At a time when Russia is playing a key role in the confrontation between Iran and the West over Iran's nuclear programme, it is more important than ever to take the long view of Russian-Iranian relations. Russia's attitude towards Iran's nuclear ambitions can only be understood by analysing the relationship between the two neighbours since diplomatic links were first established in the sixteenth century. Russia's influence in the conflict between Iran and the West can be read at least two ways. Russian diplomacy can be seen as the last bulwark standing in the way of the military action against Iran that Israel has called for from its Western allies; conversely, as Western governments have underlined, Russia's ambivalence has made it a somewhat unreliable partner in combating the proliferation of nuclear weapons in the Middle East. It is likewise significant that Russia has also come out in favour of the status quo when it comes to the long-term survival of the Islamic Republic as a political entity: Moscow has historically been implacably opposed to the diplomatic projects to bring about regime change sponsored by American neoconservatives and the Israeli right. Given the importance of such issues in contemporary history, the present work is a timely contribution to a subject of vital significance for the future peace and stability of the Middle East.

The Middle East Journal, 2018

This article sheds light on the converging interests between Iran and Russia in the Middle East as well as persistent points of friction between the two countries. There is an internal debate in Iran about defining a new regional and foreign policy in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and during the administration of United States president Donald Trump. As there are no purely bilateral relationships in the international system, the Tehran-Moscow relationship is, to a certain extent, influenced by US foreign policy.

Middle East Quarterly, 2022

nalysis of Iranian activities since 1979 has been plagued first and foremost by the misperception that the system established by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was ever meant to be limited to Iran. In fact, once conquered by the ayatollahs, Iran became a weaponized theocracy that rejects the idea of the nation-state and serves as the vanguard of an Islamic juggernaut to replace all nation-states with a worldwide community of believers (umma). 1 Khomeini's system and conduct can best be understood as a Soviet Union in Islamic garb. Analyzing the Islamic Republic's activities through the lens of Soviet imperialism is not only useful for its parallels-from its Islamic Comintern to its use of "united fronts" for political subversion and conquest-but also because it is the Soviet-Iranian competitive cooperation of the 1980s, which transformed into a Russo-Iranian strategic alliance in the 1990s, that accounts for much of the revolution's success in metastasizing. And while the revolution may adjust its military and political levers to the vicissitudes in regional and global affairs, its overriding goal remains uncompromising and immutable.

2019

Russia's relations with Iran are almost entirely based on geopolitical assumptions. Both states are interested in weakening the position the United States holds in the region; both have a common enemy in the form of Sunni extremism. Combined with the successful cooperation in Syria, which is not devoid of elements of rivalry, these priorities make Russia and Iran strategic partners in the Middle East. Iran in Russia's Middle Eastern strategy • Relations with Iran in the context of Russia-US relationships Russia approaches its relations with Iran as a part of a wider geopolitical game with the United States, with its main objective being the attempt to find an optimum balance between three conflicting goals. The first goal involves maintaining and preferably strengthening Russia's 'strategic partnership' with Iran. The second consists of avoiding confrontation with the United States and minimising the adverse consequences of Russian-Iranian cooperation for relations between Moscow and Washington. The third and least important goal involves preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, or at least delaying this process. The second goal has recently been substantively modified. In the situation of an escalating political confrontation between Russia and the United States, the goal of Russian politics is to avoid an open military confrontation with the US and its main ally in the region, i.e. Israel. Russia's 'strategic partnership' with Iran is mainly based on the common interest Moscow

Russie.NEI.Reports, 2022

The strengthening of the partnership between Russia and Iran depends on overlapping security interests; bilaterally, regionally and on the world stage. Tehran has pursued a regional policy program that is largely in line with Russia’s interests, whether these relate to Syria (from 2011), the Caucasus, Central Asia or Afghanistan (since 1991). This security dimension was already one of the foundations of the bilateral relationship in the post-Cold War-period. It has now appeared in regional dealings between Tehran and Moscow. In addition, the decline of US international predominance, which has been apparent since the 2000s, has allowed Russia and Iran to develop a shared ideological discourse in opposition to “Western values”. Beyond this shared ideological foundation, Tehran has developed a true “Realpolitik” whereby it relies on Russian foreign policy to relieve US pressure on Iran that is aimed at regime change or, at the very least, a change in the behavior of the Islamic Republic. In other words, in seeking to preserve intact the main ideological tenets of its regime, Tehran has added a new dimension to its relationship with Moscow. Since 1991, this relationship has become a matter of survival for a regime that faces both popular opposition at home and external pressure from Washington: pressure that increased during the Trump administration of 2017-2021.

Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Filosofiya. Sotsiologiya. Politologiya, 2016

CHANGING DYNAMICS IN OLD RIVALRY: RUSSIA IRAN REVITALIZATION AND US INTERESTS IN MIDDLE EAST, 2021

State is chief actor of international political arena, and rivalries among states are quiet commonplace. The world is divided into different regions, and in regional context at times the security of one state is coupled with security of other state. In regional security complex the obstructions of states' security cannot be settled by distinguishing themselves. Such as in regional security complex, Russia and Iran due to regional proximity are bounded in common security provocations that primary security matters are highly inter-coupled and so tightly in a sense that their national securities cannot pragmatically be viewed separated from each other's. Russia and Iran are used to face analogous security due to US influence in Middle East. Both facing sanctions imposed by US but to counter these Russia and Iran are cooperating in the areas of mutual understanding. Russia and Iran have strategic partnership and are enjoying political, economic and military relations. Issues of mutual interests like joint posture on the Syrian problem, Iran's nuclear problem and limiting the role of US in region are promoting their mutual interests despite of their differences in various areas.

This study aims to contribute an evaluation of Russian-Iran relations under Ahmadinejad administration in recent years. Therefore, the cases of nuclear, technologic, gas and oil cooperation, military and arms factor as well as international contexts are criticized during this study. In fact, in Russia's international economic strategy, the state plays a central role in managing the domestic economy and society as well as in interacting with the outside world. Energy has become the single most important issue in Russian foreign policy, occupying the place of importance and emphasis that military relations used to have in Soviet foreign policy and creating speculation about Russia as an energy superpower. Thus, energy dominates Russia's relations with almost every important country or region, namely its post-Soviet neighbors such as Europe, China, and Iran. So, Iran is an important neighbor in terms of Russian foreign policy. And it is obvious that the institutional context played an important role in the manner in which Russia engaged Iran. In the Iranian case, in contrast with the other cases examined, there was strong division between various segments of the government about the extent to which Russia should cooperate. This both stymied and encouraged cooperation at various times. In large part, economic actors were the first to engage in relations with this state. Both ministries and their 'clients' had much to gain in the Iranian market. Within all these aspects, the main objective of this article is to have a comprehensive understanding of Russian-Iran relations with Ahmadinejad administration in Iran.

The intensity of Moscow’s current contact with Tehran is unprecedented in Russia’s post-Soviet history. Both the Russian and Iranian authorities are determined to create a solid foundation for bilateral dialogue, and their dedication to deepening ties is largely determined by their geopolitical interests. Yet despite the potential for improvement, there are serious obstacles that may hamper or even halt cooperation.

AI

2008

The Russian and Iranian governments define their relations as 'very close' and 'strategic' in many areas. The frontiers of this cooperation, in geopolitical terms, include the south Caucasus, central Asia, Afghanistan, and the oil-and natural gas-rich Caspian basin, while, at the issue level, the cooperation includes the nuclear issue, disarmament, the struggle against terrorism, the Iraqi quagmire, the Palestinian problem, and the US military expansion into Eurasia. The signs of cooperation in these areas are, among others, regular political dialogue and similar attitudes in refusing to include the Lebanese Hizballah on terrorist lists, pursuing political relations with Hamas, maintaining a pro-Arab position on the ArabÁIsraeli question, objecting to foreign military engagement in Eurasia, and having a common voice during the IsraeliÁLebanese conflict in 2006. However, we need to discover the nature of these relations in order to decide whether the close RussianÁIranian relations can be described as a strategic alliance. What is the strategic depth of RussianÁIranian relations? Do the relations consist merely of the conjectural necessities of the post-Cold War period? What are the 'red lines' in RussianÁIranian relations? This article analyzes the relations between these two countries from a broader perspective, to examine the meaning of the relations in bilateral, regional and international contexts.

2010

There has been a marked volte face in Russia's position toward the Islamic Republic. This was made clear when at a critical political juncture -namely the watershed agreement on fuel swapping between Brazil, Turkey and Iran -Russia expressed support for the US-led UNSC resolution to impose a fourth round of sanctions against Iran. This paper argues that Russia, a country that has traditionally shielded Iran and weighed down on the US from pressuring her, obstructed the initiative out of economic and geopolitical considerations. Prompted by the eternal quest to restore Russia's former status as a great power, the Kremlin has had to reevaluate its relationship with Tehran. Moscow in is in dire need of foreign investment, advanced technology, and even markets, which requires thawed relations with the US. Moscow is ostensibly dissatisfied with the NATO's eastward encroachment and also needs the US to turn a blind eye to it geopolitical aspirations in the former Soviet space. These considerations require that Russia warm up to the West in general and the US in particular. Incidentally, Obama is offering Russia a carrot -a diplomatic reset -and Moscow is biting the bait. Today, it appears that Russia needs the US more and the Islamic Republic less. However, Russia's about turn suggests that Moscow is conscious that if the nuclear impasse is resolved, Iran would be on its way to becoming a genuine regional power. Furthermore, the Iran-Turkey cooperation axis could also suggest diversification of energy supply routes, breaking Russia's monopoly on gas. With geopolitical considerations and energy politics in the balance, the stakes are higher, explaining why Russia has acted in an increasingly unfriendly manner than Iranians seem to have expected.

The main aspects of Russia-Iran relations at the present stage (2000-2018), 2018

The beginning of the XXI century is marked with Russia becoming more actively involved in big politics. After its economic and political decline in 90-s, Russian leaders claimed the necessity for it to find place in new geopolitical changes. Its real recovery started with the arrival of the new and irremovable ever since President Vladimir Putin. Russia positions itself as one of the great world powers, the foreign policy of which becomes more and more ambitious due to the person who is sometimes called to be one of the most influent people of the world. Even geopolitics of this country supposes inclusion in many directions, not mentioning its ambitiousness. As an example, through its policy in the Middle East, Russia aims to demonstrate to the U.S and the EU that it plays an important role in the settlement of international issues and is ready to counterbalance world order. One of the countries, which is not under the influence of the West is Iran. This independent state, sometimes regarded as a potential regional leader, certainly has importance when it comes to Middle East issues. Relations between Russia and Iran have recently developed since the beginning of this century and sometimes are seen as have reached the so-called strategic level. But one cannot consider them to always be stable, since there are issues like nuclear deal, international sanctions, offensive politics of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, etc. In the same time, the two countries have a lot of possibilities for the future development; they face common threats (for example, the problem of terrorism and extremism, traffics of drugs, security in Central Asia) and share the same interests (in the Caspian Sea, energy, etc.). Cooperation in Syria and international sanctions against Russia from one side contributed to the improvement of relations while there is a need to search for the alternative partners in order to build a multipolar world. On the other side, international sanctions have led to the cancellation or freeze of a few bilateral and regional projects, including the perspective of membership of Iran in Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Union, the opening of transport corridors from Russia through the territory of Iran, oil and gas, energy, military-technical projects. Also, comparing to the political relations, the level of economic interaction is very low. This master’s thesis aims to reveal the character of the bilateral relations, helping to understand how and when they have reached the existing level, analyze the spheres of cooperation, identify the future development and most particularly find out if the imposed international sanctions do influence relations between Russia and Iran.

It seems that 2015 has been the seminal year for the Russian-Iranian relations clearly indicating the change of strategies in the geopolitics of the Middle East. Though, considerable amount of literature suggest that the relations between Iran and Russia have long been difficult with the tensions dating back to the early 19 th century. This was the period when Iran lost a territory to the Russian Empire. However, Old enmities dating back to the rule of the Czars and Shahs as well as mistrust resulting from more recent downturns and occasional recriminations have proven inconsequential in the current dynamic, as both parties appear determined to overcome their apprehensions. 1 The recent shifting in the geopolitical environment has given Moscow and Tehran an unprecedented opportunity to start reaping the tangible benefits from cooperation.

any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

Iranian Studies, 2018

Palgrave Studies in Economic History, 2020

Russian-Iranian bilateral ties have a troubled history, including wars and bitter territorial disputes over centuries. It's worth noting briefly how humiliating its interactions with Russia were for Iran. 1 As the Russian empire expanded southwards in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it absorbed what were then Persia's northern territories, which today are Dagestan, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Consequent anti-Russian sentiment led to the massacre of the Russian ambassador and his staff by a Persian mob in 1829. At the same time Persia was squeezed from the south as the British, Portuguese and Dutch competed for its territory.

Ortadoğu Etütleri Volume 6, No 2, January 2015, pp.112-134, 2015

One of the major strains of the new millennium international politics has been happening between Iran and the West. Iran’s efforts to build up its nuclear capability with Russia’s help have been keeping the West on its toes. Neither the West nor Russia would really want, and therefore always concerned about, Iran to have a nuclear competence on a military grade. Even though Iran declares the opposite, the West is never sure about the possibility that Iran will achieve this grade one day. Since Iran has been receiving nuclear technology, together with many other commodities, from Russia, Moscow becomes almost a perfect candidate to be a mediator in this dispute. This study investigates Russian diplomacy on Iranian nuclear build up and its problematic consequences within the framework mediation as a strategy to ease disputes. The time frame covers the developments from 2002 to 2014. Via this investigation this research argues that mediation is not as suave as it seems but more of a means for a Great Power, like Russia, to be utilized to influence or almost dominate an international dispute, via carving out a special position and acting as an “unpredictable power broker”, rather than solving it.

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