A synthesis of all we know about the Vandalic language (5th-6th centuries).

AI

sehepunkte 14 (2014), Nr. 10 , 2014

Medieval Coins and Seals: Constructing Identity, Signifying Power, 2015

There are two objectives behind this article. First, it seeks to trace down the pedigree of a theory described in scholarly discourse as the 'ethnogenesis model'. As is often believed, the theory originally was, essentially, an innovative concept proposed by Reinhard Wenskus, the German researcher. My article puts forth the idea whereby it was Walter Schlesinger who had laid the foundations for the theory, whose concept was further developed by Wenskus. My other purpose was to verify the basics of the theory itself, based on relevant empirical material; specifi cally, I mainly deal with original sources reporting on the ethnic composition and history of the Vandal people.

Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 2017

A close reading of sources documenting the Vandal conquest (429–39 ce) reveals that contemporary authors did not present the event as a persecution. To be sure, they insisted on the devastation that the Vandals caused, the typical woes of war, but not on its religious motivation. The article argues that it was Augustine who, in his ep. ccxxviii, first presented a theological interpretation of the event that allowed later sources writing within the Augustinian tradition to frame the conquest retroactively as a persecution.

Swansea University MA Dissertation in Ancient History, 2020

“The first fifty and the last thirty years of the Suevic kingdom are quite well documented, whereas the years in between are hopelessly obscure”. This is how Purificación Ubric describes the kingdom of the Suevi in her chapter of James D’Emilio’s edited volume on Medieval Galicia. The same can be similarly said of the Vandals who, before the Marcomannic Wars, were scarcely recorded by history to have achieved anything greater than that of ethnographic mentions in geographical works from the likes of Tacitus. Neither people achieved the historical importance of those such as the Visigoths or the Franks and, as such, have been relegated to the periphery in the study of Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. This being the case, scholarship on their period of rule within both Spain and North Africa has been somewhat lacking. Even discussion of early textual mentions in the geographies of the Classical and Republic era have become bogged down in questions of authenticity, rather than discussion of the records themselves. Despite this depressing view of past scholarship, the introduction of new interpretations of texts such as Hydatius’ Chronicle by Richard Burgess have reopened avenues of research long thought closed by many scholars. Many works ‘reconsidering’ the history of the Suevi and the Vandals have appeared, reflecting new interpretations such as these. Nevertheless, both peoples are still considered relatively unimportant in the study of Late Antiquity.

The present paper provides a re-assessment of writings of the 3r person plural suffix pronoun =sn without the final -n in Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate period inscriptions. It is argued that the earliest attestations of this phenomenon can seemingly be pushed back to the beginning of the XII dynasty. In addition, the geographical spread of the said writings is defined anew and suggested to encompass an area from the First Cata- ract to Esna, but not as far north as Er-Rizeikat. Crucial to the discussion are Second Intermediate Period data from the Nubian fortress of Buhen. It is argued that, contrary to previous views, of the two well-known families of fortress commandants there, only one can be linked to the area of Er-Rizeikat and on their monuments no n- less writings occur. By contrast, such writings are common on stelae left by members of the other family, who did not come from Er-Rizeikat. In conclusion, it is suggested that the n-less writings may reflect a regional dialectal feature of the area in which they are found.

chapter in Clerical Exile in Late Antiquity, edited by Julia Hillner, Jörg Ulrich and Jakob Engberg, 2016

In Vandal North Africa, hundreds, if not thousands, of Nicene clerics were exiled from their dioceses over the course of the fifth and early sixth centuries. While previous studies have largely focused on the experiences of individual exiles, this paper explores the geographical dimensions of banishment through a systematic analysis of all documented cases of clerical exile under the first two Vandal Kings, Geiseric and Huneric.

Neglected Barbarians, 2010

Medieval Feminist Forum, 2008

The Medieval Life of Language, 2021

The Medieval Life of Language The Knowledge Communities series focuses on innovative scholarship in the areas of intellectual history and the history of ideas, particularly as they relate to the communication of knowledge within and among diverse scholarly, literary, religious and social communities across Western Europe. Interdisciplinary in nature, the series especially encourages new methodological outlooks that draw on the disciplines of philosophy, theology, musicology, anthropology, paleography and codicology. Knowledge Communities addresses the myriad ways in which knowledge was expressed and inculcated, not only focusing upon scholarly texts from the period, but also emphasizing the importance of emotions, ritual, performance, images and gestures as modalities that communicate and acculturate ideas. Knowledge Communities publishes cutting-edge work that explores the nexus between ideas, communities and individuals in medieval and early modern Europe.

Archaeological Approaches to Cultural Identity, 1989

The Vandals is a Germanic tribe that not only migrated across Europe and the Roman empire during the first half of the first millenium AD but also played a part in Early 20th century geopolitics - besides become a word of shame. This paper follows all three threads of the amazing and turbulent destiny of this Germanic tribe, and examines the archaeological evidence.

Collegium Medievale, 2017

This study discusses the relations between the peoples known as Sarmatians, Alans, Vandals, and other groups in the context of fluid identities and political affinities of Late Antiquity and early medieval Europe. It is argued that the Vandals underwent a substantial transformation from being dominantely farmers to centre on horse breeding and mounted warfare. In this process, Sarmatian and Alanian influence on the Vandals was crucial. One could speak of a 'Sarma-tisation' of Vandal warfare, economy, dressing, and conduct, but also of a Vandal confederation of identities to which other 'barbarian' peoples could be connected .

This paper considers the case for there being settlements of Vandals in Late Antique Britain. It is proposed that the otherwise unknown personal name *Waendel could represent the ethnonym Vandal and, therefore toponyms derived from it could be settlements of Vandals, most probably from placements of Late Roman troops. Placenames of this type are located and a close relationship with the Roman road network and bridging points of rivers and other strategic locations is noted. The distribution is compared with that of other possible groups particularly the Suevi, Franks and Frisians.It is noted that each group has a distinct distribution. A final speculative comparisonwith names possibly derived from 'Ambros-' is made although again the distribution isquite different. Finally, the distribution of the possible 'Vandal' sites is noted as broadly similar to that of 'early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries' and the earliest forms of 'Saxon'metalwork. Overall, a substantive case can be made for reassessing these toponyms asderived from the ethnonym 'Vandal' and the suggestion made that the Germanic incomers of the Late Antique period were far more mixed than is generally assumed. A detailed gazetteer of the sites discussed is included.

The work de nuptiis Philologiae et mercurii by Martianus Capella has raised a number or controversial questions in the scientific discourse. The author, the evaluation of whom ranges from a denunciation of his strangeness-reflected in the thoughtlessness and disproportionate diversity of his work and corresponding to the decline of the Roman empire-to the recognition of his irreplaceable role in transmitting the ancient heritage to the Middle Ages, gave his primarily educational work the frame of a narrative about the marriage of the learned earthwoman Philology and the Roman god Mercury. In this narrative, the author combined an allegory with the witty Menippean Satire, whereby he eased the seriousness of his textbook, following the principle docere et delectare, but also made his text difficult to interpret. One way to interpreting the large-scale "fable" is examining the situation, in which it was composed, and searching for its actual addressee. In the presented paper, following the approach mentioned above, we examine the challenging assumption that Martianus was not only a mediator of the model of septem artes liberales acknowledged by the Middle Ages scholars, but perhaps also a mediator between the Roman and Vandal worlds. Our considerations are based on the assumption that Martianus' work was written later than it is traditionally acknowledged: in Carthago reigned already by Vandals (i.e. after the interval 410-439 AD). We consider whether the shift in dating can give us the reason to believe that Martianus wrote his work intentionally for Vandals, or at least for the Afro-Roman and Vandal students in the common schools of the Vandal state. Validation of this assumption might enable us to explain some exceptional or incomprehensible features of the plot (such as the contrast between the relative simplicity of the encyclopedic texts and the elaborate introductory passages in them, or the impressive defile of gods confronted with human weaknesses, which "consume" them gradually in course of the narrative). Our analysis also focuses on additional indirect sources of comparison: Fulgentius, and Dracontius. it was the conquests rather than a foedarati relation to the roman empire that helped to establish the vandal kingdom in north africa in 429 ad 2 as part of the 1 this paper was written under the auspices of msm 0021622435 "Centre for interdisciplinary research of ancient languages and old Phases of modern languages", at Faculty of arts, masaryk University, Czech republic. 2 their invasion is sometimes mentioned as religiously motivated: salvian. De gub. Dei 7,13; Jord. Get. 169; Procop. BV 1,5. all latin texts present in the article have been taken from the databases available at http://litterae.phil.muni.cz: i.e. from the Bibliotheca Teubneriana Lati-vstupními pasážemi plnými učených mytologických narážek, impozantní defilé božského aparátu konfrontované s lidskými slabostmi, které bohy v průběhu děje stále více pohlcují). současně se analýza soustředí na doplňková a nepřímá srovnání, zejména na způsob argumentace vůči vandalům v zachovaných spisech Fulgentia z ruspe a na podobu alegorií a metafor u dracontia, básníka působícího na vandalském území.

‘Spiritual Meadow’ (Pratum Spirituale or Λειμών) written by Byzantine monk John Moschos (c. 550–619/34) is a very interesting text from the linguistic point of view, but unfortunately it lacks a good edition. This text is available now in J. P. Migne’s edition (Migne, 1857–1866, T. 87.3 = PG). Migne didn’t personally work on the numerous manuscripts, but simply compiled two earlier versions. In this paper I analyze alternative readings noted by Cotelier and as a result I beleive a thorough linguistic analysis of the ‘Spiritual Meadow’ can be performed even before some new critical edition appears.

Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 55, 2020

This article addresses a few archaeological finds from the earliest stage of the Great Migration Period (late fourth to the first half of the fifth century AD) in the territory of the Western Roman Empire related to Central Europe by origin, which could testify to the migration of the Vandals and the Suebi to the Roman West in 406 AD. These finds comprise different types of crossbow brooches discovered in the Roman provinces in Gallia, Spain, and North Africa, which parallels originate from the lands to the north of the Danube, in the zone where the Vandals and the Suebi lived by the moment of the migration to the West in 406 AD. Besides, some features of the funeral rite discovered in the early Great Migration Period in Eastern Gallia, particularly ritually destroyed weapons, meet with analogies in the cemeteries of Central European barbarians, particularly in the Przeworsk culture. These archaeological pieces of evidence were partially related to the arrival of the Vandals and the Suebi to the Roman Empire's territory in 406 AD, and also reflected the presence of the Central European barbarians in the Roman military service.

"The Vandal tribe, under the leadership of King Geiseric, conquered Rome on July 2, 455 AD. This conquest was followed by two weeks of plundering and destruction, with which the Vandals ensured that their name would endure on the pages of history. Although the destruction brought about by this Germanic tribe was not particularly brutal or deliberate when measured against some other mass migrations, in later centuries all those causing physical destruction came to be referred to figuratively as vandals. There has been plenty of vandalism in European history: wartime looting, cultural purges, attempts at whitewashing history, revolutionary riots and frustrations over past wrongs have led to the destruction of many culturally and historically significant landmarks. In this book, we examine expressions of vandalism from the days of Geiseric up to the present day. In the first section of this work, we consider vandalism on a general level, examining its causes, effects, and the possibilities for preventing destruction. In the second part of the book, we present twenty-some individual instances from across the centuries. Our purpose is not to draw up a list of the “Top 20 Vandalisms,” but rather to collect a diverse sample of acts of destruction from the different corners of our part of the world. Europe — the area we have limited our book to — is more of a cultural concept than a geographic one. Thus, the Library of Alexandria, although it was physically located in North Africa, should be considered a part of European cultural heritage, since it belonged to the Greek cultural sphere, just as do medieval monasteries in Ireland, Moorish castles in Spain, or Orthodox cemeteries in White Karelia. We wish to use this book to highlight the significance of cultural heritage to identity. For example, Mostar Bridge, which was destroyed in 1993, was much more than a walkway over the Neretva River. The bridge linked the Bosnian areas of East Mostar to the Croat settlement of West Mostar, acting as a symbol and living testament to the centuries-old multiculturalism of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The vandalism of cultural property leaves deep wounds, which take many generations to heal. 21.6.2007 Sami Koski – Mika Rissanen – Juha Tahvanainen"

The notion of 'Vandalism' is common to all modern western languages, and yet the metaphorical origins of the term are frequently forgotten. When the barbarian Vandals of the early medieval period are remembered, it is often assumed that they were particularly violent, even by the bloody standards of that time. The present article explores the origins of the notion of 'vandalisme' in the aftermath of the French Revolution and examines the varied representations of the historical Vandals in the Enlightenment It argues that the Vandals enjoyed a complex series of associations during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and appeared in a variety of guises in the prose, plays and political tracts of the period. It concludes that the wholly negative representation of the group arose ultimately from a specific school of French historiography in this period, which sought to contrast the creative energies of the idealized Franks with the demonized Vandals.

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