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Systems of Succession in Rus' and Steppe Societies

Profile image of Don OstrowskiDon Ostrowski

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Abstract
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The paper examines the systems of succession in early Rus' and steppe societies, positing that these principalities formed a "headless state" characterized by local governments led by aristocratic branches vying for leadership in Kiev. It critiques the notion of a single ruling dynasty while exploring the historical sources that depict a complex aristocratic social structure influencing succession, alongside the limited role of the Orthodox Church in legitimizing authority.

Figures (5)
Table 1. Succession of Hsiung-nu Shan-yiis 209 BC—31 BC  In contrast, the Turkologist Lev Gumilev concluded that, among the Turkic peoples of the western Eurasian steppe in the 6"and 7" centuries A.D., the practice of lateral succession within families and clans down to the fourth brother was common. When the fourth brother died, then the eldest son of the eldest brother took his turn as leader (see table 2)’. These systems — (1) agnatic primogeni-
Table 1. Succession of Hsiung-nu Shan-yiis 209 BC—31 BC In contrast, the Turkologist Lev Gumilev concluded that, among the Turkic peoples of the western Eurasian steppe in the 6"and 7" centuries A.D., the practice of lateral succession within families and clans down to the fourth brother was common. When the fourth brother died, then the eldest son of the eldest brother took his turn as leader (see table 2)’. These systems — (1) agnatic primogeni-
Table 4: Succession of Volodimir Sviatoslavich’s Sons (after Pritsak, “System”, 580)  In 1996, Simon Franklin and Jonathan Shepard questioned the existence of a system of succession: “It is a common mistake to suppose that there was a fixed political ‘system’ from which the unprincipled princelings occasionally (or regularly) deviated.... Iaroslav’s successors had to improvise, adapting custom, precedent and precept to contingencies as they arose. There were ad hoc arrangments, false starts, compromises and accommodations, and ingenious devices through which to dress innovation as tradition’®. For them, the notion of the existence of a system was merely a facade to cover special cases that had no general application. They also claimed that no “political culture for an expanded, sedentary dynasty” formed under Iaroslav or his predecessors.
Table 4: Succession of Volodimir Sviatoslavich’s Sons (after Pritsak, “System”, 580) In 1996, Simon Franklin and Jonathan Shepard questioned the existence of a system of succession: “It is a common mistake to suppose that there was a fixed political ‘system’ from which the unprincipled princelings occasionally (or regularly) deviated.... Iaroslav’s successors had to improvise, adapting custom, precedent and precept to contingencies as they arose. There were ad hoc arrangments, false starts, compromises and accommodations, and ingenious devices through which to dress innovation as tradition’®. For them, the notion of the existence of a system was merely a facade to cover special cases that had no general application. They also claimed that no “political culture for an expanded, sedentary dynasty” formed under Iaroslav or his predecessors.
Table 5. Liubech Agreement of 1097  No mention was made of who was to hold Smolensk, probably because the Viacheslav line had died out. The last mention in the PVL of that line is the death of Viacheslav’s son Boris in 1078. But already upon the death of Viacheslav (1057), Smolensk went to Igor’ Iaroslavich. The PVZ does not indicate who held it after the death of Igor’ Iaroslavich (1060), but in 1077, Volodimir Vsevolodovich (Monomakh) took it over until 1095. David Sviatoslavich took it over in 1095 but seems to have relinquished it in 1097 as a result of the Liubech Agreement when
Table 5. Liubech Agreement of 1097 No mention was made of who was to hold Smolensk, probably because the Viacheslav line had died out. The last mention in the PVL of that line is the death of Viacheslav’s son Boris in 1078. But already upon the death of Viacheslav (1057), Smolensk went to Igor’ Iaroslavich. The PVZ does not indicate who held it after the death of Igor’ Iaroslavich (1060), but in 1077, Volodimir Vsevolodovich (Monomakh) took it over until 1095. David Sviatoslavich took it over in 1095 but seems to have relinquished it in 1097 as a result of the Liubech Agreement when
Table 7. Succession in the Ulus of Jochi to 1361  Oghul Qaimish, the widow of Qagan Gityiig. The decision apparently was that Andrei should succeed his father as grand prince of Vladimir, but that Aleksandr being the eldest should succeed as grand prince of Kiev and all Rus’. From the perspective of Qaragorum, Kiev was still the capital of Rus *”. In 1252, Andrei was ousted by troops sent by Batu under the command of Nevriui from being grand prince of Vladimir and driven abroad. Aleksandr Iaroslavich was appointed in his place. In 1256, Andrei was back in Rus ’and was appointed prince of Suzdal”’.
Table 7. Succession in the Ulus of Jochi to 1361 Oghul Qaimish, the widow of Qagan Gityiig. The decision apparently was that Andrei should succeed his father as grand prince of Vladimir, but that Aleksandr being the eldest should succeed as grand prince of Kiev and all Rus’. From the perspective of Qaragorum, Kiev was still the capital of Rus *”. In 1252, Andrei was ousted by troops sent by Batu under the command of Nevriui from being grand prince of Vladimir and driven abroad. Aleksandr Iaroslavich was appointed in his place. In 1256, Andrei was back in Rus ’and was appointed prince of Suzdal”’.

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