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2017, Altorientalische Forschungen
The present article offers an edition, copy and photographs of a newly identified join to the Hurro-Akkadian bilingual tablet of the so-called Weidner god list from Emar. The new fragment adds substantially to our knowledge of the Hurrian translation of the list and fills in some small gaps in the Akkadian portion. It also offers valuable evidence concerning the identities of three relatively little known deities: Ištarān, who is equated in the text with Kumarbi, Erragal who is equated with Tarḫunta, and INANNA-g a l g a.s ù, a wife of the god Amurru.
Iraq 71, 2009
Tell Taban, the ancient city of T 1 a : batum,1 which is located on the eastern bank of the River Habur nineteen kilometres south of the modern city of Hassake, has been excavated by the archaeological mission of the Kokushikan Univesity (Tokyo) between 1997 and 1999 and then from 2005 until now.2 The purpose of the excavation is the rescue-salvage of the site, which has been eroded year by year by the Hassake dam built on the Habur. Despite the less than optimal conditions, excavations have nevertheless uncovered a number of cuneiform texts, which date to the Old Babylonian period and the Middle Assyrian period.3
This mythico-theological text in Akkadian with an accompanying Sumerian version, still quite fragmentary but originally at least five tablets in length, describes the transfer of divine powers from the highest Sumero-Akkadian gods to the goddess Inana-Ištar, mirroring her ascent to nearly the highest rank of the Assyrian pantheon in the later 1 st millennium BC. The following is a re-editing of all the exemplars of this composition known to me as of this writing. It comprises the seven texts (A-G) used by B. Hruška in his 1960 edition plus three newer texts (H-J), which all together preserve part of Tablet I, the first 46 lines of Tablet III, and part of the first half of Tablet IV. All are Neo-Assyrian or later in date. The free translations usually, but not strictly, follow the Akkadian rather than the often less comprehensible Sumerian. For notes and comments to individual lines see the previous editions. Many party-eroded signs have as a rule not been so marked; the CDLI editions of individual texts can provide more cautious transliterations.
This article treats KTU 2 1.82: 1-7, an Ugaritic incantation. It deals, first, with matters of epigraphy, philology, morpho-syntax and lexicography. Thereafter, it discusses the contributions of this incantation to understanding Ugaritic mythology and religion. In particular, it assesses the relationship of KTU 2 1.82: 1-7 to the Ugaritic Ba ʕ lu Cycle. Ancient Near Eastern incantation texts are well known from the world of Syro-Mesopotamia, having been preserved as artifacts of the cuneiform culture that characterized this region for more than three millennia. These incantations were texts that, when spoken, were believed to bring about a desired religio-magical effect. From the Late Bronze Age city of Ugarit, in particular, incantations are attested in two general 'types.' The first may be classified as historiolae. Historiolae were comprised of formal mythological texts typically narrated in the indicative mood and accompanied by a ritual prescription. 1 The second form of incantation at Ugarit was simply a formula or spell without an accompanying mythological narrative that had a performative effect when uttered. 2
The Amarna Letters, discovered more than a century ago, are still our main source for the history and culture of Canaan in the Late Bronze Age. Many details concerning the land and its inhabitants have been extracted from these letters and the overall picture is to a certain extent based on the analysis of this source material. Due to its central position in scientific research, the archive still deserves special attention and progress in the understanding of difficult passages and terms could contribute to a better understanding of the historical and cultural situation. On the other hand, mistaken interpretations may lead scholars to stray far from ancient reality, since in certain cases there are no other sources against which these conclusions and inferences may be checked.
Pearls of the Past. Studies on Near Eastern Art and Archaeology in Honour of Frances Pinnock, 2019
SCIENZE, FILOSOFIA E LETTERATURA NEL MONDO IRANICO Da Gundishapur ai nostri giorni Omaggio a Carlo Saccone per i suoi 70 anni, 2024
Depictions of Central Asian deities related to local forms of Zoroastrianism sometimes appear as standing pairs or as seated on thrones with zoomorphic protomes. Their attributes and the frequent presence of symbolic miniature animals held in their hands on a tray seem to be reflective of codified religious iconographies reproduced more or less faithfully at all the archaeological sites examined herein. It is not always easy to propose firm identifications for the deities in these pairs. In this study, hypothetical identifications are given for two divine pairs that are particularly widespread in pre-Islamic Sogdian art. These identifications are made on the basis of astrological-astronomical arguments, and this method may unravel the mysteries surrounding these images.
In Armenian tradition there are several theonyms derived from IE *wel- (> Arm. gel): god of otherworld Angel, mythological giant Turk‘ Angeleay, ethnogonic patriarchs Gelam and Ara(y) Gelec‘ik. Also, the huge “dragon stones”, concentrated on the Gelamay Mountains probably were called *gel before the Iranian loanword visap ‘dragon’ replaced their original name. These names and characters are considered in the context of the reconstruction of *wel- as an important stem in Indo-European mythology.
2006
The current master's thesis is a continuation of a bachelor's thesis defended in June 2004 at the Faculty of Theology of Tartu University under the title "Diachronical Analysis of the Theological Concept of Enki and Ea." I would like to express my deep gratitude to Thomas Richard Kämmerer, Professor of Ancient Near Eastern Studies of the Faculty of Theology at Tartu University, for supervising the thesis and providing me with several critical comments during the preparation of the study. I am especially thankful to Professor Walther Sallaberger, whose suggestions and critical remarks during my six-month stay at the Institut für
This article sets out to address questions concerning local religious traditions in ancient Nubia. Data concerning Egyptian gods in the Sudan are introduced, then the existence of unattested local pre-Meroitic gods is reconstructed using mainly external literary sources and an analysis of divine names. A review of other archaeological evidence from an iconographic point of view is also attempted, concluding with the presentation of Meroitic gods and their relation with earlier traditions. This study proposes that Egyptian religious beliefs were well integrated in both official and popular cults in Nubia. The Egyptian and the Sudanese cultures were constantly in contact in the border area and this nexus eased the transmission of traditions and iconographical elements in a bidirectional way. The Meroitic gods are directly reminiscent of the reconstructed indigenous Kushite pantheon in many aspects, and this fact attests to an attempt by the Meroitic rulers to recover their Nubian cultural identity.
“Der erste Eindruck, den man empfängt, wenn man einen Blick auf die hethitische Götterwelt wirft, ist Chaos. Eine unendliche Fülle von Götternamen und Göttergestalten tritt uns entgegen”. These words, which open the chapter on Hittite religion in A. Goetze’s ground-breaking book, Kleinasien, come naturally to mind as one approaches the text CTH 510, a well-known Hittite cult inventory which lists gods, cult images and festivals of a great number of provincial settlements. The panthea of those towns and villages are almost as heterogeneous a mixture as one could want: unique among the entire corpus of Hittite texts, this composition witnesses the cult of Mesopotamian gods mixed together with a plethora of local, regional, and pan-Hittite Anatolian deities. After reviewing extant manuscripts and the composition’s Sitz im Leben, an edition of CTH 510 will be presented. It is based on a new reconstruction of the tablets and on the restitution of previously unpublished portions of text. By using an innovative methodology for the inspection and manipulation of 3D-scanned tablets, this paper also aims at illustrating the potential of a computer-aided approach for the study of cuneiform sources.
Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires [N.A.B.U.], 2023
texts, seems to be more of an epithet than a divine name; the god's actual name does not appear in these texts, nor in any other legal or administrative text from the late Achaemenid period. However, a compilation of esoterica, commonly referred to as the Nippur Compendium (GEORGE 1992: 143-162), will shed some light on the matter. The Nippur Compendium (nibru ki ní.bi.ta dù.a) is known primarily from two late Babylonian manuscripts (IM 44150; IM 76975) with the same structure and content, and three additional, smaller tablets, two of which come from Nineveh (K 2892+ K 8397; K 10062) and the third one is a late Babylonian excerpt tablet (BM 38413, GEORGE 1992: 145-146). 2) The text begins with a listing of the names and titles for the city of Nippur and its main temple, Ekur, followed by a list of deities. This list, in which each deity is represented as 'lord of (my) city + of place name', occurs only in the two late Babylonian manuscripts, and is of particular interest to our case as it contains a series of 'dieux topiques' and their localities. Among the legible place names in the list, we find the lords of Borsippa and Dēr, but also deities of smaller settlements in the region between Uruk and Nippur, such as the lords of Šalammu and Kār-Ninurta (GEORGE 1992: 150: 19'; 21'; 24'). 3) Interestingly, the list happens to mention a deity by the name of Erimabinutuku, who is designated as the 'dieu topique' (bēl-āliya) of a place named uru sá.sá.érim (GEORGE 1992: §7, 22'). We suggest to slightly emend the reading of the toponym to sá.di.érim (sá=di), because this spelling (sá.di.érim) stands for the city of Šāṭir, as demonstrated by the late 5 th century BCE text TÉBR 32 (ll. 11 and 14). As noted earlier, the 'dieux topiques' section in the Nippur Compendium, refers not only to Šāṭir, but also to several other sites in the region between Nippur and Uruk, such as Šalammu and Kār-Ninurta, which, like Šāṭir, were still inhabited in the 5 th century BCE. Thus, our suggestion matches the evidence in the section on 'dieux topiques' in the Nippur Compendium in more than one way: they share the same spelling for Šāṭir (sá.di.érim), the same geographical horizon, and the same chronological framework. If we come back to the question of the identity of Lord-of-Šāṭir, it is now clear that according to the Nippur Compendium the deity Erimabinutuku is the Lord-of-Šāṭir. Despite the scarcity in textual sources regarding Erimabinutuku, the Sumerian composition Angim, allows us a better understanding of his nature. According to Angim, Erimabinutuku, the worshipped entity of Šāṭir, is named after one of Ninurta's divine weapons known 'to have established the people in heaven and earth' (COOPER 1978: 82, 146; GEORGE 1992: 447). Notes 1. See, for example, the case of 'Bēl-ālīya-ša-Šarrabānu'('lord-of-my-city-of-Šarrabānu', Baker 2004: 127:128). The city was also located in Bīt-Amukānu.
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Frank Simons