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T. RöMER, The mysteries of the Ark of the Covenant, Studia Theologica - Nordic Journal of Theology DOI: 10.1080/0039338X.2023.2167861 (2023) 1-17

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Abstract

The Ark of the Covenant, or Ark of Yhwh, has stimulated the imagination of many people from biblical times up to today: it has served as the inspiration for many stories, as the subject of paintings, and even the fodder for Hollywood directors, who still today show an interest in producing movies about the Lost Ark. There are probably many reasons for this fascination. For starters, the Hebrew Bible itself leaves many questions about the Ark open: What happened to the Ark after King Solomon brought it into the Temple? Was the Ark deported or destroyed when the Babylonians conquered Jerusalem? And what did the Ark originally contain? In English, as in other languages, there can be some confusion about the Ark, because the reader of the Bible finds two arks in the Bible: the Ark of Noah and the Ark of the Covenant. This is due to the Latin translation, probably inspired by the Greek translation, 1 which uses the term arca, meaning chest, box, coffer or coffin, for two different Hebrew lexemes. The term tebah (‫תּ‬ ֵ ‫ב‬ ָ ‫ה‬) is used to designate the ship that Noah built in order to survive the Flood, as well as the box in Exodus 2, in which Moses' mother places her baby to hide him from Pharaoh. This word is probably an Egyptian loanword, either from db't (sanctuary, sarcophagus), or from tbt (coffer, box). The West Semitic term 'arôn (‫אָ‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ןֹ‬) designates also a box or a coffer and is used more than 200 times, almost exclusively 2 for the Ark of Yhwh or the Ark of the Covenant, which is also called the Ark of God, the Ark of the God of Israel, the Ark of the Testimony ('arôn ha'edût), the Ark of Yhwh of Hosts Sitting on the Cherubim, the Holy Ark, etc. 3 Within the structure of the Hebrew Bible, the Ark appears for the first time in the book of Exodus in the context of the construction of the mobile sanctuary in the wilderness (Exod 25-31 and 35-40), which gives a detailed description of its appearance that has influenced most reconstructions and paintings of the Ark (Exod 25:10-22): The Ark shall be made out of acacia wood, overlaid with pure gold and covered with a "mercy seat," with two cherubim with outstretched

Key takeaways
sparkles

AI

  1. The Ark of the Covenant's fate after Solomon remains ambiguous, fueling historical and cultural speculation.
  2. Scholars debate the Ark's original contents, with theories suggesting it included a representation of Yhwh.
  3. Excavations at Kiriath Jearim reveal significant constructions dating to the 8th century BCE, likely related to the Ark.
  4. The narrative of the Ark's transfer to Jerusalem may have been composed during King Josiah's reforms.
  5. Biblical texts indicate the Ark's disappearance post-Babylonian destruction, with no clear evidence of its return.

Related papers

The Ark of the Covenant:-Connections

This paper shows how Medieval masons were familiar with the dimensions of the Ark of the Covenant as defined in the paper, the book Deluge:From Genesis to Atlantis and in Measurements of the Gods. In the creation of Rosslyn Chapel in the form of the Ark of the Covenant in plan they very accurately copied the Biblical dimensions as seen here in a scaled up model. This, along with similar evidence in Measurements of the Gods, confirms the validity of the metrological analysis seen in the papers and books here.

On the Ark of Noah and the Ark of the Covenant
The Ark of the Covenant in its Egyptian Context: An Illustrated Journey

The Ark of the Covenant in Its Egyptian Context: An Illustrated Journey invites readers on a journey of discovery that will change the way they view the Ark of the Covenant forever! Although much has been written about the Ark of the Covenant, few authors engage the wealth of information available that pertains to Egyptian material culture. The Ark of the Covenant in Its Egyptian Context: An Illustrated Journey is the first book to explore the complex history of sacred ritual furniture in Egypt that predated the ark by hundreds of years. Within Egyptian culture, over four hundred examples of ritual furniture exist that shed light on the design and appearance of the ark. These examples form patterns that provide context for the Israelites' understanding of the ark at the time of its construction. That understanding would have been obvious to the Israelites of the time, but has since become obscured over the millennia. This groundbreaking book is the first to connect the Ark of the Covenant with the archaeology and chronology of ancient Egypt, and it does so in an accessible way with straightforward text and dozens of full-color photographs and graphics.

An Exegetical study about Uzzah and the Ark
Blenders of the Lost Arks: Noah's Ark and the Ark of the Covenant as One in Gnostic and Other Judeo-Christian Literature

The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Nag Hammadi Codices. Edited by Dylan Burns and Matthew Goff. NHMS 103. Leiden: Brill, 2022

Two Classic Gnostic texts from the Nag Hammadi collection, the Nature of the Rulers (NHC II,4) and the Apocalypse of Adam (NHC V,5), each narrate the story of Noah’s ark in a distinctive way. In Nature of the Rulers, Noah is given instruction regarding the construction of the ark that differs from that of Genesis and he rebuilds the ark after a woman named Norea destroys it with fire. In the Apocalypse of Adam, great angels descend on clouds to rescue additional survivors, which forces Noah to assert before the furious creator that he had nothing to do with their deliverance. These distinctive aspects that appear to be strange additions to the story of Noah’s ark, however, become intelligible when we acknowledge that the producers of these compositions have blended Noah’s ark with the ark of the covenant. The blending of these two arks occurs surprisingly often in ancient Jewish and Christian literature. We find examples of such blends in the Qumran and Nag Hammadi corpora, as well as other texts. To blend the arks, or to construe that the two arks are somehow the same ark, is a utilization of metaphorical language. Because of advances in cognitive sciences, today metaphors can be productively examined as a form of conceptual integration, which is also known as conceptual blending. To first outline the present essay, we will begin by examining key elements of the biblical stories of the two respective arks. We will then analyze several examples from ancient Jewish and early Christian texts in which the two arks have been linked and blended in various ways. This essay argues that the two arks are indeed blended in the Nag Hammadi texts mentioned above, the Nature of the Rulers and the Apocalypse of Adam.

The Ark of God - the transient symbol of an eternal truth -Joseph Parker D.D.- a Artifact + a symbol of divine presence , Theological analysis , Cosmic Mtns , Religious rites ,selected Psalms to Solomon ,Jeremiah- Daniel prophecies +altered- censored -fragments of sacred Txts (rare Forgotten book )

LONDON - S. W. PARTRIDGE & CO. 9 PATERNOSTER ROW. And Hazell, Watson, and Viney, Printers, - Aylesbury., 1877

is a profound exploration of the symbolic and theological significance of the Ark of the Covenant within Christian faith. Parker, a 19th-century theologian, examines how the Ark, a central element in Israelite worship, serves as both a historical artifact and a representation of divine presence and covenant. The book delves into the deeper meanings of biblical narratives, offering sermons and reflections that connect the physical symbol of the Ark to eternal spiritual truths. Parker’s work blends scriptural exegesis with practical homiletics, making it a valuable resource for preachers, theologians, and students of Christian doctrine. Through a detailed analysis of Old Testament figures, prophetic writings, and Christian ethics, the book provides insights into the development of faith, the challenges of spiritual growth, and the enduring relevance of biblical teachings. Overall, it serves as both a theological treatise and a guide for Christian living, rooted in the rich traditions of biblical history. CONTENTS - The Ark of The Testimony, 1, Religious HELP IN NEW Circumstances, 26, JUDAS ISCARIOT, 40, TWO MOUNTAIN SCENES, 66, PAGAN CONSTANCY, 77, A PERSONAL REVIEW, 103, READINGS IN THE BOOK OF PSALMS, 113, PROGRESS OF MANHOOD, 136, FAITH, 142, CHRISTIAN LIFE AND GROWTH, 149, MARY: NEEDLESS TROUBLE, 162, JEREMIAH, 170, THE SILENT LOOKS OF CHRIST, 181, PRESENT TO HEAR GOD'S WORD, 192, THE EARLY LIFE OF DANIEL, 198, OUTLINES AND NOTES: — The Mutilated Bible, 217, The Future as Unknown yet Well Known, 222, Solomon: The Variety of His Character, 227, Prescribed Religion, 230, Hadad: The Pressure of Destiny, 233, Sudden Revelations, 237, Tried Weapons, 241, Manoah's Wife, 253, Jonathan's Moral Courage, 264, Life without Miracles, 278, Hated for the Truth's Sake, 281, What is Life?, 284, Control of the Imagination a Duty, 296, Job's Comforters, 301, Parables, 317, HOMILETICS: — The Physiology of Preaching, 332, Preparation of Sermons, 337, Some Difficulties in Preaching, 342, The Text Book, 346, On Extemporaneous Outlines, 349 CUSTOM CHAPTER DESCRIPTIONS BELOW : 1. THE ARK OF THE TESTIMONY This chapter examines the Ark of the Covenant as both a historical artifact and a symbol of divine presence. It explores the significance of the Ark within the context of Israelite worship and its role as a testament to God's covenant with His people. The discussion includes a theological analysis of the Ark's construction, its contents, and the rituals associated with it, emphasizing its representation of the enduring relationship between God and humanity. 2. RELIGIOUS HELP IN NEW CIRCUMSTANCES This chapter addresses the role of religion in providing guidance and support during times of change and uncertainty. It explores how religious teachings and practices adapt to new social, political, and personal circumstances, offering comfort and direction. The text delves into the ways in which religious communities respond to contemporary challenges, providing a historical perspective on how faith has remained a constant source of strength in ever-evolving contexts. 3. JUDAS ISCARIOT In this chapter, the life and actions of Judas Iscariot are analyzed within the framework of Christian theology. The text provides a detailed examination of Judas's role in the narrative of the Passion, exploring the complexities of his character and the theological implications of his betrayal. The chapter also discusses the legacy of Judas in Christian thought, considering how his story has been interpreted and reinterpreted across different traditions and historical periods. 4. TWO MOUNTAIN SCENES This chapter presents a comparative study of two significant biblical events that take place on mountains. It analyzes the symbolic importance of mountains as sites of divine revelation and human encounter with the sacred. The discussion includes an exploration of the theological themes associated with each scene, highlighting their distinct contributions to the broader narrative of Scripture. 5. PAGAN CONSTANCY This chapter explores the persistence of pagan beliefs and practices in the face of the spread of Christianity. It examines the resilience of pagan traditions, analyzing the reasons for their endurance and the ways in which they were integrated into or resisted by emerging Christian communities. The chapter provides a historical overview of the interaction between paganism and Christianity, emphasizing the complexity of religious continuity and change. 6. A PERSONAL REVIEW In this chapter, the author reflects on his own experiences and insights gained through his engagement with religious study and ministry. The text offers a personal account of the challenges and rewards of theological inquiry, discussing the impact of these experiences on the author's understanding of faith. This review provides a contemplative perspective on the intersection of personal belief and scholarly research. 7. READINGS IN THE BOOK OF PSALMS This chapter provides an exegesis of selected Psalms, focusing on their theological, literary, and liturgical significance. The text analyzes the structure and themes of the Psalms, exploring their use in worship and their role in expressing the spiritual emotions of the faithful. The chapter also considers the Psalms' enduring relevance in both individual devotion and communal prayer. 8. PROGRESS OF MANHOOD This chapter examines the concept of manhood within a religious context, exploring its development from youth to maturity. The text discusses the virtues and responsibilities associated with manhood, as articulated in religious teachings. It also considers the role of religious rites and practices in marking the transition to manhood, highlighting the importance of spiritual growth and ethical conduct. 9. FAITH This chapter delves into the nature of faith as a foundational element of religious life. The text explores the definition, sources, and expressions of faith, considering its role in shaping belief and behavior. The chapter also discusses the challenges to faith, such as doubt and temptation, and the ways in which faith is nurtured and sustained within the religious community. 10. CHRISTIAN LIFE AND GROWTH This chapter focuses on the process of spiritual growth within the Christian life, from conversion to sanctification. The text discusses the practices that contribute to spiritual development, such as prayer, study, and participation in the sacraments. It also examines the obstacles to growth and the means by which Christians are encouraged to persevere in their faith journey, aiming toward greater conformity to the image of Christ. 11. MARY: NEEDLESS TROUBLE This chapter explores an episode in the life of Mary, the mother of Jesus, where she encounters unnecessary anxiety. The text analyzes the event within the context of Mary's role in the Christian narrative, considering the theological implications of her experiences. The chapter reflects on how Mary's response to this situation has been interpreted in Christian tradition, particularly in relation to themes of trust, obedience, and divine providence. 12. JEREMIAH This chapter provides a detailed study of the prophet Jeremiah, focusing on his life, ministry, and messages. The text examines the historical and social context of Jeremiah's prophecies, as well as the central themes of judgment, repentance, and hope that characterize his work. The chapter also considers Jeremiah's influence on later religious thought and his enduring legacy as a prophet of profound spiritual insight and moral courage. 13. THE SILENT LOOKS OF CHRIST This chapter analyzes the significance of Christ's non-verbal communication in the Gospels, particularly the moments where His silence or gaze conveys deep meaning. The text explores the theological implications of these silent looks, considering how they express Christ's compassion, judgment, or understanding. The chapter also discusses the role of silence in Christ's ministry, and how these moments have been interpreted in Christian theology and art. 14. PRESENT TO HEAR GOD'S WORD This chapter emphasizes the importance of being fully attentive when engaging with divine revelation. The text discusses the challenges that distract believers from truly hearing God's word, both in a literal and spiritual sense. The chapter also examines the relationship between hearing and obedience, highlighting the necessity of a receptive heart and mind in the practice of faith. It provides practical guidance on cultivating an environment conducive to spiritual listening. 15. THE EARLY LIFE OF DANIEL This chapter explores the formative years of the prophet Daniel, focusing on the influences that shaped his faith and character. The text examines Daniel's upbringing, education, and early experiences, particularly his exile to Babylon. The chapter discusses how these early challenges and opportunities prepared Daniel for his later role as a prophet and leader, emphasizing the significance of divine favor and wisdom in his life. 16. OUTLINES AND NOTES: The Mutilated Bible This chapter addresses the issue of biblical texts that have been altered, censored, or fragmented over time. The text provides a historical overview of the causes and consequences of such mutilations, including the impact on biblical interpretation and theology. The chapter also discusses the efforts of scholars to reconstruct and preserve these damaged texts, highlighting the importance of maintaining the integrity of sacred scriptures. 17. The Future as Unknown yet Well Known This chapter explores the tension between the unknowability of the future and the certainty provided by religious prophecy and eschatology. The text discusses how religious teachings offer insights into the future while acknowledging its inherent unpredictability. The chapter also examines the psychological and spiritual implications of living with this duality, considering how believers are guided to prepare for the future...

Levin - The Many Arks of Early Israel - 2021

Epigraphy, Iconography and the Bible, 2021

“One Ark, Two Arks, Three Arks, More? The Many Arks of Early Israel”, in: Meir and Edith Lubetski (eds.), Epigraphy, Iconography and the Bible (Hebrew Bible Monographs 98), Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2021, 43-64.

THE BIRTH OF MOSES; THE ARKS of MOSES AND NOAH

cosmic-number.com, 2023

To begin this section, it is necessary to examine the proposition that in keeping with the allegorical nature of the Bible, and the applicability of virtually every 'story' to the development of the self (as Gurdjieff taught, and many of the books written by his followers examine, such as Kenneth Walker, Maurice Nicholl, J.G.Bennett, and so on)-this means they were written within the 'mystery-schools' traditions of Hebrew and other religions, with meaningful esoteric concepts enclosed within the details of many narratives…) And this perspective regarding the biblical uses of allegory to communicate spiritual truths is not a strictly modern interpretation; in his book 'The Secret Power of Music' David Tame relates on p.208 the perspective of some of the early Church fathers in this respect; "Only from the fifth century Ad did the Creation stories of Genesis begin to be taken as literal historical records; this occurring as knowledge of the ancient wisdom within the Christian movement deteriorated or was forced underground. Before this, we find Gregory of Nyssa (c.Ad 390) describing the Genesis Creation as 'ideas in the form of a story'. The other prominent churchmen of the time also accepted the Creation stories as allegorical". (Tame then goes on to place the origins of the Genesis creation stories within the context of the Middle and Near East, particularly the awareness of several religions that the Creation 'was linked with a form of utterance or sound of God'. Myths of The Flood were also widely incorporated in civilizations throughout the Near East and Asia). So, to begin this study of the life and character of Moses, his life-story begins at Exodus 2.1, with his birth, and then concealment within a basket, or 'ark' of bulrushes. "And when she could not longer hide him, she took for him an ark of bulrushes, and daubed it with slime and pitch, and put the child therein" (Exod2.2

The "Mercy Seat" and the Ark of the Testimony: An Age-Old Misnomer?

Studies of Biblical Interest, 2023

This short paper investigates the biblical Hebrew word kappōret in relation to languages of the ancient Near East. Taking kappōret to mean in its most basic sense "cover" or "lid," we develop the possibility that a relationship may exist with the Egyptian word kꜣp, variously denoting a "cover," "roof," "shelter," or "canopy." We posit that kappōret may in fact be a loanword from Egyptian, with any loaning having a terminus ante quem of between the end of Seti I's reign and the close of the 20th Dynasty (circa 1279–1077 BCE) based on textual attestations.

Symbolism of the Ark: Universal Symbolism of the Receptacle of Divine Immanence

Symbolism of the Ark: Universal Symbolism of the Receptacle of Divine Immanence, 2009

In diverse traditions we find an ensemble of symbols, motifs and narratives centring on the idea of a “container” or “receptacle” for the divine Presence. This idea is found in the symbolism of what we might loosely call “the Ark.” In the Semitic traditions this symbolism is most conspicuous in the biblical accounts of the Ark of Noah and the Ark of the Covenant. The aim of this book is to uncover the more or less universal significance of Ark symbolism through an exploration of its biblical expressions. The starting point for this inquiry is a set of immutable metaphysical and cosmological principles constituting the philosophia perennis, which informs the world’s integral mythological and religious traditions. I understand the Ark as the receptacle of Divine Immanence or, what amounts to the same thing, as the dwelling place of God. Immanence may be symbolised by a series of numerical hypostases, the most fundamental of which is the progression from the monad to the quaternary. In turn, the unfolding of the quaternary reveals the fullness of the decad, with the number ten adequately expressing the return of the monad to metaphysical zero. With the account of the Ark of Noah and, to a lesser extent, the Ark of the Covenant in the foreground, we survey the symbolic “progression” from zero to four. Thus the mythology of the Ark of Noah is considered as the movement from zero (the waters of the flood), through the principial monad (the Ark as “seed”), via the duad as both retraction (“two by two”) and emanation (the “twin peaked mountains”), to the ternary, both as a hierarchy of constituent elements (the “three decks” of the Ark) and as a creative “power” (the “three sons” of Noah), to the quaternary, which may be said to express Immanence in terms of cosmic stability (the Temple, the Ka‘bah). The Noah myth is an expedient point of departure for a consideration of the Ark as a universal symbol with two fundamental expressions: the Ark as the divine “vehicle” (boat, ship, chariot) and the Ark as the “house of God.” These, however, are only the most obvious expressions of the symbolism under investigation and allusion is made to a variety of other related symbolic motifs (cup, trumpet, conch, heart, amongst others). In the final analysis we are engaged in an inquiry into universal metaphysical and cosmological principles. The Ark is the receptacle of Divine Immanence. However, such a statement is too simple or even too obvious to bring into focus the vast body of symbolisms and the complex hermeneutics that explicate it. My aim is two-fold: to present an examination of the metaphysics related to the symbolism of the Ark, and to alert the reader to the broad scope of this symbolism. It might help to clarify the nature of this enterprise by first saying what it is not. It is not a work of historical investigation, history of religion, history of ideas, nor speculative or systematic theology, in any limited sense of these words. Neither is this a work concerned with contemplative spirituality, although it is this rich tradition that yields some of the most valuable writings concerning the Ark of Noah and the Ark of the Covenant: one thinks of Hugh of St. Victor’s De arca Noe morali et de arca Noe mystica and Richard of St. Victor’s Benjamin Major (The Mystical Ark), and the influence this last had on The Cloud of Unknowing. This book might best be described as a work of comparative symbolic exegesis. I have attempted to present a study of the traditional symbolisms and metaphysics associated with the idea of the Ark envisaged as a universal principle. Admittedly this is not original in any modern sense of the word. It is not my intention to formulate some new idea, but simply to fathom the depths of the Ark symbol and its related symbolisms. Still, while this is not original it is nevertheless relatively unique among modern scholarly studies, which are more often than not concerned primarily with historical proofs of the Ark of Noah or the Ark of the Covenant. This work is far from exhaustive; it seeks simply to suggest certain understandings and symbolic relationships that by their very nature are multivalent. When discussing principles I have tried to be direct and concise. Where I engage with examples, be they mythological, symbolical, or literary, I generally let the web of allusions, correspondences and analogies speak for itself. If we appear to wander from what might be thought of as Ark mythology, be this the Ark of the Flood or the Ark of the Covenant, this is due to my central premise: that the Ark symbolises the receptacle of Divine Immanence. Immanence includes every manifested and created thing from the Cosmos itself to the most insignificant speck of dust. God exists in all things and all things exist in God. Thus one might speak of any “thing” as the receptacle of Divine Immanence. To fully understand the Ark as the receptacle of Immanence one must consider the relationship of Immanence and Transcendence. Thus one moves to a study of Reality in Its fullness, the content of which is infinite. The scope of such a study is limited only by one’s intellectual horizon. Yet one is obliged to find a starting place. The notion of the symbolism of the Ark provides that starting place for this book. It is finally, as in fact all symbolism should be, a stepping-stone to an appreciation of the Divine.

Studia Theologica - Nordic Journal of Theology

The mysteries of the Ark of the Covenant

Thomas Römer

To cite this article: Thomas Römer (2023): The mysteries of the Ark of the Covenant, Studia Theologica - Nordic Journal of Theology, DOI: 10.1080/0039338X.2023.2167861

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/0039338X.2023.2167861

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The mysteries of the Ark of the Covenant

Thomas Römer

The Ark of the Covenant, or Ark of Yhwh, has stimulated the imagination of many people from biblical times up to today: it has served as the inspiration for many stories, as the subject of paintings, and even the fodder for Hollywood directors, who still today show an interest in producing movies about the Lost Ark. There are probably many reasons for this fascination. For starters, the Hebrew Bible itself leaves many questions about the Ark open: What happened to the Ark after King Solomon brought it into the Temple? Was the Ark deported or destroyed when the Babylonians conquered Jerusalem? And what did the Ark originally contain?

In English, as in other languages, there can be some confusion about the Ark, because the reader of the Bible finds two arks in the Bible: the Ark of Noah and the Ark of the Covenant. This is due to the Latin translation, probably inspired by the Greek translation,1{ }^{1} which uses the term arca, meaning chest, box, coffer or coffin, for two different Hebrew lexemes.

The term tebah (קבה) is used to designate the ship that Noah built in order to survive the Flood, as well as the box in Exodus 2, in which Moses’ mother places her baby to hide him from Pharaoh. This word is probably an Egyptian loanword, either fromdbt\underline{d} b^{\prime} t (sanctuary, sarcophagus), or fromtbtt b t (coffer, box).

The West Semitic term 'arôn (אָרוֹ) designates also a box or a coffer and is used more than 200 times, almost exclusively2{ }^{2} for the Ark of Yhwh or the Ark of the Covenant, which is also called the Ark of God, the Ark of the God of Israel, the Ark of the Testimony ('arôn ha’edût), the Ark of Yhwh of Hosts Sitting on the Cherubim, the Holy Ark, etc.3{ }^{3}

Within the structure of the Hebrew Bible, the Ark appears for the first time in the book of Exodus in the context of the construction of the mobile sanctuary in the wilderness (Exod 25-31 and 35-40), which gives a detailed description of its appearance that has influenced most reconstructions and paintings of the Ark (Exod 25:10-22): The Ark shall be made out of acacia wood, overlaid with pure gold and covered with a “mercy seat,” with two cherubim with outstretched

wings. This is, as we will see later, probably one of the latest texts about the Ark.

The final mention of the Ark, according to most manuscripts of the Hebrew Bible, is at the end of the canon, in the book of Chronicles (2 Chr 35:11). Here, King Josiah orders the Levites to place the Holy Ark into the Jerusalemite temple. This is quite an astonishing command, as the Ark had already been placed into the temple by Solomon.

We will also return to this text in a while.

Sigmund Mowinckel’s view on the Ark

Sigmund Mowinckel, whose scholarship we are honouring with this lecture,4{ }^{4} took much interest in the question of the Ark in the Hebrew Bible, especially in an article that was published in 1929 in the French journal La Revue d’histoire et de philosophie religieuses. The title of the article (translated into English) was: "When Did the Cult of Yhwh in Jerusalem Become Officially a Cult without Images?"5 He opposed the traditional view that the worship of Yhwh was aniconic from the beginning, quoting among others 1 Kings 12. According to this story, after the separation between the South and the North, Jeroboam established sanctuaries in Dan and Bethel, where Yhwh was worshipped as a young bull.

He also focused on the Ark of Yhwh, which he saw as another indication of the existence of representations of Yhwh.

The strange verse of 1 Kings 8:9, which concludes the installation of the Ark into the Jerusalem temple’s Holy of Holies, indicates that the Ark did not originally contain the two tablets of the law.

According to 1 Kings 8:9, “There was nothing in the Ark except the two tablets of stone that Moses had placed there at Horeb, where Yhwh made a covenant with the Israelites, when they came out of the land of Egypt.” This emphasis on the “nothing else” (אין בארץ) makes it very likely that this statement about the Ark’s contents has resulted from a relecture of its original function.

What, then, were the original contents of the Ark? According to Mowinckel, the Ark originally contained a statue of a bull representing Yhwh. In Psalm 132, which alludes to a procession of the Ark, Yhwh is called twice 'abbîr ya’aqôb (v. 2 and 5) - an expression that Mowinckel translated as “bull of Jacob/Israel.”6{ }^{6}

Mowinckel originally thought that this bull statue remained in the Ark of Jerusalem until it was captured or destroyed by the Babylonians, who invaded Jerusalem und burned the temple in 587 BCE. He

ultimately envisaged the original Ark as containing a zoomorphic representation of Yhwh and having been taken as part of Pharaoh Sheshonq’s spoils during his Palestinian campaign around 926 BCE. The Jerusalemite priests then made a new Ark and placed within it two stones, as a more abstract representation of Yhwh (and maybe his spouse Ashera?7{ }^{7} ) akin to the maşebot.8{ }^{8} These stones were later identified by Deuteronomistic redactors with the tablets of the law, as in Deuteronomy 10 or 1 Kings 8.

Mowinckel assumed that there were several arks, with each important sanctuary hosting its own.9{ }^{9} The ark of the sanctuary of Shiloh, mentioned in the opening chapters of the book of Samuel, was probably the oldest, but it is not very plausible that this ark was transferred to Jerusalem as the Bible would have us believe.10{ }^{10}

The function and the content of the Ark

How shall we evaluate Mowinckel’s view on the Ark today? He is certainly right that an ark is a transportable sanctuary. Such an ark or arks certainly existed in ancient Israel and are therefore not a literary invention of the biblical writers.

According to chapter 6 of the First Book of Samuel, the Ark was placed on a chariot drawn by cows, a sign that it must have been an object of some importance and size. One can compare the ark to sacred chests attested in Egyptian iconography and used during processions.

A chest mounted upon a chariot seems also to be attested among the Phoenicians. According to Philo of Byblos (c. 65-140) in his Phoenician History, two gods named “Fields” (agrós, perhaps corresponding to šaddāy) and “Rustic” (agrótēs) were associated with a chest (naós) pulled by two beasts.11{ }^{11}

A relief from the Temple of Bel in Palmyra depicts a procession with a camel carrying a portable sanctuary, which is worshipped by four veiled women. The canopy may have hosted a sacred stone, which may have represented the deity Arsû.12{ }^{12}

We may also have representations of “arks” in a relief from the palace of Tiglat-Pileser depicting the deportations of the gods of Gaza. Among these statues is a sort of a box with a divine statue smaller than the others, which may be an ark, a mobile sanctuary.13{ }^{13} A similar object may also appear in a deportation scene from a relief of Sargon II.14{ }^{14}

We can therefore be quite sure that the Ark of Yhwh originally contained a representation of the god of Israel. This is also suggested by an episode in the Ark Narrative (see below).

After the Philistines send the Ark back to the Israelites, the cows carrying the Ark stop at Beth-Shemesh. But Yhwh kills some of the population there, because they have, according to the MT, looked at - or better, in - the Ark of Yhwh:

He (Yhwh) struck at the men of Beth-Shemesh because they had looked into the Ark of Yhwh. And he struck down among them seventy men.15{ }^{15} (1 Sam 6:19)

Therefore, this episode suggests that the Ark contained a representation of Yhwh that non-priests were forbidden to see. For this reason, Yhwh punished those who did not respect this taboo.

In summary, we can confirm Mowinckel’s idea that the original Ark contained a statue of Yhwh. Whether there were several arks in ancient Israel and Judah or just one is difficult to decide. According to the Bible, there was only one Ark of Yhwh, which was kept at Shiloh after the conquest, before it was brought to Jerusalem.

Let us now turn to the so-called “Ark Narrative”, which recounts the loss of the Ark and its return to Israel.

The so-called Ark Narrative and its original meaning

1 Samuel 4:1-7:1 and 2 Samuel 6 narrate the following story: The Ark, which was kept in the sanctuary of Shiloh, is taken to the battlefield in a war between the Philistines and the Israelites in order to secure victory for the Israelites. However, it is captured by the Philistines and brought as loot into the temple of the Philistine god Dagan in Ashdod. In the temple, the Ark’s power destroys the statue of Dagan, and so the Philistines send it to another city, Gath. Here, it strikes the population with plagues, so they transfer it to Ekron. The plagues continue, so the Philistines relent and return the Ark to the Israelites. They place it on a cart carried by two milch cows, separated from their calves. The fact that the cows bring the Ark back to Israel rather than returning to their calves is understood as the result of divine intervention. Strangely enough, the Ark does not return to its original sanctuary, but instead arrives first at Beth-Shemesh.

As we have seen, it does not remain here due to the inhabitants’ behaviour. Thereafter, the people of Kiriath Jearim come and take the Ark for themselves. They consecrate a priest to take care of it (1 Sam 7:1), and there it remains until David transfers it, not without difficulty, to Jerusalem (2 Sam 6).

The idea that 1 Sam 4,1-7,1* and 2 Sam 6* constitute an independent Ark Narrative comes from Leonhard Rost.16{ }^{16} Rost postulated that this narrative had been written by an “eyewitness” - a priest of the Ark during the reign of David or Solomon. According to Rost, the narrative is characterized by specific vocabulary, style (many speeches and questions), and a theological stance. Yhwh is presented as a god who strikes his enemies and brings salvation to his people. Rost’s hypothesis was accepted by many scholars,17{ }^{17} who assumed that a Deuteronomist redactor integrated this old tradition into his account about Samuel and the origins of the monarchy.

There is no doubt that 1 Samuel 4:1-7:1 constitutes an independent narrative. The prophet Samuel, whose birth and actions are recounted in 1 Sam 1-3 and 7:2, does not appear in the Ark Narrative. The Greek text of 1 Sam 4:1 offers a fitting opening to an independent narrative:

In those days, the Philistines mustered for war against Israel, and Israel went out to battle against them.18{ }^{18}

The Greek introduction “in those days” is the equivalent of the Hebrew expression, וִיְחִי בִּיָּמִים קִקָּם, which introduces new narratives in Exodus 2:11, Judges 19:1 and 1 Samuel 28:1, and is therefore an appropriate beginning of an independent narrative.

However, the question is where this independent narrative originally ended. Several scholars have indeed pointed out that 2 Samuel 6 (the transfer of the Ark to Jerusalem) is not a fitting end to the narrative.19{ }^{19} The first problem is that the part about David’s transfer of the Ark to Jerusalem, ostensibly the heart of the story, is separated from the main block of the narrative. Moreover, the story in 2 Samuel 6 is quite different from the story in 1 Sam 4:1-7:1 and does not fit as a direct continuation of 1 Samuel 7:1:

  • David appears in 2 Samuel 6 without any introduction.
  • The style and vocabulary of 1 Samuel 4:1b - 7:1 on the one hand and 2 Samuel 6 on the other are quite different. The two units share only four of the fifty-four words and expressions that Rost considered to be typical of the so-called Ark Narrative.20{ }^{20}
  • 1 Sam 4:1b - 7:1 does not hint at Jerusalem being the Ark’s final destination, which would be logical had the narrative been the hieros logos of an Ark shrine in the Jerusalem temple.

This means that the original story ended with the arrival of the ark at Kiriath Jearim in 1 Samuel 7:1: “And the people of Kiriath Jearim came and took up the ark of Yhwh and brought it to the house of Abinadab on the hill. They consecrated his son, Eleazar, to have charge of the Ark of Yhwh.”

In 1 Samuel 7:1, Eleazar, son of Abinadab, is consecrated (קרן) to be in charge of the Ark. The rootqdsq-d-s is used for the consecration of priests, such as in Leviticus 8:10. Thus, the consecration of Eleazar is placed in contrast to the end of the Elide priesthood of Shiloh.

The beginning of the narrative in 1 Samuel 4 indeed tells of two related catastrophes: the capture of the Ark by the Philistines and the death of the priest of Shiloh, Eli, preceded by the death of his two sons. The two passages are related because they show that the sanctuary of Shiloh is no longer considered legitimate; it no longer hosts the Ark, and its priestly dynasty has disappeared. By the end of the story, Shiloh has vanished from the scene, and there is no explanation for why the Ark was not brought back to its original place and has instead found a new home at Kiriath Jearim.

This means that we need to understand the original narrative (which was later revised several times21{ }^{21} ) as the hieros logos, the foundation legend, of the sanctuary of Kiriath Jearim.

If this is the case, who wrote this narrative and in what geopolitical context? With the exception of 1 Samuel 7:1, the Bible never explicitly mentions a sanctuary at Kiriath Jearim. Can archaeology help to check the existence of a sanctuary here that may have hosted the Ark?

Excavations at Kiriath Jearim

Kiriath Jearim is securely identified with the mound of Deir el-'Azar above the village of Abu Ghosh, 13 km west-northwest of the Old City of Jerusalem. The Arabic name probably still preserves the name “Eleazar”, who, according to 1 Samuel 7:1, was the priest of the Ark there. The site sits at a commanding location over one of the main routes to Jerusalem in antiquity.

Today, this site is dominated by a church dedicated to “Our Lady of the Ark of the Covenant” and a monastery (built in 1906) hosting a congregation of nuns belonging to the “Sisters of Saint Joseph of the Holy Apparition”. The church was built in 1924 on the remains of an older Byzantine church or monastery from the fifth or sixth century. This indicates an ongoing tradition that relates this place to the Ark tradition; one may even speculate about whether the Byzantine sanctuary had been

erected on an older non-Christian place, which was a quite common phenomenon for the construction of Christian sanctuaries in the first centuries C.E.

As arial pictures show, the top of the hill is broad and flat, a result of support terrace-walls that were erected around it. Had an elevated rectangular platform existed at the site in antiquity, it would be a monumental architectural feature, unique in the Southern Highlands.

After surveys and salvage excavations, a joint venture between Tel Aviv University and the Collège de France conducted the first excavations on this site during the summers of 2017 and 2019. Work could not be carried out on the summit of the hill due to the monastery building as well as church functions.

Instead, three areas on the slopes were chosen:
AreaAA, located on two flat terraces to the immediate north of the convent, with the aim of checking out the possibility of an eastwest support wall on the northern side of the summit.
Area B, on the southeastern slope, aimed at checking out the southern end of the large eastern terrace.
AreaCC, on a flat, broad terrace on the lower eastern slope, aimed at investigating the nature of the site beyond the supposed summit platform and exploring the possibility of revealing a stratigraphic sequence, at least for the Iron Age.

The excavations in Areas A and B confirmed the existence of massive support walls that created the summit platform. However, dating these walls is not easy. The pottery finds are mixed, which indicates that these walls were renovated several times, especially in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Therefore, the layers on the inner side of the walls produced a mixed pottery assemblage.

Faced with the difficulty of dating the walls based on stratigraphic and ceramic criteria, and in the absence of samples available for radiocarbon dating, we opted for dating by Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL). This method measures the time elapsed from the moment when the quartz grains in the sediment were last exposed to sunlight. The results of these tests allow us to hypothesize that the construction of the retaining walls, and therefore the construction of the platform, seems to date to the beginning of the Iron IIB in the first half of the eighth century BCE. This date is also confirmed by the pottery, in that Iron IIB pottery is very much present in the parts of the wall close to the bedrock.

Regarding the identity of the builder, we can observe the following: No elevated platform of this type is known elsewhere in Judah, but there are examples in the Northern Kingdom (especially in Samaria) and in Neo-Assyrian constructions (for instance, in Buseirah in Edom). There are therefore two possibilities: Assyrian construction or Northern Israelite construction. Opting for the Assyrian hypothesis sets the earliest possible date at Sennacherib’s campaign in 701 BCE. However, the dates of the OSL samples, as well as the pottery from Area A, are a little too old to support this hypothesis. We must therefore favour the hypothesis of a Northern Israelite construction of the elevated platform of Kiriath Jearim.

The best candidate for this construction is then King Jeroboam, also called Jeroboam II. This king, who is almost silenced in the HB, ruled however during some forty years (ca. 781-742). Under Jeroboam, Israel reached its maximal territorial expansion, so that he certainly controlled Benjamin and perhaps built Kiriath Jearim as a border sanctuary similar to the sanctuary of Dan in the North. In this scenario, he would have been able to form the hill of Kiriath Jearim on the border between Israel and Judah to allow the construction of a Northern administrative complex with the intention of controlling the Southern vassal kingdom and its capital, Jerusalem. This administrative centre was able to accommodate a temple - possibly the sanctuary that hosted the Ark.

It can therefore be hypothesized that the early history of the Ark was composed in the time of Jeroboam II to legitimize the site of Kiriath Jearim as the new location of the Ark after the destruction of Shiloh.

The story of the transfer of the Ark in the time of King Josiah

In light of this, the question arises as to who authored the text telling of David’s transfer of the Ark to Jerusalem? The answer to this question relates to the question of when the Ark actually arrived at the temple in Jerusalem. A fairly simple explanation could be the hypothesis that the Ark did not enter the Jerusalem temple until the time of King Josiah; this would mean that it was Josiah’s scribes who composed the story of 2 Samuel 6 as well as that of the location of the Ark in the Temple in 1 Kings 6-8. If it was only Josiah who brought the Ark from Kiriath Jearim to Jerusalem as part of his centralization policy, that would also explain why the books of Kings are silent about the Ark, other than the claim that Solomon placed it in the Temple: Because it only arrived there 50 years before the destruction of the Temple, during the reign of Josiah. It seems that Josiah was able to annex

Benjamin (a territory that included Kiriath Jearim) and, therefore, as part of his policy of centralization, repatriate an important Yahwistic symbol to Jerusalem, although without destroying the site.

The excavations in Area C revealed a city district outside the walls that was undoubtedly still functioning in the 7th and 6th centuries BCE. This is also confirmed by the mention in the book of Jeremiah of a prophet from Kiriath Jearim who came to Jerusalem, possibly in the context of Josiah’s reform:

There was another man prophesying in the name of Yhwh, Uriah son of Shemaiah from Kiriath Jearim. He prophesied against this city and22{ }^{22} against this land in words exactly like those of Jeremiah. (Jer 26:20)

The information of a prophet from Kiriath Jearim acting in Jerusalem makes sense if the city’s sanctuary had been closed not so long before.

According to the book of Chronicles, King Josiah, when conducting his reform, gives a strange order:

He [Josiah] said to the Levites who taught all Israel and who were holy to Yhwh, ‘Put the holy Ark in the house that Solomon son of David, king of Israel, built; do not carry it on your shoulders. Now serve Yhwh your God and his people Israel.’ (2 Chr 35:3)

This strange remark in 2 Chronicles 35:3 has been explained by rabbis and church fathers in various ways: According to the Talmud, Josiah hid the Ark during his reform.23{ }^{23} According to other Jewish (Kimhi, Pseudo-Rashi) and Christian (Theodoret of Cyrus) commentators, the Ark had been removed from the Temple by Manasseh or Amon in order to make room for the idol of Asherah24{ }^{24} and was then returned under Josiah. However, the Bible does not contain any hint at such a removal.

The best explanation is that this verse preserves a memory of the Ark being brought into the Jerusalem temple under Josiah.

It is possible that Psalm 132, which alludes to the transport of the Ark and to which Mowinckel paid much attention, was written in the same context in order to legitimate its transfer from Kiriath Jearim to Jerusalem.

In this psalm, we read:

4{ }^{4} I will not give sleep to my eyes or slumber to my eyelids,
5{ }^{5} until I find a place for Yhwh, a dwelling place for the Bull of Jacob:
6{ }^{6} We heard of it in Ephrathah; we found it in the fields of Jaar.
8{ }^{8} Rise up, Yhwh, and go to your resting place, you and the Ark of your might.
13{ }^{13} For Yhwh has chosen Zion; he has desired it for his habitation:
14{ }^{14} This is my resting place forever; here I will reside, for I have desired it.

The phrase “fields of Jaar” certainly alludes to Kiriath Jearim, and Ephrata either to a region in Benjamin or to Bethlehem, David’s hometown. In any case, this psalm may have been composed at the same time as 2 Samuel 6 in order to accompany the transfer of the Ark from Kiriath Jearim to Jerusalem, which had become Yhwh’s exclusive “resting place”.

Therefore, our next question is: What happened to the Ark after the destruction of Jerusalem and its temple by the Babylonians in 587 BCE?

The disappearance of the Ark and the discussion about its reconstruction

Neither 2 Kings nor 2 Chronicles provide any information about what happened to the Ark after the destruction of the Jerusalem temple.

According to 2 Kings 24:13, the king of Babylon:
carried off all the treasures of the house of Yhwh, and the treasures of the king’s house; he cut in pieces all the vessels of gold in the temple of Yhwh, which King Solomon of Israel had made, all this as the Yhwh had foretold.

2 Chronicles 36:18 states similarly that “All the vessels of the house of God, large and small, and the treasures of the house of Yhwh, and the treasures of the king and of his officials, all these he brought to Babylon.”

The Ark is not explicitly mentioned here, and some scholars have therefore argued that the Ark had been destroyed by previous kings, such as Manasseh25{ }^{25} or others.26{ }^{26} However, the most plausible hypothesis is that the Ark disappeared during the destruction of the temple by the Babylonians. Since it is not mentioned among the objects of the Temple that the Persians gave back to the Judeans (Ezra 1:7-11; 5:13-15), it does

not seem that the Ark was taken as spoil to Babylon,27{ }^{27} but that it was destroyed during the burning of Temple.28{ }^{28}

The book of Jeremiah contains a mention of the Ark that may well fit to the beginning of the Persian period, when the Persian king allowed and even encouraged the reconstruction of the Jerusalem temple. It suggests that the Ark should not be remade (Jer 3:14-18):

14 Return, sons that turned away, oracle of Yhwh, for I am your baal; I will take you, one from a city and two from a clan, and I will bring you to Zion. 15 I will give you shepherds after my own heart, who will shepherd you with knowledge and understanding. 16 And it will happen that you multiply and increase in the land, in those days, oracle of Yhwh, one will not say any more, “The Ark of the covenant of Yhwh.” It shall not come to mind, or be remembered, or missed. It will not be made again.
17 At that time Jerusalem shall be called the throne of Yhwh, and all nations shall gather to it - to Yhwh’s name to Jerusalem29{ }^{29}-, and they shall not follow the stubbornness of their evil mind. 18 In those days the house of Judah shall walk alongside the house of Israel, and together they shall come from the land of the north to the land that I gave your fathers30{ }^{30} for a heritage.

In its present from, this section probably reflects a discussion about possibly remaking the Ark for the Second Temple. Apparently, there was an important group in favour of rebuilding the lost Ark.31{ }^{31}

This is especially the case of the “priestly school”, who in Exodus 25-31 and 35-40 describe the tabernacle in the wilderness as foreshadowing the (second) Jerusalem temple.32{ }^{32} The Ark plays important roles in both the building instructions and the construction account. In Exodus 25, the Ark is covered by a kapporet,33{ }^{33} which is protected by two cherubs. This may be understood as a priestly reinterpretation of the cherubs in the First Temple who protected the throne of Yhwh. In any case, the idea to have the (new) Ark associated with cherubs triggered opposition to remaking it,34{ }^{34} as well as the idea that the first Ark contained a representation of Yhwh.35{ }^{35} Such iconic concepts were no longer compatible with the rise of aniconism in the Persian period.

Mowinckel understood the depiction of the plundering of the Second Temple as shown on the Arch of Titus as an indication that there was an Ark in the Second Temple.36{ }^{36} To the right of the Menorah, the candelabrum, there is indeed a box or a chest, but this is more likely to be the table

of showbread, which contained cakes or breads as offerings. Were there an Ark in the Second Temple, it would be difficult to explain why there is no mention of it at all. It was the menorah that replaced the Ark in the second temple.

The opposition against remaking the Ark triggered the speech in Jeremiah 3:17, according to which the city of Jerusalem shall become the throne of (the now invisible) Yhwh.

However, the idea in Jeremiah 3:16-17 that the Ark had been lost forever was not unanimously accepted. Second Maccabees 2:1 refers to a “book of Jeremiah”37{ }^{37} in reporting that Jeremiah hid the Ark alongside other vessels of the Temple:

4 It was also contained in the same writing, how the prophet, being warned by God, commanded that the tabernacle and the Ark should accompany him, till he came forth to the mountain where Moses went up, and saw the inheritance of God. 5 And when Jeremiah came there, he found a hollow cave: and he put in there the tabernacle, and the Ark, and the altar of incense, and closed the door. 6 Then some of them that followed him, came up to mark the place: but they could not find it. 7 And when Jeremiah perceived it, he blamed them, saying: The place shall be unknown, till God gather together the congregation of the people, and receive them to mercy. 8 Then the Lord will disclose these things, and the glory of the Lord and the cloud will appear, as they were shown in the case of Moses, and as Solomon asked that the place should be specially consecrated.

The fact that 2 Maccabees attributes the hiding of the Ark to the prophet Jeremiah can be explained in a few different ways. First by the idea attested in rabbinic discussions that King Josiah hid the Ark (TB Yoma 52b),38{ }^{38} and second - and probably more likely - as a relecture of Jeremiah 3:16-17 claiming that there is no need to remake the Ark because the prophet Jeremiah himself has hidden it!

The idea of the appearance of the Ark at the end of time is taken up in Revelations 11:19:

Then God’s temple in heaven was opened, and the Ark of his covenant was seen within his temple; and there were flashes of lightning, rumblings, peals of thunder, an earthquake, and heavy hail.39{ }^{39}

The disappearance of the Ark, then, gave rise to all kinds of speculation. In the Islamic Hadiths, the mahdi will bring out the Ark from its hiding place at the end of time, which is sometimes in a cellar in Antioch and sometimes in the Sea of Galilee.

A very popular and well-known theory is that of the transfer of the Ark to Ethiopia. This tradition is found written for the first time in the Kebra Nagast (“The Book of the Glories of Kings”), which dates to the fourteenth century, but is probably based on an older tradition. This tradition reinterprets the biblical text of the visit of the Queen of Sheba to Solomon (1 Kings 10) by identifying Sheba with Ethiopia (although it is the kingdom of Sheba in Arabia, present-day Yemen). According to this text, the Queen of Sheba becomes pregnant by Solomon and gives birth to a son, whom she names Menelik. When he becomes an adult, Menelik learns who his father is and visits Solomon. However, he refuses to stay in Israel and become Solomon’s successor; he is then anointed king of Ethiopia by the priest Sadoq. Solomon asks the sons of his generals and priests to accompany Menelik to Ethiopia and to stay there; Azariah, the son of Zadok who is part of this young group of people, does not want to be separated from the Ark. He then makes a copy of it and swaps it for the real Ark, which is brought to Ethiopia. This makes Menelik happy when he hears of this, as the Ethiopians have now become the chosen people of God and the Ethiopian kings have likewise become the successors of the kings of Israel and Judah. The Ark is brought to Axum, where it is believed even today to be housed in a chapel next to the main church. This theory of the Ark in Ethiopia haunted people until Indiana Jones, and even today speculations continue about the hidden place of theArk40\operatorname{Ark}^{40} - but that is another story.

Thomas Römer
Collège de France and University of Pretoria
11, place Marcelin Berthelot
F 75005 Paris
France
thomas.romer@college-de-france.fr

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

  1. LXX uses for the Ark of Noah and the Ark of Yhwh the term кíβ\beta orós, whereas the box of Moses is rendered withθ\theta iβ\beta is.
  2. The two exceptions are Gen 50:26 (Joseph’s coffin) and 2 Kgs 12:10-11 (2 Chr 24:8-11), where it designates a money chest.
  3. For a listing of all terms see Jonker, “Ark of the Covenant,” 410-11. LXX differs very often from the MT as to the designation of the Ark. This shows that these titles were not very “stable.”
  4. For an overview of Mowinckel’s contributions to HB/OT scholarship in its biographical setting see Hjelde, Sigmund Mowinckel.
  5. Mowinckel, “Le culte de Yahvé.” For a discussion of this article, see Römer, “Sigmund Mowinckel.”
  6. On this, see also Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel, 100, n. 57.
  7. Ibid., 200. Mowinckel does not envision this possibility, although he rightly observes that there was a representation of Asherah in the temple of Jerusalem.
  8. Ibid., 214-5. Mowinckel envisages the possibility that these stones were also used as oracles, and that one could identify them with the ürim and tummîm.
  9. Ibid., 199.
  10. Ibid., 197.
  11. Excerpts can be found in Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica 1.10.12-13.
  12. Michel, Palmyre, 112-3.
  13. A representation can be found in Layard, The Monuments of Nineveh, pl. 65.
  14. Uehlinger, “Die Götter von Samarien,” 763-5.
  15. A later glossator added “fifty thousand men” (this gloss is missing in some manuscripts).
  16. Rost, Thronnachfolge Davids. According to Rost, the story contained 1 Sam 4,1b-18a.1921; 5,11-11b1.12; 6,1-3b1.4.10-14.16.19 - 7,1 and 2 Sam 6,1-15.17-20a.
  17. See e. g. Noth, The Deuteronomistic History, 77 and 86; McCarter, I Samuel, 23-6.
  18. The Greek text does not mention Samuel at all; the MT’s version of 1 Sam 4:1 (“And the word of Samuel came to all Israel”) is a later revision. In contrast to the Greek version, the MT attributes the initiative of the battle to the Israelites. This may be understood as a theological modification in order to explain that the Israelites lost the war and the Ark because they had not consulted Yhwh before waging war.
  19. Schicklberger, Die Ladeerzählungen; Miller and Roberts, Hand of the Lord; Porzig, Die Lade Jahwes.
  20. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, “Beobachtungen zur Ladegeschichte,” 328.
  21. For the reconstruction of the original narrative, see Finkelstein and Römer, “Historical and Archaeological Background.”
  22. “Against this city” is missing in LXX. This may be due to haplography, cf. Janzen, Text of Jeremiah, 119. For the opposite idea, according to which the references to the “city” should be considered as a proto-masoretic revision, cf. Stipp, Sondergut des Jeremiabuches, 103.
  1. For the Talmudic references, see Haran, “Disappearance of the Ark,” who claimed that the ark had been removed from the temple by Manasseh and was lost or destroyed.
  2. Curtis and Madsen, The Books of Chronicles, 512-3.
  3. Haran, “Disappearance of the Ark.”
  4. For an overview of different theories see Day, “What Happened.”
  5. This idea can be found in the rabbinic discussion, cf. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, “Verlust der Lade,” 239-40.
  6. Enstrom and van Dyk, “What happened?”; Day, “What Happened,” 267-70.
  7. The expression in brackets, missing inLXXa\mathrm{LXX}^{\mathrm{a}}, is a gloss that wants to specify where the nations will gather.
  8. LXX and other manuscripts have a 3rd masc. pl. form, which is certainly a harmonization. Since v. 18 refers back to v. 14, the 2nd person makes perfect sense; cf. Römer, Israels Väter, 471.
  9. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, “Verlust der Lade,” 235.
  10. Utzschneider, Das Heiligtum, 280-97.
  11. Nihan, From Priestly Torah, 44-50.
  12. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, “Verlust der Lade,” 240-1.
  13. See on this Römer, “Origin, Function and Disappearance,” forthcoming.
  14. Mowinckel, “Le culte de Yahvé,” 211, n. 53.
  15. This may be a reference to the Epistula Ieremiae or the Apocalypse of Jeremiah, cf. von Dobbeler, Die Bücher 1/2 Makkabäer, 173.
  16. Weinfeld, “Jeremiah,” 23-4.
  17. For the Ark in the Quran and Islamic traditions, cf. Rubin, “Traditions in Transformation.” For the hiding of the Ark, see ibid., 212.
  18. See the article of Arnaud, “L’arche d’alliance.”

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Schicklberger, Franz. Die Ladeerzählungen des ersten Samuel-Buches: Eine literaturwissenschaftliche und theologiegeschichtliche Untersuchung. Würzburg: Echter, 1973.

Stipp, Herman-Josef. Das masoretische und alexandrinische Sondergut des Jeremiabuches: Textgeschichtlicher Rang, Eigenarten, Triebkräfte. Freiburg (CH): Universitätsverlag, 1994.

Uehlinger, Christoph. “’ … und wo sind die Götter von Samarien?’ Die Wegführung syrisch-palästinischer Kultstatuen auf einem Relief Sargons II. in Ḥorsäbät/Dür-Šarrukīn.” In "Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf … ": Studien zum Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient: Festschrift für Oswald Loretz zur Vollendung seines 70. Lebensjahres mit Beiträgen von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen, edited by Manfried Dietrich, and Ingo Kottsieper, 739-777. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1998.
Utzschneider, Helmut. Das Heiligtum und das Gesetz: Studien zur Bedeutung der sinaitischen Heiligtumstexte (Ex 25-40; Lev 8-9). Freiburg (CH): Universitätsverlag, 1988.
Weinfeld, Moshe. “Jeremiah and the Spiritual Metamorphosis of Israel.” Zeitschrift für alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 88, no. 1 (1976):17-56.

References (69)

  1. LXX uses for the Ark of Noah and the Ark of Yhwh the term κιβωτός, whereas the box of Moses is rendered with θίβις.
  2. The two exceptions are Gen 50:26 (Joseph's coffin) and 2 Kgs 12:10-11 (2 Chr 24:8-11), where it designates a money chest.
  3. For a listing of all terms see Jonker, "Ark of the Covenant," 410-11. LXX differs very often from the MT as to the designation of the Ark. This shows that these titles were not very "stable."
  4. For an overview of Mowinckel's contributions to HB/OT scholarship in its biographical setting see Hjelde, Sigmund Mowinckel.
  5. Mowinckel, "Le culte de Yahvé." For a discussion of this article, see Römer, "Sigmund Mowinckel."
  6. On this, see also Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel, 100, n. 57.
  7. Ibid., 200. Mowinckel does not envision this possibility, although he rightly observes that there was a representation of Asherah in the temple of Jerusalem.
  8. Ibid., 214-5. Mowinckel envisages the possibility that these stones were also used as oracles, and that one could identify them with the ûrim and tummîm.
  9. Ibid., 199.
  10. Ibid., 197.
  11. Excerpts can be found in Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica 1.10.12-13.
  12. Michel, Palmyre, 112-3.
  13. A representation can be found in Layard, The Monuments of Nineveh, pl. 65.
  14. Uehlinger, "Die Götter von Samarien," 763-5.
  15. A later glossator added "fifty thousand men" (this gloss is missing in some manuscripts).
  16. Rost, Thronnachfolge Davids. According to Rost, the story contained 1 Sam 4,1b-18a.19- 21; 5,11-11b1.12; 6,1-3b1.4.10-14.16.19 -7,1 and 2 Sam 6,1-15.17-20a.
  17. See e. g. Noth, The Deuteronomistic History, 77 and 86; McCarter, I Samuel, 23-6.
  18. The Greek text does not mention Samuel at all; the MT's version of 1 Sam 4:1 ("And the word of Samuel came to all Israel") is a later revision. In contrast to the Greek version, the MT attributes the initiative of the battle to the Israelites. This may be understood as a theological modification in order to explain that the Israelites lost the war and the Ark because they had not consulted Yhwh before waging war.
  19. Schicklberger, Die Ladeerzählungen; Miller and Roberts, Hand of the Lord; Porzig, Die Lade Jahwes.
  20. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, "Beobachtungen zur Ladegeschichte," 328.
  21. For the reconstruction of the original narrative, see Finkelstein and Römer, "Historical and Archaeological Background."
  22. "Against this city" is missing in LXX. This may be due to haplography, cf. Janzen, Text of Jeremiah, 119. For the opposite idea, according to which the references to the "city" should be considered as a proto-masoretic revision, cf. Stipp, Sondergut des Jeremia- buches, 103.
  23. For the Talmudic references, see Haran, "Disappearance of the Ark," who claimed that the ark had been removed from the temple by Manasseh and was lost or destroyed.
  24. Curtis and Madsen, The Books of Chronicles, 512-3.
  25. Haran, "Disappearance of the Ark."
  26. For an overview of different theories see Day, "What Happened."
  27. This idea can be found in the rabbinic discussion, cf. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, "Verlust der Lade," 239-40.
  28. Enstrom and van Dyk, "What happened?"; Day, "What Happened," 267-70.
  29. The expression in brackets, missing in LXX*, is a gloss that wants to specify where the nations will gather.
  30. LXX and other manuscripts have a 3rd masc. pl. form, which is certainly a harmoniza- tion. Since v. 18 refers back to v. 14, the 2nd person makes perfect sense; cf. Römer, Israels Väter, 471.
  31. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, "Verlust der Lade," 235.
  32. Utzschneider, Das Heiligtum, 280-97.
  33. Nihan, From Priestly Torah, 44-50.
  34. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, "Verlust der Lade," 240-1.
  35. See on this Römer, "Origin, Function and Disappearance," forthcoming.
  36. Mowinckel, "Le culte de Yahvé," 211, n. 53.
  37. This may be a reference to the Epistula Ieremiae or the Apocalypse of Jeremiah, cf. von Dobbeler, Die Bücher 1/2 Makkabäer, 173.
  38. Weinfeld, "Jeremiah," 23-4.
  39. For the Ark in the Quran and Islamic traditions, cf. Rubin, "Traditions in Transform- ation." For the hiding of the Ark, see ibid., 212.
  40. See the article of Arnaud, "L'arche d'alliance." Bibliography
  41. Arnaud, Bernadette. "Le mythe de l'arche d'alliance est encore bien vivace." Science et Avenir 863 (2019): 36-38.
  42. Curtis, Edward Lewis, and Albert Alonzo Madsen. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of Chronicles. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1910.
  43. Day, John. "Whatever Happened to the Ark of the Covenant?" In Temple and Worship in Ancient Israel, edited by John Day, 250-270. London: T&T Clark, 2005. Dobbeler von, Stephanie. Die Bücher 1/2 Makkabäer. Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1997.
  44. Enstrom, Phyllis, and Peet van Dyk. "What Happened to the Ark?" Religion and Theology 4, no. 1 (1997): 50-60.
  45. Finkelstein, Israel, and Thomas Römer. "The Historical and Archaeological Background Behind the Old Israelite Ark Narrative." Biblica 101, no. 2 (2020): 161-185.
  46. Haran, Menahem. "The Disappearance of the Ark." Israel Exploration Journal 13, no. 1 (1963): 46-58.
  47. Hjelde, Sigurd. Sigmund Mowinckel und seine Zeit: Leben und Werk eines norwe- gischen Alttestamentlers. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006.
  48. Janzen, J. Gerald, Studies in the Text of Jeremiah. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973.
  49. Jonker, Louis C. "'The Ark of the Covenant of the LORD': The Place of Covenant in the Chronicler's Theology." In Covenant in the Persian Period: From Genesis to Chronicles, edited by Richard J. Bautch and Gary N. Knoppers, 409-429.
  50. Layard, Austen Henry. The Monuments of Nineveh: From Drawings Made on the Spot. London: J. Murray, 1849.
  51. McCarter Jr., P. Kyle. I Samuel. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1980.
  52. Michel, Patrick Maxime. Palmyre. Paris: Humensis, 2020.
  53. Miller, Patrick D., and Jimmy J. M. Roberts, The Hand of the Lord: A Reassessment of the "Ark Narrative" of 1 Samuel. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 1977.
  54. Mowinckel, Sigmund. "À quel moment le culte de Yahvé à Jérusalem est-il offi- ciellement devenu un culte sans images." Revue d'histoire et de philosophie reli- gieuses 9, no. 3 (1929): 197-216.
  55. Mowinckel, Sigmund. The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 2 vols. 1962. Reprint. Oxford: Blackwell, 1967.
  56. Nihan, Christophe. From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch: A Study in the Composition of the Book of Leviticus. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007.
  57. Noth, Martin. The Deuteronomistic History. 2nd ed. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1991.
  58. Porzig, Peter Christian. Die Lade Jahwes im Alten Testament und in den Texten vom Toten Meer. Berlin: De Gruyter 2009.
  59. Römer, Thomas. "The Origin, Function and Disappearance of the Ark of the Covenant according to the Hebrew Bible." Forthcoming.
  60. Römer, Thomas. Israels Väter: Untersuchungen zur Väterthematik im Deuteronomium und in der deuteronomistischen Tradition. Freiburg (CH): Universitätsverlag, 1990.
  61. Römer, Thomas. "Sigmund Mowinckel et la question de l'aniconisme dans la religion yahwiste." Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 100, no. 2 (2020): 207-221.
  62. Rost, Leonhard. Die Überlieferung von der Thronnachfolge Davids. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1926.
  63. Rubin, Uri. "Traditions in Transformation: The Ark of the Covenant and the Golden Calf in Biblical and Islamic Historiography." Oriens 36, no. 1 (2001): 196-214.
  64. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Christa. "Beobachtungen zur Ladegeschichte und zur Komposition der Samuelbücher." In Freiheit und Recht: Festschrift für Frank Crüsemann zum 65. Geburtstag, edited by Christof Hardmeier, Rainer Kessler, and Andreas Ruwe, 323-338. Gütersloh: Gütersloher, 1995.
  65. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Christa. "'Sie wird nicht wieder hergestellt werden': Anmerkungen zum Verlust der Lade." In Mincha: Festgabe für Rolf Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, edited by Erhard Blum, 229-241. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 2000.
  66. Schicklberger, Franz. Die Ladeerzählungen des ersten Samuel-Buches: Eine literatur- wissenschaftliche und theologiegeschichtliche Untersuchung. Würzburg: Echter, 1973. Stipp, Herman-Josef. Das masoretische und alexandrinische Sondergut des Jeremiabuches: Textgeschichtlicher Rang, Eigenarten, Triebkräfte. Freiburg (CH): Universitätsverlag, 1994.
  67. Uehlinger, Christoph. "' … und wo sind die Götter von Samarien?' Die Wegführung syrisch-palästinischer Kultstatuen auf einem Relief Sargons II. in Ḥ orsābāt/Dūr-Šarrukīn." In "Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf … ": Studien zum Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient: Festschrift für Oswald Loretz zur Vollendung seines 70. Lebensjahres mit Beiträgen von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen, edited by Manfried Dietrich, and Ingo Kottsieper, 739-777. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1998.
  68. Utzschneider, Helmut. Das Heiligtum und das Gesetz: Studien zur Bedeutung der sinaitischen Heiligtumstexte (Ex 25-40; Lev 8-9). Freiburg (CH): Universitätsverlag, 1988.
  69. Weinfeld, Moshe. "Jeremiah and the Spiritual Metamorphosis of Israel." Zeitschrift für alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 88, no. 1 (1976):17-56.

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