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Shalmaneser V and His Era, Revisited, in: A. Baruchi-Unna et al. eds. "Now It Happened in Those Days". Studies in Biblical, Assyrian, and Other Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Mordechai Cogan on His 75th Birthday, Vol. 2 Winona Lake, IN, 2017, pp. 387-442.

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Abstract
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This paper revisits the historical significance and legacy of Shalmaneser V, analyzing the meanings of the Akkadian name and its association with royal authority. It reviews the historical context and inscriptions from his reign, providing insights into Assyrian historiography and the cultural implications of throne-naming practices. Through detailed discussions and references to existing scholarly works, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of the era's political and religious dynamics.

FAQs

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What evidence supports Shalmaneser V's involvement in the conquest of Samaria?add

The Babylonian Chronicle explicitly states that Shalmaneser V "destroyed Samaria," corroborating biblical accounts from 2 Kings 17:3-6. However, inscriptions by Sargon II later claim the conquest, possibly as part of political maneuvering.

How did the throne-name 'Shalmaneser' differ from birth names in royal contexts?add

The paper finds that 'Shalmaneser,' an official throne-name, was unique to kings and signified divine favor, likely given at accession. In contrast, Ululayu, his birth name, reflects personal heritage and was common, as seen in numerous inscriptions.

What unusual administrative practices emerged during Shalmaneser V's reign?add

Shalmaneser V deviated from tradition by assuming his eponym office in the fourth year, rather than the customary second. This foreshadowed a later trend of irregular eponymates among subsequent Assyrian rulers.

What family relationships are suggested regarding Shalmaneser V and surrounding rulers?add

Shalmaneser V is identified as the son of Tiglath-pileser III, yet his genealogy remains contentious, possibly indicating a claim to legitimacy amid political upheaval. Additionally, family dynamics with Sargon II suggest complex lineage and rivalries.

How does the use of the heavy mina system reflect Shalmaneser V's policies?add

Shalmaneser V implemented the heavy mina as the standard for weights, establishing a distinct economic system in Assyria. This move indicated administrative centralization and may have been a means to regulate commerce effectively.

Figures (4)
* He is referred to as governor of Nasibina for the eponym of 736 (Millard 1994: 44). Luukko 2012: LI] and n. 248 assumes that Ninurta-ilaya held the office of turtanu (commander-in-chief), since he took the eponym office following the king’s epony- mate, and since the year after the king’s eponymate was normally taken by turta@nu until the reign of Tiglath-pileser III. Table 1. Data given in the Eponym Lists and Eponym Chronicles Relating to the Reign of Shalmaneser V
* He is referred to as governor of Nasibina for the eponym of 736 (Millard 1994: 44). Luukko 2012: LI] and n. 248 assumes that Ninurta-ilaya held the office of turtanu (commander-in-chief), since he took the eponym office following the king’s epony- mate, and since the year after the king’s eponymate was normally taken by turta@nu until the reign of Tiglath-pileser III. Table 1. Data given in the Eponym Lists and Eponym Chronicles Relating to the Reign of Shalmaneser V
Table 2. Kings of Tyre and Sidon in the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions.
Table 2. Kings of Tyre and Sidon in the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions.
Table 3. Lion Weights from Kalhu.
Table 3. Lion Weights from Kalhu.
Table 4. Attestations of Bel-Harran-belu-usur and ndagir ekalli Table 4. Attestations of Bel-Harran-belu-usur and nagir ekalli RES ASS, ASN Se Se Vee Fa re? Ye See ee Re Sa. ee. 1077 (PNA 3/1, Salmanu-aSaréd, 4.a.) and “Salmanassar IV,” RIA 11 (2008): 585. 123. Unger distinguishes two individuals with the name Bel-Harran-belu-usur: one was the commissioner of the stele in question and the eponym of 741, and the other was the eponym of 727, the governor of Guzana. In contrast, Grayson (1993: 28-29), equating the two eponyms, estimates the duration of Bel-Harran-belu-usur’s office of nagir ekalli at more than 50 years (ca. 782-727), with a period of intermission, starting in the reign of Adad-nerari III and ending after Tiglath-pileser II]’s last regnal year. It remains unclear which was the case. Cf. Radner 1999b: 301 (Bél-Harran-bélu-usur, 2 and 3), who follows Unger’s idea.
Table 4. Attestations of Bel-Harran-belu-usur and ndagir ekalli Table 4. Attestations of Bel-Harran-belu-usur and nagir ekalli RES ASS, ASN Se Se Vee Fa re? Ye See ee Re Sa. ee. 1077 (PNA 3/1, Salmanu-aSaréd, 4.a.) and “Salmanassar IV,” RIA 11 (2008): 585. 123. Unger distinguishes two individuals with the name Bel-Harran-belu-usur: one was the commissioner of the stele in question and the eponym of 741, and the other was the eponym of 727, the governor of Guzana. In contrast, Grayson (1993: 28-29), equating the two eponyms, estimates the duration of Bel-Harran-belu-usur’s office of nagir ekalli at more than 50 years (ca. 782-727), with a period of intermission, starting in the reign of Adad-nerari III and ending after Tiglath-pileser II]’s last regnal year. It remains unclear which was the case. Cf. Radner 1999b: 301 (Bél-Harran-bélu-usur, 2 and 3), who follows Unger’s idea.

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References (134)

  1. Josephus, Ant. IX, 14, 3, §288). For the toponyms in 2 Kgs 17:24, see Zadok (1976: 113-24), who suggests that all of them can be found in Babylonia.
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