This article narrates the publicity activities of the "Goodwill Mission to the Middle East" of the Hui delegation dispatched by the Chinese Huijiao (Islamic) Federation during the late 1930's and summarizes its contributions to the victory of China's Anti-Japanese War. Such peopleto-people diplomacy initiated by the Hui people, an Islamic minority in China, possesses great significances in many ways including developing the friendships between China and the Mideast countries. This matter is however neglected by many researchers in the same field.

In this paper, first arrival of Islam to China and emergence of Muslim communitiy named as Hui are tried to discussed reliyng on new documents from the Ottoman archives, in addition to Hui minority's relationships with center of Chaliphate or Ottomans in other words.

Proceedings of the International Conference on Sustainable Innovation on Humanities, Education, and Social Sciences (ICOSI-HESS 2022), 2022

Since China declared the BRI in 2013 it has increased its diplomacy in the Muslim world, especially in the Middle East. The Middle East is an area where China can develop cooperation. As Jonatan Fulton said that BRI can create more cooperations. My findings indicate that there is mutual economic interests between China and the Middle East. In the one hand, China need to expand its economic influence in the Middle East. On the other hand, the Middle East also need to diversify its decades long reliance on oil revenue. Such mutual interests created a mutually benefit partnership between China and the Muslim countries in the Middle East.

"Dálný východ", Year 4 (2014), No. 1.

This article discusses the historical evolution of the relationship between the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Sinophone Muslims, or the Hui, from the founding of the CPC in 1921 until the late 1950s. By defining the Hui as an ethnic minority from an early date the Chinese communists have pursued a policy of allowing the Hui a limited cultural autonomy, while viewing the religious elements of the Sino-Muslim identity as obstacles to the further development of their political potential. The negative assessment of Islam, ignoring the more progressive trends within the religious establishment, and the rejection of the long-held belief of some members of the Sino-Muslim elite that the Hui are Han followers of Islam, has led to the limitation of success of the CPC’s Hui policies. This has been one of the main factors contributing to the enduring tensions between the Hui and the communist authorities.

Religion and Nationalism in Chinese Societies, 2017

Pilgrimage (hajj) is the f ifth pillar of Islam and the most important symbol of unity of the Muslim 'Community' ('Ummah'). When pan-Islamism and Chinese nationalism met in the early twentieth century, it is interesting to see how the Chinese pilgrims, and the Chinese Muslims as a whole, understood and responded to the Islamic revivalist call to the unity of the Community and the Chinese nationalist voice to build a new nation-state. This chapter explores the relationships between these two forces by researching original off icial documents, news reports, memoirs, and other biographical materials regarding the Hui Muslims' pilgrimage experience. It concludes that Hui Muslim pilgrims' choice is not an either/or question, but a mixture of pan-Islamism and Hui patriotism.

Turkish Journal of Sociology, 2019

This paper investigates the role of Islam, particularly the Chinese Muslim scholars’ participation in the nation-building of the People’s Republic of China. It also looks at the political narrative of the CCP on Islam in the context of the Chinese revolution. Anti-imperialism and socialist construction were the two primary political goals allowing people to be politically engaged and consequently creating a common ground for recognition. Hence, religion was considered as merely another form of ideology which needs to be incorporated into the political mission leading toward human liberation. The internationalist support of the anti-colonial struggles in the Arab World also played a crucial role in the formation of the national recognition in the 1950s. The reports on the Chinese political support towards the Arab world presented the Arab people as a unity with their revolutionary spirit rooted in Islamic religious tradition and inspired by their recent history of being oppressed by colonialism.

Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 2016

Following overland and maritime trade routes, early Muslims reached China within a century after the Prophet Muhammad (570-632) lived, when the Chinese and Islamic empires were the superpowers of their day, engaging each other in instances of both competition and collaboration: military, economic and diplomatic. Exchanges between China and the Islamic world have produced significant technological and cultural developments, and set the stage for ongoing relations between the two civilizations that helped shape world history and continue to influence global affairs today. The arrival of Islam more than 1200 years ago also resulted in a sizeable Muslim minority population in China, who play an important role between the two civilizations: sometimes as cultural intermediaries, sometimes as political pawns. The following is an overview of the history of Chinese-Islamic relations, including historical and contemporary involvement by China's internal Muslim populations, with a survey of connections between China and several Muslim countries. A simple confluence of facts-that China may soon be challenging the United States in its demand for foreign oil, that world oil production will peak and begin to decline within decades, and that China acts as a major supplier of arms and military technology to oil-rich, predominantly Muslim, Middle Eastern states whose region becomes less stable as oil supplies wane-all but guarantees the importance of Chinese-Islamic relations in the foreseeable future. Given this situation, the informed observer of international affairs would be well-served not only by an examination of current relations between China and global Islam, but also of historical encounters between the Chinese and Islamic civilizations, which provide valuable insight into the roots of many of today's political and societal realities. In view of the long history of trade, not only in commodities, but also in ideas, along the geographical continuum that connects western and eastern Asia, recent relations between the Chinese and Islamic spheres of influence are grounded in an ancient tradition of economic, political, and cultural commerce. 1 I made these comments in order to lend contemporary relevance to my historical study. The facts, however, increase in significance with each passing year as we proceed ever

The historical ties between Muslim and Chinese cultures hold a significant position in Asian geopolitics and have left an indelible mark on world history. During the Tang Dynasty, the spread of Islam, the flourishing Silk Road, and enhanced communication between China and foreign nations facilitated the migration of numerous Muslim merchants, envoys, and missionaries from Arabia and Persia to China. These Muslim ummah became central to foreign trade, connecting China with the Western world through Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean. This period represents one of the most remarkable chapters in Chinese history, with Muslim activities during the Tang Dynasty profoundly shaping the nation's historical and cultural development. This study aims to systematically explore the history of Muslims ummah during the Tang Dynasty in China by utilising textual analysis and examining historical sites. The research provides a foundational framework for further investigations into the enduring influence of Chinese Muslim ummah history, highlighting its significance in the broader narrative of global historical interactions.

Thai Journal of East Asian Studies, 25(2), 2021

In 1942 the Republic of China established a legation in Tehran. Neither during the last years of the Qājār dynasty nor during the subsequent reign of Reẕā Pahlavī did the Chinese manage to send a diplomatic mission to the capital of the Empire. The change in attitude by the Persian government must therefore obviously be attributed to the new international role of Iran after the Anglo-Soviet invasion of 1941, the abdication of Reẕā Pahlavī, and the accession to the throne of his son Moḩammad Reẕā Pahlavī. Furthermore, the Republic of China, engaged in the hard and long conflict with Japan, was trying to build a diplomatic network in the Near and Middle East that would also support the international re-legitimation after the humiliations suffered since the First Opium War. In particular, the opening of the legation meant the full implementation of the Sino-Persian treaty of 1920. After more than twenty years, the political meaning of that document was probably reconsidered in light of the negotiations with the United States and the United Kingdom regarding extraterritorial rights. The paper, therefore, outlines the political issues and objectives around the opening of the Chinese legation, trying to analyze the role played by the Foreign Office and the British legation in Tehran.

Review of Religion and Chinese Society, 2018

This article examines the modern social history of Chinese Hui Muslims in the context of transregional connections within and beyond the borders of the two modern Chinese nation-states, the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China on Taiwan. The article applies Engseng Ho’s concepts for the study of Inter-Asia to the biographical study of several prominent Hui religious professionals and intellectuals. The experiences and personal contributions to the development of modern Chinese Muslim culture of people like Imam Ma Songting are scrutinized, along with political and ideological conflicts over different visions of Chineseness and “Huiness” during the turbulent twentieth century. It is argued that when studying the social history of Chinese Muslims, researchers should not limit themselves to the religious activities of Hui elites that occurred within the confines of the two Chinese nation-states, but should also take into consideration the expansion of those elites’ religious activities abroad and the intensive circulation of knowledge across Inter-Asian spaces in which they participated.

日本中東学会年報, 2003

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies resulted in vain. 'Ihey never tried to study why SiReMuslims had strong nationalistic se" ' ' timent toward China and thus had no reason to supportJapan. '' 'Ilieir "failures" can be attributed to the improvised plan cerresponding to Japan's military policy. Severa1 Japanese fortune-seekers (1;gin-ku Ronin) in China had corrverted to Islam during the 1920s and 30s as}d their vague knowledge of Islam was utilized to conduct further Islamie study. 'IIiey shared, kowever, the same biased 'impressions toward Islam in China. Fbr instance, tihey believed that Sino-Muslims should be anti¢ omamunists, since eommunists asserted atheisrn ar}d extemiination of religions. 'lhey aiso considered that Sino-M"slims could be on Japan's side because of ethnic dl$crimination by the Han. In addition, they were alsu caught by the precokception that all the ethnic tninorities should have a tendency of calling for political independence against the ruling ethnic group. After WWII, Isiamic studies in Japan shifted from China and Southeast Asia to the Middle East Studies on Islam in Chifia were aimost abandoned and neglected until the 1980s. The "tradition" and the accumulation of Islamic studies in China were not taken into consideration even in the field of Chinese studies. Accordingly, researchers on Islam didn't emphasize that Sino-Muslims also fought against the Japanese Army during the Anti-Japanese War. The historical fact that the AntiJapanese War was also "IslamJapanese War" in sorne means has been hidden, discarded, and forgotten intentionally. During the war, Sin}Muslims persisted in Islamic protection and promotion within the framework oi the state of China, represented by a popular slogan ofAigaso Aijiao er "Loving our country is equivalent to loving our religien". This paper discusses how ethnicity building of the Hdei conducted by inte11ectuals of Sino-Muslims in the Repttblican era (1912-l949) was active ar}d why they were extremely patriotic toward their hemeland China during the AntiJapanese War. Islamic intexpreta= tions brought from the Middle East, in particular from Egypt, had authority to modify their ethni,city as a political subiect. rlhey also changed eld-fashioned Chinese Islam so far into "aut/hentic" Islam in order to catch up to the standard of the "advamced" lslamic world, ancl gave eoncrete reasen$ of the resistance against the aggressor; Japan. Because of this Middle Eastern impact, most Sino-Muslims had the reasons of disobedience to Japan'$ intrigue, quite difterent from Japan's partial sttccess of the divicieand-rule policy in Imier Mongolia during the 3es and 40s. IE. Sino-Mustims' Que$t tor ldentity and the Reason d'Otre 1. Discrimination amplified in the Modern Era AJAMESno.

Al-Shajarah: Journal of the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization, 2024

This paper aims to shed light on the evolving perception of the Sino-Muslim intellectuals on Pan-Islamism as they engaged with the Islamic world. Scholarly literature examining the relationship between Sino-Muslim intellectuals and the Islamic world often discusses the role of Chinese Azharites in the 1930s. However, the engagement of Sino-Muslim intellectuals with the Islamic world prior to the emergence of Chinese Azharites is rarely explored. This paper aims to address this gap by examining the process of Sino-Muslim intellectuals’ engagement with the Islamic world in the early twentieth century, using magazines, books and travelogues published by Sino-Muslim intellectuals and official archives as primary sources. It argues that their level of engagement with the Islamic world depends on their acceptance of Pan-Islamism, an idea that emerged in the late nineteenth century advocating for the political unity of the Islamic world. Notably, the engagement of Sino-Muslim intellectuals with the Islamic world was not always as harmonious. Prior to the end of World War I, most Sino-Muslim intellectuals were sceptical of the idea of Pan-Islamism, which hindered the relationship between Sino-Muslim communities and governments. Nevertheless, after World War I, thanks to the efforts of certain Sino-Muslim intellectuals, they not only embraced this idea but also actively participated in various issues in the Islamic world.

Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 2017

Sino-Muslim relations rest upon an informal socio-spatial hierarchy according to which some Muslim groups are more of an asset and others more of a liability. In this informal hierarchy, Hui Muslims are closer to the center than any other Muslim group because they are Sinicized, seen as religiously moderate, and mostly live in proximity to non-Muslim Chinese neighbors. Central Asian Muslims, most notably Xinjiang's Uyghurs, are more distant from China's no-tional center and seen as culturally more alien and prone to religious extremism. The article discusses the historical roots of this socio-spatial hierarchy and systematically examines Si-no-Muslim relations in political, economic, and societal terms. It concludes that, despite some problematic features from a western-liberal perspective, the hierarchy continues to enable the Chinese majority to manage a set of otherwise challenging relationships.

The China Review, 2018

Driven by the need to survive in a predominately non-Muslim society, Chinese Muslims, or the Chinese-speaking Hui people, have traditionally played the role of a middleman minority. During the last few decades, benefiting from the strengthening economic ties between China and the Arab world, especially the Arabian Gulf countries, Hui Muslims have gained greater visibility and relevance in Sino-Arab relations. Enabled by their dual identity, Hui Muslims have evolved from a middleman minority that exists on the margin to cultural brokers who are increasingly central in China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Drawing on a multiyear ethnographic study of overseas Chinese in Dubai—the most important trade hub and a rising global city in the Arab world—this article shows that through actively utilizing religious and cultural capital, Hui Muslims in Dubai play the role of trusted mediators between diverse Chinese interests and the Arab Muslim elites and have become “cultural ambassadors” in a region of growing strategic importance to China, cultivating an image of “good Muslims” in the eyes of Chinese authorities.

Book Teaser, 2018

This book provides an in-depth and multi-disciplinary analysis of the evolving relationship between China and the Middle East. Despite its increasing importance, very few studies have examined this dynamic, deepening, and multi-faceted nexus. James Reardon-Anderson has sought to fill this critical gap. The volume examines the ‘big picture’ of international relations, then zooms in on case studies and probes the underlying domestic factors on each side. Reardon-Anderson tackles topics as diverse as China’s security strategy in the Middle East, its military relations with the states of the region, its role in the Iran nuclear negotiations, the Uyghur question, and the significance and consequences of the Silk Road strategy.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 2018

This paper investigates the role of Islam, particularly the Chinese Muslim scholars' participation in the nationbuilding of the People's Republic of China. It also looks at the political narrative of the CCP on Islam in the context of the Chinese revolution. Anti-imperialism and socialist construction were the two primary political goals allowing people to be politically engaged and consequently create a common ground for recognition. Hence, religion was considered as merely another form of ideology which needed to be incorporated into the political mission leading toward human liberation. The internationalist support of the anti-colonial struggles in the Arab World also played a crucial role in the formation of the national recognition in the 1950s. The reports on the Chinese political support towards the Arab world presented the Arab people as a unity with their revolutionary spirit rooted in Islamic religious tradition and inspired by their recent history of being oppressed by colonialism.

1991

This study examines China's relations with the Middle East. Its primary objective is to determine to what extent, and in what ways, China's involvement with the region has evolved. To accomplish this aim I have adopted an historical approach, examining China's relations with the Middle East between 1950 and 1988. The study is therefore subdivided into seven chapters, each of which treats a 'distinctive' period in the history of China's foreign relations since the founding of the PRC in 1949. For purposes of this study, the 'Middle East' is defined as the 'zone of Arab--Israeli confrontation', comprising the states of Israel, Egypt, Jordan, and Syria as well as including the PLO; plus the Persian Gulf, with emphasis on the states of Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Each chapter begins with a discussion of China's relations with the superpowers, and with developing countries. By indicating China's general foreign policy concerns, the...

During China’s Republican era (1911–49), amid increasing contacts with Southeast Asia, Chinese Muslims crafted politically useful narratives of Sino–Islamic maritime exchange and Islam’s contributions to Chinese civilization. Two examples stand out in particular: Bai Shouyi’s scholarship on the Song-era materia medica trade and the government-sponsored Chinese Islamic South Seas Delegation’s wartime mission to Malaya. In both cases, Chinese Muslims asserted their connectedness not only to the Chinese nation-state and the Arab Middle East but also to the Islamic world as a whole. Southeast Asia’s significance for modern Chinese Islam lay in providing an inspiration and a destination for these traveling civilizational narratives.

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