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Sri Lanka Gypsy Telugu (SLGT) is a dialect of Telugu spoken by a gypsy community in Sri Lanka numbering several thousand individuals. This dialect diverges significantly from the Telugu spoken on the Indian mainland and exhibits several significant grammatical features that are best explained as resulting from contact with Colloquial Sinhala. Based on data gathered from gypsies living in the Anuradhapura area of north central Sri Lanka, this paper presents the first comprehensive description of those points of SLGT grammar that distinguish it from other forms of Telugu, including lexical and structural borrowings from Sinhala.
AI
The paper reveals that SLGT lacks aspirate stops seen in MT and features significant lexical borrowing from Sinhala.
The findings indicate that SLGT phonology diverges by not including retroflex nasal ṇ and lateral ḷ, likely due to Sinhala contact.
The paper identifies unique SLGT words like duŋga, meaning 'lie', suggesting a possible pre-Telugu Indo-Aryan origin.
The research suggests gypsy migration from India to Sri Lanka occurred around the early colonial period, approximately 200 years ago.
SLGT serves as a community language while speakers face societal discrimination and maintain distinct traditional occupations.
Negombo Fishermen’s Tamil, a dialect of Tamil from coastal Sri Lanka spoken by bilingual Catholic fishermen, exhibits many features of contact-induced change. Based on data collected in the Negombo area during 2000 and 2001, I conclude that Negombo Fishermen’s Tamil has undergone significant amounts of borrowing and grammatical realignment under the influence of Colloquial Sinhala, an unusual instance of South Asian contact-induced change in the direction from Dravidian to Indo-Aryan. This has likely been conditioned by the Catholic religion of the Negombo Fishermen’s Tamil– speaking community within a predominantly Buddhist and Hindu society.
1972
Recently there was a controversy among the Ceylon linguists, writers and teachers on the use of colloquial style in literary works. The history of this controversy is worthy of notice. For many centuries, there has been an active relationship between the Ceylon Tamil scholars and their counterparts in Tamil Nadu. Ceylon Tamil scholars like Arumuka Navalar, Thamotharam Pillai, Kathiravel Pillai, Swami Vipulananda, were honoured in Tamil Nadu. Swami Vipulananda was highly honoured for his scholarship by being offered the Chair of Tamil in Annamalai University. He was privileged not only to be the first Tamil to become a Professor of Tamil at Annamalai University, but also to be the first Ceylonese to hold that post. Indian Tamil scholars have always been welcomed in Ceylon. The relationship that existed was so much related that the Ceylonese began calling the South Indian Tamil territory as ta:yna:tu ('mother land') and Ceylon Tamil territory as se:yna:tu (child's land). Until the middle part of this century, Ceylon Tamils consciously or unconsciously have thought that their 'mother land' is Tamil Nadu. But during the mid-fifties of this century, Ceylon Tamils began to recognize that Ceylon is their homeland and the struggle for their language rights in the island strengthened this national feeling. Ceylon scholars began to think in terms of 'Ceylon tradition' 'here in this place' and says: "The voiceless velar stop is palatalised into 'c' on account of the front high unrounded vowel ". We are not told whether this is a general feature in the dialect or it applies only in this instance. His paper contains many statements of this sort, which, although they have the appearance of general statements, are in fact not so. Zvelebil was the first to make an attempt to describe all the major dialects of Ceylon Tamil. Since he had attempted to do this task in a short paper, there is a possibility for him to confuse a feature of one dialect with that of the
The Telugu language is usually described to contain two rhotic consonants, viz., alveolar tap (sādurēpha) and alveolar trill (śakaṭarēpha). Modern linguists reconstruct alveolar trill [ṟ] to be a reflex of an original alveolar stop */ṯ/, but there is some linguistic evidence for reconstructing not one, but two separate phonemes for explaining the origin of the words involving alveolar trill. In Telugu, while these two rhotic consonants (tap and trill) appeared to have merged during the Middle Telugu period, the traditional Telugu grammarians attempted to maintain a normative contrast using the wordlists based on the attestations from older literature. However, a great confusion and uncertainty in the determination of this contrast led to several controversies over the last five hundred years. Surprisingly, none of the traditional grammarians attempted to utilize the data from the neighboring literary languages such as Kannada and Tamil in resolving such challenges. In this paper, I attempt to survey the history of various Telugu grammatical descriptions of the rhotic contrast, and analyze the accuracy of such descriptions in the light of comparative linguistic evidence from various languages of the Dravidian linguistic family. Based on this analysis, I venture to propose that some of the common words with alveolar trill, in fact, belong to a pre-Dravidian substratum.
Grammatical concepts in Traditional Tamil grammars and in other Dravidian languages
No findings and discoveries are as important to comprehend the origin and history of Roma as the elucidation of their linguistic connection with India. For exploring the link between Romani Chib and Indian languages, it is imperative to understand the historical background of Roma. There are two historically significant events which dispel the myths attached to origin and postulate the link between India and Roma.
The Tamil variety spoken by the Hebbar Iyengar community of Karnataka (henceforth ‘Hebbar Tamil’ or ‘HT’) is a minority language variety (no reliable statistics; unofficial estimates ~ 50,000 speakers) traditionally spoken in southern Karnataka, where the majority of community members still reside. Based on community legends that describe their out-migration from Srirangam town in present-day Tamil Nadu and subsequent settlement in and around Melukote town in present-day Karnataka, it is hypothesised that Hebbar Tamil split from Middle Tamil (the basis for Literary Tamil or ‘LT’) around the 13th century AD. This has meant that HT has developed independently of modern Spoken Tamil (ST) in Tamil Nadu. *** HT has been most significantly influenced by standard Kannada, which is the majority language spoken in the community’s traditional areas of residence. However, Kannada influence on the language has remained largely lexical; the core vocabulary of HT including function words and pronouns, person-number-gender (PNG) and tense-aspect-mood (TAM) markers remain perceptibly of Tamil origin. That said, pronouns and grammatical markers in HT have indeed undergone some degree of phonetic change, such that they are no longer identical to their counterparts in modern ST. *** This paper will compare and contrast pronouns and PNG-TAM markers in HT with those in LT and ST. This will include, among other things, a comparison of the divergent evolution of LT word-final nasal stops on pronouns and grammatical markers in HT and ST, e.g. (i) LT <nāṉ> --> ST /nãː/, HT /naːnʉ/ ‘I’, but (ii) LT <pōkirēṉ> ST /poːrɛ̃ː/, HT /poːreː/ ‘I go’ *** It will also discuss the concept of surface and underlying forms, namely the variation in phonetic forms of a grammatical marker with and without morphological suffixes, e.g. (i) LT <paṇṇukiṟāṉ> --> ST [pɐɳɳʉrɑ̃ː], HT [pɐɳɳʉrʊ] ‘he does’, but (ii) LT <paṇṇukiṟāṉā> --> ST [pɐɳɳʉrɑːnɑː], HT [pɐɳɳʉrɑːnɑː] ‘does he do?’
1999
Tamil and other South Dravidian languages are somewhat unique in that they possess three phonological contrasts in the area of what are usually referred to as r-like segments (continuants, trills, flaps, etc.) as well as two contrasts in the lateral area. Because of an unfortunate lack of uniformity in the transcriptional systems that have been used to describe these segments, and because of other tendencies that are difficult to group under one rubric, the question of what is an "r" and what is not an "r" has been historically unclear. It is the goal of this paper to attempt to clear up the question of both the phonetics and the phonology of continuants and laterals in Tamil and to some extent in the other South Dravidian languages that have similar contrasts.
Asia-Pacific Linguistics Open Access, 2014
Negombo Fishermen's Tamil (NFT), a dialect of Tamil from coastal Sri Lanka spoken by bilingual Catholic fishermen, exhibits many features of contactinduced change. Based on data collected in the Negombo area during 2000 and 2001,
2011. New Delhi, Cambridge University Press India (Hardcover, 253 + xxii pp.; ISBN: 978-81-7596-793-9), 2011

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Roma as an Indian Diaspora ‒ Unbreakable Ties, 2023
The aim of this paper is to show the connection between the Roma people and India through the connection between Romani and Hindi, taking into account the historical development of these two closely related languages. The Romani language is, like Hindi, a New Indo-Aryan language that originates from the central part of the northern Indian subcontinent, which means that both languages developed from the same Middle Indo-Aryan language, which originated from Old Indo-Aryan. The similarities between these two languages cover almost all parts of their grammar. The first of these are shared sound changes that took place during the development of the Middle Indo-Aryan languages from Old Indo-Aryan, which show that Romani and Hindi originated from a common Middle Indo-Aryan language. Morphological similarities between Romani and Hindi are most notable in their nominal and adjectival declension systems. Although the Hindi nominal declension paradigm consists of analytical forms built using postpositions, while that of Romani consists of synthetic forms built using agglutinative endings, their declension system is quite similar as most of the Romani agglutinative case endings share the same origins as the Hindi postpositions. The adjectival declension system, however, consists of synthetic (inflected) forms in both Romani and Hindi, with almost identical grammatical endings in both languages. Their personal and possessive pronouns are also very similar, as are their declension paradigms and main numerals. There are also numerous lexical similarities, mostly in the basic lexicon (e.g. names of body parts, family members, food, everyday activities, etc.), while their word formation processes also partly correspond. Although the Roma have been living among various other peoples for a millennium and have learned and spoken the languages of the countries they live in on a daily basis for many generations, they have preserved their own language very well, and along with this, their connection with their ancient homeland.
This is the abstract volume of the 3rd International Conference on Linguistics in Sri Lanka, held in 2017.
Conference on South Asian Languages Analysis (SALA) XXIII, Austin, Texas, October 2003
European Bulletin of Himalayan Research, 2012
This book examines dialectal variation in Sri Lankan English (SLE) pronunciation through a taxonomic vantage where the architecture is scrutinized through deviations in lexical pronunciation. The status of Tamil English is examined and empirical validation is procured for its recognition as a separate entity in the taxonomy of SLE pronunciation. This validation is constructed through the analysis of the % rate of occurrence of 10 pronunciation characteristics unique in Tamil/Other Variety of Sri Lankan English (T/OVSLE) bilinguals. These features deviate from Standard Sri Lankan English (SSLE) as well as the pronunciation of Sinhala/Other Variety of Sri Lankan English (S/OVSLE) bilinguals. 486 participants selected through stratified random sampling measures provide data across an instrument of 50 word tokens. The word tokens represent 7 common areas of pronunciation and 10 unique to T/OVSLE bilinguals and were randomly shortlisted from literature on SLE and learner English pronunciation of bilinguals with Tamil as their first language. Analyzed data evidences a zero occurrence of the 10 features unique to T/OVSLE bilinguals in lexical elicitations of the S/OVSLE populations.