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Nomad Migration in Central Asia

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Abstract
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The paper explores the historical and archaeological evidence surrounding nomad migration in Central Asia, focusing particularly on the relationships between the Asiani, Tochari, and Sacaraucae tribes as well as the Wusun culture. It discusses the discrepancies between western and Chinese sources regarding tribal identities and historical narratives, while emphasizing the importance of archaeological findings in understanding these migrations, particularly in the context of cultural transitions and interactions in Central Asia.

Key takeaways
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  1. The migration of the Yuezhi was influenced by conflicts with the Xiongnu around 176 BC.
  2. Archaeological evidence suggests the Wusun culture developed from earlier Saka traditions from the third century BC.
  3. Hauntingly rare finds, like Kushan coins, indicate the Yuezhi's significant cultural impact in Central Asia.
  4. Nomadic burial practices, such as podboy, reveal complex cultural interactions among Central Asian tribes.
  5. Artistic representations from sites like Khalchayan illustrate historical confrontations between the Yuezhi and the Saka.
Figures (14)
Figure 1. The Map of the main Nomad monuments in Sogdia and Bactria. | Kalkansay; 2 Yangi Kurgancha; 3 Akjar; 4 Aksay; 5 Sazagan; 6 Mirankul; 7 Agalyk; 8 Kuyumazar; 9 Kiziltepa; 10 Shari Vayron; 11 Khazara; 12 Babashov; 13 Kokkum; 14 Aruktau; 15 Tulkhar; 16 Rabat-I, II, IJ; 17 Airtam. The greatest contribution to the study of the tumuli necropolises of the Samarkand and Bukhara regions has been made by Obel’chenko (1961). In the Samarkand area, he excavated the Agalyksay, Akjartepa, Mirankul and Sazagan necropolises. In the Bukhara region he investigated the necropolises of Kalkansay, Kyzyl Tepe, Kuyumazar, Lyavandak, Shakhrivayron, Khazara and Yangiyul (Fig. 1). Amongst the rich diversity of burial constructions, one can distinguish three main types: podboy, catacombs and graves. He associated the podboy burials with the Yuezhi migration, but the other two with the Sarmatian culture of the southern Urals and the lower Volga. However, the archaic appearance of a catacomb burial in the Kuyumazar necropolis (kurgan no. 3, near the Soinov mound) gave rise to some doubts about its strange character. The sub-
Figure 1. The Map of the main Nomad monuments in Sogdia and Bactria. | Kalkansay; 2 Yangi Kurgancha; 3 Akjar; 4 Aksay; 5 Sazagan; 6 Mirankul; 7 Agalyk; 8 Kuyumazar; 9 Kiziltepa; 10 Shari Vayron; 11 Khazara; 12 Babashov; 13 Kokkum; 14 Aruktau; 15 Tulkhar; 16 Rabat-I, II, IJ; 17 Airtam. The greatest contribution to the study of the tumuli necropolises of the Samarkand and Bukhara regions has been made by Obel’chenko (1961). In the Samarkand area, he excavated the Agalyksay, Akjartepa, Mirankul and Sazagan necropolises. In the Bukhara region he investigated the necropolises of Kalkansay, Kyzyl Tepe, Kuyumazar, Lyavandak, Shakhrivayron, Khazara and Yangiyul (Fig. 1). Amongst the rich diversity of burial constructions, one can distinguish three main types: podboy, catacombs and graves. He associated the podboy burials with the Yuezhi migration, but the other two with the Sarmatian culture of the southern Urals and the lower Volga. However, the archaic appearance of a catacomb burial in the Kuyumazar necropolis (kurgan no. 3, near the Soinov mound) gave rise to some doubts about its strange character. The sub-
Figure 2. Necropolis Rabat I. Modern and ancient tombs. Nomad monuments survive to a lesser extent in Uzbekistan, because the develop- ment of land for cultivation included the area of foothills where necropolises were ocated, so that they have been destroyed. Such destruction has also occurred in more urban areas. Some idea of what has been lost is provided by the site of Airtam, 18 km o the east of modern Termez. Apart from the remains of monumental buildings dec- orated with stone reliefs, burials have been found here which can be linked to nomad culture. The construction and funerary finds of the Airtam burials are very similar to hose of the Tulkhar necropolis (Turgunov 1973, 64-8). Two types of burials are found at the Airtam necropolis: a rectangular grave and a podboy (oriented north-south). The finds included a double-blade dagger (35 cm in length), three iron rings and an arrow- head. The pottery and other finds from the funerary complex show close analogies with the material from Tulkhar, Aruktau and elsewhere. The necropolis of Airtam can be dated to the second to first century BC. Ao smectic alesse 4 bese ch eel aeacceanewwwndee Gal OT Teg ke cc iseadicews “Gere ‘hese: eee | eh Tee
Figure 2. Necropolis Rabat I. Modern and ancient tombs. Nomad monuments survive to a lesser extent in Uzbekistan, because the develop- ment of land for cultivation included the area of foothills where necropolises were ocated, so that they have been destroyed. Such destruction has also occurred in more urban areas. Some idea of what has been lost is provided by the site of Airtam, 18 km o the east of modern Termez. Apart from the remains of monumental buildings dec- orated with stone reliefs, burials have been found here which can be linked to nomad culture. The construction and funerary finds of the Airtam burials are very similar to hose of the Tulkhar necropolis (Turgunov 1973, 64-8). Two types of burials are found at the Airtam necropolis: a rectangular grave and a podboy (oriented north-south). The finds included a double-blade dagger (35 cm in length), three iron rings and an arrow- head. The pottery and other finds from the funerary complex show close analogies with the material from Tulkhar, Aruktau and elsewhere. The necropolis of Airtam can be dated to the second to first century BC. Ao smectic alesse 4 bese ch eel aeacceanewwwndee Gal OT Teg ke cc iseadicews “Gere ‘hese: eee | eh Tee
Figure 3. Necropolis Rabat II (first-second centuries AD). General view after destruction. The Rabat III necropolis is situated about 1 km south-west of the village of Rabat, at the foot of the Baysuntau mountain (Fig. 5). It covers an area of about 0.5-0.6 hectares. On the surface, the rectangular or oval stone enclosures of the tombs are clearly visible. Most of them appear to be oriented north-south, but the site has not yet been studied.
Figure 3. Necropolis Rabat II (first-second centuries AD). General view after destruction. The Rabat III necropolis is situated about 1 km south-west of the village of Rabat, at the foot of the Baysuntau mountain (Fig. 5). It covers an area of about 0.5-0.6 hectares. On the surface, the rectangular or oval stone enclosures of the tombs are clearly visible. Most of them appear to be oriented north-south, but the site has not yet been studied.
Figure 4. a (top): Plate with incised ornament from Rabat II. b (below left): Two handled pot (amphora shape) from Rabat II, first-second centuries AD. c (below right): Goblet covered with red slip from Rabat I, first century BC—first century AD.
Figure 4. a (top): Plate with incised ornament from Rabat II. b (below left): Two handled pot (amphora shape) from Rabat II, first-second centuries AD. c (below right): Goblet covered with red slip from Rabat I, first century BC—first century AD.
Figure 5. Rabat III. General view of the Necropolis.
Figure 5. Rabat III. General view of the Necropolis.
Figure 6. Kala-i Zakhoki Maron. Plan of the site, second—first centuries BC.
Figure 6. Kala-i Zakhoki Maron. Plan of the site, second—first centuries BC.
Figure 8. Orlat. Bone plate with representation of a battle scene Figure 7. Bone plate from Kuyumazar Necropolis. Bearded man.
Figure 8. Orlat. Bone plate with representation of a battle scene Figure 7. Bone plate from Kuyumazar Necropolis. Bearded man.
routes of nomad migration and determine more precisely the areas of nomad settle- ment. So, for example, we can compare the representations on the bone plaques from the Orlat necropolis in the Samarkand region with the fragment of a bone plaque found in Kuyumazar necropolis in the Bukhara region (Figs 7 and 8). The similarities between them are not, evidently, accidental.
routes of nomad migration and determine more precisely the areas of nomad settle- ment. So, for example, we can compare the representations on the bone plaques from the Orlat necropolis in the Samarkand region with the fragment of a bone plaque found in Kuyumazar necropolis in the Bukhara region (Figs 7 and 8). The similarities between them are not, evidently, accidental.
Figure 9. Old Termez. Terracotta figurine with representation of a warrior, second—first centuries BC. We have thus examined some of the figures on the Khalchayan reliefs. Others— with a demonic expression and a very distinctive hairstyle with long side-whiskers—are paralleled in terracotta plastic art. We have at present several images resembling the fig- ures of Khalchayan. One of them was found in a second to first century BC layer at the site of Old Termez (Fig. 9). It is a moulded yellow clay figure in high relief with a flat back, representing a male head with large ringlets and long whiskers, originally misidentified by the excavator as a female (Pidaev 1987, 89). There are vertical lines clearly identifiable as chain-mail armour on the neck.
Figure 9. Old Termez. Terracotta figurine with representation of a warrior, second—first centuries BC. We have thus examined some of the figures on the Khalchayan reliefs. Others— with a demonic expression and a very distinctive hairstyle with long side-whiskers—are paralleled in terracotta plastic art. We have at present several images resembling the fig- ures of Khalchayan. One of them was found in a second to first century BC layer at the site of Old Termez (Fig. 9). It is a moulded yellow clay figure in high relief with a flat back, representing a male head with large ringlets and long whiskers, originally misidentified by the excavator as a female (Pidaev 1987, 89). There are vertical lines clearly identifiable as chain-mail armour on the neck.
Figure 11. Erkurgan. Terracotta figurine with representation of a warrior, second-first centuries BC. Figure 10. Kampyr Tepe. Terracotta figurine with representation of a warrior, second-first centuries BC.
Figure 11. Erkurgan. Terracotta figurine with representation of a warrior, second-first centuries BC. Figure 10. Kampyr Tepe. Terracotta figurine with representation of a warrior, second-first centuries BC.
Figure 13. Early Sogdian coin. Portrait of a ruler, second-—first centuries BC (?). Figure 12. Samarkand Museum. Engraved gem (cornelian), first century BC-first-second centuries AD. Portrait of a governor. Literary sources recount how the Yuezhi on their long journey from the valley of Gansu met different peoples. The first were the Wusun. After their defeat by the Wusun in the region of Semirech’e, the Yuezhi migrated further in a westerly direction. Passing through Da Yuan, they reached the region between the two rivers of Amu Darya and Syr Darya. Here, north of the Oxus River, they found another tribe already settled for some time, whom we can hypothetically identify as the Sakaraules.
Figure 13. Early Sogdian coin. Portrait of a ruler, second-—first centuries BC (?). Figure 12. Samarkand Museum. Engraved gem (cornelian), first century BC-first-second centuries AD. Portrait of a governor. Literary sources recount how the Yuezhi on their long journey from the valley of Gansu met different peoples. The first were the Wusun. After their defeat by the Wusun in the region of Semirech’e, the Yuezhi migrated further in a westerly direction. Passing through Da Yuan, they reached the region between the two rivers of Amu Darya and Syr Darya. Here, north of the Oxus River, they found another tribe already settled for some time, whom we can hypothetically identify as the Sakaraules.
Figure 14. Khalchayan clay sculpture, late second-—first centuries BC. a, a Numismatically the Sakaraules can be associated with early Sogdian coins depict- ing a ruler in profile on the obverse and an archer on the reverse (Fig. 13). The other group that hypothetically can be related to this period or earlier is the early imitation of Antiochus I’s coins with a horse’s head on the reverse. Geographically both types are concentrated around Sogdia, including the Bukhara region. But chronologically, it seems very probable that the tribes around the Bukhara oasis had already gained their independence in the Seleucid period, while Sogdia and Bukhara itself became free from Greek power during the reign of Euthydemus I (Bopearachchi 1990). Numerous imi- tations of his coins testify to this. We have another imitation of Greek coinage, namely of Eucratides’ coins. Imitations of his obols are clearly local to the region of southern Tajikistan and partially in Uzbekistan. It is confirmed by Strabo’s information on the Parthian annexation of the Bactrian territories (i.e. the satrapies of Aspiona and
Figure 14. Khalchayan clay sculpture, late second-—first centuries BC. a, a Numismatically the Sakaraules can be associated with early Sogdian coins depict- ing a ruler in profile on the obverse and an archer on the reverse (Fig. 13). The other group that hypothetically can be related to this period or earlier is the early imitation of Antiochus I’s coins with a horse’s head on the reverse. Geographically both types are concentrated around Sogdia, including the Bukhara region. But chronologically, it seems very probable that the tribes around the Bukhara oasis had already gained their independence in the Seleucid period, while Sogdia and Bukhara itself became free from Greek power during the reign of Euthydemus I (Bopearachchi 1990). Numerous imi- tations of his coins testify to this. We have another imitation of Greek coinage, namely of Eucratides’ coins. Imitations of his obols are clearly local to the region of southern Tajikistan and partially in Uzbekistan. It is confirmed by Strabo’s information on the Parthian annexation of the Bactrian territories (i.e. the satrapies of Aspiona and
Figure 15. Khalchayan clay sculpture, late second-—first centuries. Turivu). A more complicated imitation is the so-called ‘barbarized’ Heliocles coins. The finds of these imitations are mainly local to the modern Surkhan Darya region, south of Tajikistan and to the south of the Oxus river. The variety of imitation types sup- poses long continuity and circulation of these imitations in certain areas. Zeymal’ (1983, 110-28) gives a detailed typology of the Heliocles imitations. Amongst the 7 types of imitation proposed by him, the first two (I and II) hypothetically can be asso- ciated with Saka coinage. However, it is a proposition that needs to be argued in more detail. The problematic typology, chronology and attribution of the Heliocles imitations is beyond the scope of this paper. en cence a i age mt og . os 2 ig: ay ‘alge eget
Figure 15. Khalchayan clay sculpture, late second-—first centuries. Turivu). A more complicated imitation is the so-called ‘barbarized’ Heliocles coins. The finds of these imitations are mainly local to the modern Surkhan Darya region, south of Tajikistan and to the south of the Oxus river. The variety of imitation types sup- poses long continuity and circulation of these imitations in certain areas. Zeymal’ (1983, 110-28) gives a detailed typology of the Heliocles imitations. Amongst the 7 types of imitation proposed by him, the first two (I and II) hypothetically can be asso- ciated with Saka coinage. However, it is a proposition that needs to be argued in more detail. The problematic typology, chronology and attribution of the Heliocles imitations is beyond the scope of this paper. en cence a i age mt og . os 2 ig: ay ‘alge eget
Figure 16. Khalchayan clay sculpture, late second— first centuries BC. Representation of a warrior.
Figure 16. Khalchayan clay sculpture, late second— first centuries BC. Representation of a warrior.

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FAQs

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What prompted the westward migration of the Da Yuezhi in 176 BC?add

The paper reveals that the Da Yuezhi migrated westward after a crushing defeat by the Xiongnu in 176 BC, forcing them to cross Da Yuan and the Oxus River.

How did archaeological evidence corroborate historical accounts of nomadic migration?add

Archaeological findings, such as rare Kushan coins north of the Oxus, indicate that the Yuezhi established a significant presence in this area substantiating Chinese historical records.

What cultural indicators are linked with the Wusun migration and settlement?add

The research indicates that the Wusun culture evolved from local precursors, with significant remains in Semirech'e dated from the second century BC to the first century AD.

How do the Khalchayan reliefs contribute to our understanding of Yuezhi conflicts?add

The Khalchayan reliefs depict a historical scene where the Yuezhi confront their enemies, presumably the Sakaraules, suggesting this occurred in the second century BC.

What burial practices distinguish the nomads of northern Bactria?add

The study associates podboy-type burials in southern Tajikistan with the nomadic culture that defeated the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom, demonstrating a continuity in burial practices over time.

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(The corrigendum is attached as a separate pdf file.) The origin of the Xiongnu and the Rourans, the nomadic groups that dominated the eastern Eurasian steppe in the late first millennium BC/early first millennium AD, is one of the most controversial topics in the early history of Inner Asia. As debatable is the evidence linking these two groups with the steppe nomads of early medieval Europe, i.e. the Huns and the Avars, respectively. In this paper, we address the problems of Xiongnu–Hun and Rouran–Avar connections from an interdisciplinary perspective, complementing current archaeological and historical research with a critical analysis of the available evidence from historical linguistics and population genetics. Both lines of research suggest a mixed origin of the Xiongnu population, consisting of eastern and western Eurasian substrata, and emphasize the lack of unambiguous evidence for a continuity between the Xiongnu and the European Huns. In parallel, both disciplines suggest that at least some of the European Avars were of Eastern Asian ancestry, but neither linguistic nor genetic evidence provides sufficient support for a specific connection between the Avars and the Asian Rourans.

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The nomads of the Eurasian steppes, semi-deserts, and deserts played an important and multifarious role in regional, interregional transit, and long-distance trade across Eurasia. In ancient and medieval times their role far exceeded their number and economic potential. The specialized and non-autarchic character of their economy, provoked that the nomads always experienced a need for external agricultural and handicraft products. Besides, successful nomadic states and polities created demand for the international trade in high value foreign goods, and even provided supplies, especially silk, for this trade. Because of undeveloped social division of labor, however, there were no professional traders in any nomadic society. Thus, specialized foreign traders enjoyed a high prestige amongst them. It is, finally, argued that the real importance of the overland Silk Road, that currently has become a quite popular historical adventure, has been greatly exaggerated.

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