistical and iconographical features and motifs from the works of late Renaissance, Mannerism and Baroque. The examples from Antalya and Tokat illustrate this practice and show the likely pattern of the post-Byzantine Greek-Orthodox icon painting. Their iconographical and stylistic analysis including dating suggestions and considerations of possible origins pointed out that during the iconographical formulation of their works painters followed and adopted models and works of the middle and late Byzantine periods. They reveal at the same time, however, in the modifications of their iconography influences of the Zeitgeist, as it is in the regional painting of the time observed -there was no homogeneous development in the exterritories of the former Byzantine Empire, also not in Asia Minor.

This paper deals with the relation between Nicholas of Cusa and the Dutch philosopher Heymericus de Campo. Nicholas is celebrated for his rather positive attitude towards Islam. In De pace fidei (1453) he presents the vision of una...more

This paper deals with the relation between Nicholas of Cusa and the Dutch philosopher Heymericus de Campo. Nicholas is celebrated for his rather positive attitude towards Islam. In De pace fidei (1453) he presents the vision of una religio in rituum varietate and in his Cribratio Alkorani (1460/61) Nicholas tries to prove Christian dogmas on the basis of the Koran. This idea he had discussed with his Dutch friend several decades earlier. In his Disputatio de potestate ecclesiastica (1433/34) Heymeric scrutinizes the question, whether the highest authority in the church belongs to the pope or the council, on the basis of the Koran. He presents ten arguments in favour of the council and one in favour of the pope. This shows that Nicholas developed parts of his exceptional thought in conversation with Heymeric and suggests that a closer examination of Heymeric's texts will reveal a new side of the young Cusanus.

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions REVIEWS | III treasure trove of information drawn from wide research in French archival sources and reading in the secondary literature in three languages. He displays his evidence and argues...more

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions REVIEWS | III treasure trove of information drawn from wide research in French archival sources and reading in the secondary literature in three languages. He displays his evidence and argues his positions with clarity and force. Auxiliary materials include extensive indexes, I30 statistical tables, a useful cast of characters, and an excellent bibliography. Bossuat provides abundant materials for the analysis of interactive relationships, cognitive processes, epistemological communities, the domestic sources of foreign policy, the nature of international cooperation, and political economy. This volume provides a cornerstone for further research and interpretation. John S. Hill Ohio State University Arts of Power: Three Halls of State in Italy, 130o-160o.

This article examines how Catholic and Orthodox Christians might arrive at a shared enumeration of ecumenical councils and summarizes the account of the Councils of 859 & 861, 869-870, and 879-880 provided by Fr. Francis Dvornik in The...more

This article examines how Catholic and Orthodox Christians might arrive at a shared enumeration of ecumenical councils and summarizes the account of the Councils of 859 & 861, 869-870, and 879-880 provided by Fr. Francis Dvornik in The Photian Schism (1948).

El Viaje al Concilio de Florencia es el primer relato de viajes de un ruso a Europa occidental. En 1437, el arzobispo Isidoro de Kíev viajó desde Moscú a Florencia a través de los Países Bálticos, el norte de Alemania, Austria y más allá...more

El Viaje al Concilio de Florencia es el primer relato de viajes de un ruso a Europa occidental. En 1437, el arzobispo Isidoro de Kíev viajó desde Moscú a Florencia a través de los Países Bálticos, el norte de Alemania, Austria y más allá de los Alpes, para asistir, en representación de la Iglesia rusa, al Concilio de la Unión. Un anónimo integrante de la comitiva realizó una detallada relación de las etapas del viaje, describiendo por vez primera para sus compatriotas las "maravillas" de las ciudades visitadas en Occidente.

A Note on Theodoros Prodromos as "the first elucidator of the sacred canons" Diogenes Laertes, in his Lives of Eminent Philosophers (II.103), presents a list twenty persons by the name of Theodorus. In the 17 th century, Leo Allatius, in...more

A Note on Theodoros Prodromos as "the first elucidator of the sacred canons" Diogenes Laertes, in his Lives of Eminent Philosophers (II.103), presents a list twenty persons by the name of Theodorus. In the 17 th century, Leo Allatius, in a prodigiously learned dissertation, De Theodoris, was able to expand this catalogue to no fewer than one hundred and thirty-seven such individuals from later periods. As his Theodorus number one hundred and sixteen (cxvi) he introduces Theodorus Prodromus and devotes eight pages to a presentation of his varied writings. His paragraph dealing with the Exposition of the canons written for the sacred dominical feasts by Cosmas and John of Damascus concludes by mentioning two testimonies to the work, one from Eustathios of Thessalonica (1115-1198) and another from Nicephoros Blemmydes (1197-1272). Eustathios, he tells us, refers to the exegetical work by Prodromos in the Introduction to his own Exposition of the canon on Pentecost by John of Damascus, while Nicephoros, he alleges, mentions Theodoros as ὁ τῶν ἱερῶν κανόνων πρῶτος σαφηνιστής in an Oration on the Procession of the Holy Spirit addressed to Archbishop James of Bulgaria. 1 This assertion by Allatius has been repeated over the centuries and has become a staple of all discussion of the work by Theodoros Prodromos. The claim that Theodoros was "the first elucidator of the sacred canons", however, has been a cause of some embarrassment, since it is well known that Gregory Pardus of Corinth had produced an exposition of the festal canons prior to that of Prodromos. Jean-Baptiste Pitra proposed a solution to this enigma by suggesting that the word "first" was to be taken in the sense of "preeminent in quality" rather than in a chronological sense. He wrote: Sit sane primus, ut qui primas tenet ob sui operis praestantiam, vel quia Blemmydes de scholiolis Gregorii Corinthii nullam vel exiguam rationem habuerit, vel propterea quod Theodorus non fuit scholiasta jejunus, sed primus σαφηνιστής, disertus, perspicuus et princeps interpres. 2 [He may be called "first", either on account of the pre-eminence of his work, or because Blemmydes had no or little knowledge of the scholia by Gregory of Corinth, or because Theodorus was not some insignificant scholiast but rather the first σαφηνιστής, namely, an eloquent, clear and paramount interpreter.] This view has been adopted uniformly by later writers. As recently as 2014, Paulo Cesaretti writes in his introduction to the Exegesis of the Iambic Canon on Pentecost by Eustathios: Cruciale è il ruolo di Teodoro Prodromo nella tradizione di esegesi innologica bizantina, tanto che in prosieguo di tempo lo si definì τῶν ἱερῶν κανόνων πρῶτος σαφηνιστής, volendo con ogni evidenza sottolineare non una sua precedenza cronologica ma un suo primato stilistico e concettuale, testimonniato anche dalla copiosa tradizione manoscritta del suo corpus esegetico, che assorbì progressivamente in sé, come appena detto, anche paste della tradizione di Gregorio Pardo, causandole numerose perturbazioni e velando l'identità e l'anteriorità del suo autore a favore del più rinomato Teodoro.

E.K. Pringipakis, “John XIV Kalekas, Patriarch of Constantinople (c. 1282/83-1347)”, in A.G.C. Savvides (ed.), New Biographical Dictionary of Byzantium (NBLB), Vol. II/III (double), Athens : Papazisis Publ., pp. 532-541 (in Greek). π....more

E.K. Pringipakis, “John XIV Kalekas, Patriarch of Constantinople (c. 1282/83-1347)”, in A.G.C. Savvides (ed.), New Biographical Dictionary of Byzantium (NBLB), Vol. II/III (double), Athens : Papazisis Publ., pp. 532-541 (in Greek).

π. Ευάγγελος Κ. Πριγκιπάκης, «Ιωάννης ΙΔ΄ Καλέκας, Πατριάρχης Κωνσταντινουπόλεως (περ. 1282/83-1347)», στο Α.Γ.Κ. Σαββίδη, Νέο Βιογραφικό Λεξικό του Βυζαντίου [ΝΒΛΒ], τ. ΙΙ/ΙΙΙ, Αθήνα : Παπαζήσης, 2024, σ. 532-541.

In the Old Sacristy of San Lorenzo in Florence, an exact image of the starry sky was painted in the second quarter of the 15th century. Since the planets were also identified some time ago, a new date has emerged. At the same time, it...more

In the Old Sacristy of San Lorenzo in Florence, an exact image of the starry sky was painted in the second quarter of the 15th century. Since the planets were also identified some time ago, a new date has emerged. At the same time, it became possible to attempt an astrological interpretation relating to the patron Cosimo de Medici.

In his early literary works as Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, Pope Benedict XVI made a significant assertion: “Rome must not require more from the East with respect to the doctrine of primacy than had been formulated and was lived in the...more

In his early literary works as Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, Pope Benedict
XVI made a significant assertion: “Rome must not require more from the
East with respect to the doctrine of primacy than had been formulated and
was lived in the first millennium.”1 This statement forms a foundational
pillar for our discussion. Our inquiry focuses on crucial aspects related
to primacy during the first millennium. This prompts an exploration of
historical modalities of exercising primacy across different epochs and an
investigation into the diverse perspectives held by Eastern Churches, both
those situated within and outside the confines of the Roman Empire. Precision in addressing these questions is essential.
As suggested by the title, this work embarks on a dual examination: 1)
a thorough analysis of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome in the first millennium, and 2) a comprehensive exploration of the ongoing ecumenical
dialogues with the Orthodox Churches. This study is organized into two
sections dedicated to these interconnected yet distinctive topics to ensure
coherence and clarity.

freshly rediscovered ancient manuscript "written in old letters" ("libros litteris vetustis descriptos") 2 appeared to be a most precious treasure. And if one traces the history of one particular apograph, Escorial Σ I.12, and tries to...more

freshly rediscovered ancient manuscript "written in old letters" ("libros litteris vetustis descriptos") 2 appeared to be a most precious treasure. And if one traces the history of one particular apograph, Escorial Σ I.12, and tries to identify the Benedictus who copied it, the story has unexpected turns. The aim of this paper is, by focussing on the manuscript evidence and the scribes' activity, not only to define the place this dictionary may occupy in the manuscript tradition but also to explore the context of its origin. Accordingly, textual-critical analyses will be combined with narrative, biographical sections. The bilingual Pseudo-Cyril became available to Italian humanists during the Council of Basel (1431-1438) via Harleianus 5792, belonging then to Nicholas of Cusa. 3 Before long several copies were made, either directly or indirectly. Goetz, the last editor of the pseudo-Cyril dictionary, lists ten 15 th-or early 16 th-century copies; 4 Dionisotti lists sixteen. 5 In his sketchy overview of Greek-Latin lexica, 6 Thiermann enumerates only those six whose owner or scribe can be identified by name: Laur. Acqu. e doni 92 which was possessed Francesco da Castiglione, Laur.Edil. 219 possessed by Giorgio Antonio Vespucci, 7 ÖNB Suppl.gr. 45 possessed by Janus Pan-___ the thematic bilingual word-lists of Hermeneumata see E. Dickey, The Colloquia of the Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana I (Cambridge 2012) 20-24. 2 See P. Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci ne'secoli XIV e XV (Florence 1905) 112. 3 It is mentioned by Francesco Pizolpassi in a letter of 1437, see Sabbadini, Le scoperte 112 and 118. 4 CGL II (Leipzig 1888) XXX-XXXI. Goetz erroneously included in his list Neapolitanus II D 34, presumably by confusion with II D 33. In fact the former MS. contains an unfinished humanist dictionary, see M. R. Formentin,

El Viaje al Concilio de Florencia es el primer relato de viajes de un ruso a Europa occidental. En 1437, el arzobispo Isidoro de Kíev viajó desde Moscú a Florencia a través de los Países Bálticos, el norte de Alemania, Austria y más allá...more

El Viaje al Concilio de Florencia es el primer relato de viajes de un ruso a Europa occidental. En 1437, el arzobispo Isidoro de Kíev viajó desde Moscú a Florencia a través de los Países Bálticos, el norte de Alemania, Austria y más allá de los Alpes, para asistir, en representación de la Iglesia rusa, al Concilio de la Unión. Un anónimo integrante de la comitiva realizó una detallada relación de las etapas del viaje, describiendo por vez primera para sus compatriotas las "maravillas" de las ciudades visitadas en Occidente.

In 1947, Pius XII issued the Apostolic Constitution Sacramentum ordinis, which reformed the matter and form of ordaining Deacons, Priests and Bishops, thus changing a doctrine that had been valid for 500 years. Whereas the Council of...more

In 1947, Pius XII issued the Apostolic Constitution Sacramentum ordinis, which reformed the matter and form of ordaining Deacons, Priests and Bishops, thus changing a doctrine that had been valid for 500 years. Whereas the Council of Florence, in its 1439 Decree for the Armenians, had established the presentation of instruments as the matter of the sacrament, the laying on of hands was now sufficient. For the first time, it is possible to reconstruct the genesis of this papal document, thus providing an insight into the writing workshop of the Magisterium and the Holy Office. The Consultor Franz Hürth SJ was the main actor in this sacramental-theologically sensitive issue. Did Pius XII thereby change a dogma?

Kreta weist in die Zukunft von Nikolaj Thon Ein Weg mit Hindernissen auf der Zielgeraden Agatha Christie, die berühmte britische Krimi-Autorin, bemerkte einmal, damit ein Buch wirklich gut sei, müsse es spannend sein bis zur letzten...more

Kreta weist in die Zukunft von Nikolaj Thon Ein Weg mit Hindernissen auf der Zielgeraden Agatha Christie, die berühmte britische Krimi-Autorin, bemerkte einmal, damit ein Buch wirklich gut sei, müsse es spannend sein bis zur letzten Seite. Nun, was das Heilige und Große Konzil der Orthodoxen Kirche angeht, so erfüllte es diese Bedingung in außerordentlichem Maße.

In this article we demonstrate that the interpretation of the epiclesis of the Byzantine liturgy, contained in the so-called “descriptive” part of the Acta graeca of the Florence Council (1439), is a reinterpretation of Nicholas...more

In this article we demonstrate that the interpretation of the epiclesis of the Byzantine liturgy, contained in the so-called “descriptive” part of the Acta graeca of the Florence Council (1439), is a reinterpretation of Nicholas Cabasilas's anti-Latin argumentation, presented in his “An Explanation of the Divine Liturgy.” This reinterpretation had as its source the explanation of the epiclesis in the Thomistic spirit offered in the debate by a Dominican cardinal Juan de Torquemada and recorded in the Acta Latina. Further we hypothesize that this new interpretation became the basis of a new method of Catholic proselytism in the following centuries and impacted the editio princeps of the texts of the Liturgies of St. John and St. Basil in 1526, on which subsequent editions of the Venetian euchologies depend. In that edition, we believe, the specific interpolations, which were previously seldom encountered in the early manuscripts in different contexts, have been made to form a correct “intention” of the celebrant according to the sacramentology of the Catholic Church. We are sure that the results of our study could become a paradigm for reconsidering, for instance, the causes and content of the disputes on the moment of consecration that have taken place since the sixteenth century.

During the Renaissance, the history of religious rifts between Byzantium and the West was reconsidered in a new light. The Reformation caused the turn of the Renaissance thought from antiquity and profane history to sacred past1....more

During the Renaissance, the history of religious rifts between Byzantium and the West was reconsidered in a new light. The Reformation caused the turn of the Renaissance thought from antiquity and profane history to sacred past1. Controversies that reflected the differences between the branches of Christendom, became more innovative. Short treatises or lists of accusations written in the ninth and eleventh centuries were transformed into long narratives with detailed theological and historical studies. The Renaissance predilection for ancient documents and artefacts was transformed into the study of the past. There were two trends: the invention and publication of ancient sources on the one hand, and the need for preliminary sources for actors who created controversies on the other. Old controversies were rediscovered, commented, and published. The development of quasihistorical studies and the exploration of the roots of modern phenomena encouraged the search for and publication of ancient documents. The narratives of the past had to support the arguments in