This paper explores the intricate relationship between language and politics in Pakistan, with a focus on the Balochistan region. It discusses the historical context of language use and identity among various ethnic groups, particularly the Baloch and Pashto speakers. The author examines the impact of political boundaries and language movements on national identity, highlighting the evolution of attitudes towards Balochi and Brahvi languages. Furthermore, it addresses the challenges faced by ethnic minorities in preserving their linguistic heritage amidst socio-political changes.

Journal of Literature, Languages and Linguistics, 2020

This article presents the analysis of the relation between language policy formation and nation-identity development process in context of Pakistan. Language is not only an instrument of communication, but it is also central element of culture, resultantly reaffirming the cultural differences in contrast to other cultures. After independence, a shared common language is often used by nations as symbolic marker in order to integrate their diverse population into a single unified nation. Language become a central factor in the process of nationalism or nation-building and to culture in general, results into politicization of language policy and planning process. This paper analyzed the language policy documents of last 20 years and highlighted that in Pakistan LPP, particularly status planning, decisions are largely influenced by power politics in the country. This paper argue that the issue of language cannot be detached from the political issue of the country. Pakistan is a home to a vast number of ethnic communities, who speaks different languages. Pakistan's recognition of Urdu as national language results in given privileged status to the people who identify themselves with this language. The ruling elite enjoy the privileged status of English and Urdu language in various power domains whereas the languages of minority powerless groups are marginalized from the domains of literacy, administration, education and power. The monolingual conception of national identity has largely alienated the under-represented or powerless languages which put their native speakers at grave disadvantage. This paper proposed that language policy makers must incorporates all the indigenous language on stage in context of nation-identity development with an ideology that all language are equal linguistically or socially. Every individual has right to use and promote their mother tongue and education being basic right of every individual it should be given in one's own mother tongue.

apnaorg.com

movements for the language rights launched by the Bengalis, Sindhis, and Punjabis 10 were dubbed communist and/or anti-Islamic and suppressed (Rahman, 1996 and 2000). The above account is very brief, but it, I hope, sets the stage for a discussion of Punjabi in the sociolinguistic setting of Pakistan. 10 Despite the fact that the Punjabi feudal lords (i.e., the landed aristocrats) were part of the ruling elite, there was a vibrant group of Punjabi middle class intellectuals who wanted linguistic and democratic rights for themselves and the other ethnolinguistic communities of Pakistan. For details, see Rahman, 1996. 11 Pak stood for Pakistan/Pakistani.

Journal of Sociolinguistics, 2005

In the context of globalization and post-modern discourses, the debate about the relative status of local and dominant languages poses serious policy problems for post-colonial communities. Critics of minority language rights (MLR) generally point out that engineering a language shift on behalf of a vernacular language^motivated by the preservationist interests, collective rights and sentimental associations of an ethnic group^is futile, as the economic and social mobilities of individuals are bound to work against this enterprise. Proponents of MLR have gone to the other extreme of essentializing the linguistic identity of minority communities, generalizing their language attitudes, and treating local language rights as non-negotiable. This article addresses this debate in the context of the attempts to promote Tamil by the military leadership in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The paper brings together data gathered in sociolinguistic studies for four years in the Jaffna society in order to understand the reception of the language policy in everyday life. The leadership recognizes that language policy is a symbolic statement for political purposes and tolerates certain inconsistencies in policy and practice. While the community assures itself of ethnic pride and linguistic autonomy with the stated policies, it negotiates divergent interests in the gaps between the policy/practice divide. Scholars should recognize the agency of subaltern communities to negotiate language politics in creative and critical ways that transcend the limited constructs formulated to either cynically sweep aside or unduly romanticize language rights.

2003

Pakistan is a multilingual country with six major and over fifty-nine small languages. However, the languages of the domains of power-government, corporate sector, media, education, etc.are English and Urdu. The state's policies have favored these two languages at the expense of others. This has resulted in the expression of ethnic identity through languages other than Urdu. It has also resulted in English having become a symbol of the upper class, sophistication and power. The less powerful indigenous languages of Pakistan are becoming markers of lower status and culture shame. Some small languages are also on the verge of extinction. It is only by promoting additive multilingualism that Pakistani languages will gain vitality and survive as cultural capital rather than cultural stigma.

2008

In this essay, I will look at the debates on what English signifies for speakers of English outside the traditional bases of English such as England, the USA and Australia, and then discuss the new or indigenized varieties of English (IVEs) in countries such as Nigeria, Malaysia and Pakistan. I will provide evidence to support a claim that English used in Pakistan is a hybrid language and that it encodes a Pakistani-Muslim way of thinking. This appropriation of English to represent Islamic values can be seen as a hybrid culture (Escobar, 1995). However, before we examine the use of English in Pakistan, we will consider some of the theoretical issues that inform this study.

Language Policy, 2022

Pakistan, one of the eight countries comprising South Asia, has more than 212.2 million people, making it the world's fifth most populous country after China, India, USA, and Indonesia. It has also the world's second-largest Muslim population. Eberhard et al. (Ethnologue: languages of the world, SIL International, 2020) report 77 languages used by people in Pakistan, although the only two official languages are Urdu and English. After its Independence from the British colonial rule in 1947, it took much deliberation for the country to make a shift from its monolingual Urdu orientation to a multilingual language policy in education in 2009. This entailed a shift from the dominant Urdu language policy for the masses (and English exclusively reserved for elite institutions), to a gradual and promising change that responded to the increasing social demand for English and for including regional languages in the curriculum. Yet English and Urdu dominate the present policy and exclude regional non-dominant languages in education that themselves are dynamic and unstable, and restructured continually due to the de facto multilingual and plurilingual repertoire of the country. Using Bourdieu's (Outline of a theory of practice Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977a, The economics of linguistic exchanges. Soc Sci Inform 16:645-668, 1977b, The genesis of the concepts of habitus and field. Sociocriticism 2:11-24 1985, Language and symbolic power Polity Press, Cambridge, 1991) conceptualization of habitus, this study analyzes letters to the editor published between 2002-2009 and 2018-2020 in a leading English daily of Pakistan. The analysis unveils the linguistic dispositions that are discussed in the letters and their restructuring through market forces, demonstrating a continuity between the language policy discourse and public aspirations. The findings also indicate the ambivalences towards Urdu and English in relation to nationalistic ideologies, modernity and identity.

Sindhi is probably the oldest written language of Pakistan. Even when Persian was the official language of the Muslim rulers of Sind, Sindhi was given more importance in the educational institutions of Sind than the other languages of Pakistan were in the areas where they were spoken. From the 17th century onwards a number of religious and other books were written in Sindhi and were probably part of the curricula of religious seminaries. It was the only indigenous Pakistani language which was taught officially by the British at various levels of education. After the influx of Urdu-speaking Mohajirs to Sindh in 1947, the teaching of Sindhi has become an ethnic, identity symbol for the Sindhi nationalists. Thus, it is promoted by the Sindhis and resisted by the Mohajirs. This article sheds light on how language-teaching, in this case that of Sindhi, can have implications for ethnic politics.

South Asian Studies

Politics like other fields is mute without language. Though graphics, pictures and movies play important role yet they are ineffective, if not mixed with words. It was Hearst, an American journalist, who sent a cartoonist to Cuba to furnish the picture of Cuban war but he himself used words to 'furnish the war.' The international politics is also worthless without appropriate choice of language. In politics, use of proper words is inevitable for achieving political objectives and avoiding controversies but sometime language itself becomes a political issue. Pakistan faced this problem in early years of its independence when language controversy exercised far-reaching effects on subsequent history of the country as a whole. Imposition of Urdu as state language was thought unjust by Bengalispeaking Eastern wing and they demanded that Bengali should be given equal status to that of Urdu. There was a sense of being ignored and exploited by West Pakistan and it was thought a rightful demand on part of East Pakistan to have its own language. Bengali written in Devanagari was not approved by the central leadership and this attitude was resented by the Bengalis who asserted that Bengali was as much language of Muslim as that of Urdu. This sense of exploitation resulted in division of country into Bangladesh and Pakistan. Language was the major factor that contributed and intensified the feeling of mistrust between the two wings. The paper is an effort to shed light on how language issue contributed in determining the fate of a nation with special reference to the creation of Bangladesh.

This paper examines the present language policy of Pakistan and its consequences for the indigenous languages of the country. It then relates this to efforts at localization--creating computer software in the languages of the country---and argues that all such efforts have been power-oriented. This means that only those languages have been selected for localization which are used in the domains of power---government, bureaucracy, judiciary, military, commerce, media, education, research etc---thus further strengthening them vis a vis the marginalized languages of the people. It is therefore argued that the efforts at localization should be rights-based i.e. all language communities should be considered equal and their languages should be localized not because of their present use in the domains of power but because they too should be strengthened by being put to such use.

2020

The transmitted cultural and nationalistic values, morals and ethics, are truly the essence of any nation which makes them unique and exclusive. The permanence, relevance and practice of cultural traditions, values and mores, are social ideals that have existed for centuries are passed down to every generation. They are one of the very few things that have stood the test of time. Language is the backbone of all cultures. It is the most distinguished skill, a present and an art presented to an individual by society. We sense, impart, express, pass on, dream, and manage our day by day lives, with the guide of words that are fathomable and important to us. The skeleton of culture is deficient and can't get by without the solid help of language because of the unavoidable, uncontrollable and massive flow of foreign cultures as a result of Cultural globalization are considered as the most vital reason that is diminishing the importance of local culture and local languages.

AI

Colonialism is the establishment, exploitation, maintenance, acquisition and expansion of colony in one territory by a political power from another territory (Rashid, 2014). It seems that the human race was created to face suppression at the hands of one thing or another. Whether it be our own activities or some intervention by nature itself, every generation throughout history has been keen and intent on finding ‘solutions’ to the troubles they encounter. One such instance seen throughout history is the dark and murky past of the nations who had once been colonized by another political power, an example of how humans subjugate humans. Despite the fact the colonialism leaves key ideas for socio-economic development in the colonized territory, it cannot be denied that the initial approach to try and dominate a nation is always plunder; seizing goods through trade, exploiting labors or any such related aspect. Perhaps the most influential thing that remains even after the colonizers have deserted a certain area is the use and impact of their native language. Since this research work required more of an insight of the whole matter, I preferred using the qualitative method for analyzing the resources. The issue itself is a critical one; it has not been addressed as many times as others and that is why there was a lack of definite, primary resources on which to review. The British abandoned the subcontinent back in 1947, creating two resource-rich and self-dependent nations who have since then progressed into the modern era through the use of very customs left behind by the Englishmen. Their language has been implemented on every imaginable level in the whole country. From kindergarten to Post-graduate education, English has not been left to the candidates as choice. A nation’s youth is its future; poisoning their minds by making learning English a necessity not only distracts them from seeking knowledge, but also creates space for the implantation of western concepts and culture into their minds. Hence, I derived the hypothesis that the vast use of English language has tampered the mindsets and approaches of Pakistani citizens.

A range of policies, corresponding to the extremes of acceptance and resistance to English, have been adopted by different states in different periods. A policy of complete rejection, the ‗ostrich' approach, is suicidal. It would cut off Pakistan from the advantages of globalization without, however, acting as a shield against its disadvantages. In post-industrial societies, driven by knowledge, the language in which most knowledge is produced (i.e. English), Pakistan cannot afford to have professionals, including senior commanders, bureaucrats and academics, not competent in English. In view of this, one possible solution is given by Sabiha Mansoor. She says:

2018

One of the main political issues in Indian politics is connected to language problem. After India's independence the government decided that the official language of India will be Hindi. In this paper, I have attempted to take a look at study of politics of languages in late colonial India. A set of languages used by political operators in the Indian scenario where the diverse political scenarios play a vital role in the linguistic matters viz, organization of languages, language policies and planning, minority and majority languages. The motive of this paper is to present the historical overview of language politics in India and its impact on the documentation and organization of languages. How the political concern influences the up gradation and degradation of the status of a language. It further illustrates how the government policies used for the development of majority languages, causing a threat to minority languages. Abstract-One of the main political issues in Indian politics is connected to language problem. After India's independence the government decided that the official language of India will be Hindi. In this paper, I have attempted to take a look at study of politics of languages in late colonial India. A set of languages used by political operators in the Indian scenario where the diverse political scenarios play a vital role in the linguistic matters viz, organization of languages, language policies and planning, minority and majority languages. The motive of this paper is to present the historical overview of language politics in India and its impact on the documentation and organization of languages. How the political concern influences the up gradation and degradation of the status of a language. It further illustrates how the government policies used for the development of majority languages, causing a threat to minority languages. historical linguistic, language politics, language policy and planning, language documentation, minority and majority language.

Working Papers in Educational Linguistics, 2012

This paper examines the presence of British colonial language ideologies in Pakistan's language-in-education policy and discourses. Through a review of scholarly work on official language policies, and a sampling of current policies and media commentary, I analyze how the language ideologies that undergird the language-in-education discourses are embedded with political, cultural, and moral projects about speakers and their languages. The colonial language ideologies had assumed a direct relationship between a language and the stereotypic characteristics of its speakers and failed to account for the multiple possibilities that the English medium education provided for the indigenous population, eventually leading to decolonization. In Pakistan's postindependence education system, the positioning of English as a prestige language variety in contrast to the vernacular languages continues to have important consequences within Pakistan's current domestic and global political context. The colonizers' inadequate understanding of how English could be a tool for Indian resistance presents a cautionary tale for contemporary policymakers. I argue that current language-in-education policies for political, governmental, and market-driven purposes may continue to be counterproductive unless and until they take local knowledges and realities into account.

2017

This paper highlights the importance and status of English in Pakistan and argues that English is used as a gatekeeper to prevent the access of common man to the elite club of power and prosperity. This paper discusses the central role English plays in language politics in Pakistan; the place of English contrasting with Urdu (the national language) and regional languages is also discussed. Furthermore, this paper briefly discusses the parallel system of education in Pakistan. Finally, it is suggested that quality education in English can provide better economic opportunities to the people of Pakistan.

Pakistan has five major indigenous languages; Punjabi, Pashto, Sindhi, Saraiki and Balochi, while Urdu is the national language . The language used in the domains of power (like the higher bureaucracy, and the officer groups of the armed forces) is English, as it was during the British rule. This paper tries to define the status of local languages and English as an influential language in the domain of education and corridors of power. Due to vague language policy about medium of instruction, two classes emerged in society. The elites were educated in English-medium schools, whereas Urdu was used in most of the public sector schools for the education of low and middle classes of the society. This dichotomy in education policy is proposed by the people who were educated through elite English medium schools. The choice of medium of instruction is a political matter. It is in the hands of the ruling elite and is, therefore, necessarily influenced by their pre-determined interests. These interests may include the consolidation and perpetuation of rule; facilitation of the elite’s entry into positions of power; modernisation and nation-building; and creation of an integrated nation-state out of disparate ethnic groups (Cooper, 1989). This paper explores the controversy about the status of local languages and English in Pakistan in relation with politics due to which English has gained a status of an influential language.

The Future of English as a Global Language, 2000

English in selected regional and national habitats with a glance at the role of outward-bound communication needs 9781107062610_pi-352.indd 11 9781107062610_pi-352.indd 11

2022

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