The paper explores the historical role of King Vladislav II Nemanjić, focusing on his birth, familial connections, and political maneuvers within the context of Serbian and Hungarian history during the late 13th century. It details Vladislav's expectations and the series of events that led him to assume a lesser role within the shifting dynamics of power, particularly through the implications of his father's ascension and abdication as King Dragutin. The analysis showcases the intricate relationships among the Nemanjić dynasty, the Hungarian crown, and the geopolitical landscape of the time.

Prince Coloman, second son of King Andrew II (1205–1235), younger brother of King Béla IV (1235–1270) is probably not among the best-known members of the Árpádian dynasty (1000–1301), or the medieval Hungarian rulers, yet, his life was quite extraordinary. He was the second member in his dynasty with this given name after King Coloman the Learned (1095–1116). The later King of Galicia and Duke of Slavonia was born in 1208 as the fourth child of Andrew II and Queen Gertrud of Andechs, therefore, he was a prince of the ruling dynasty. He was barely six years old when he was engaged to Salomea, the daughter of Leszek the White (Biały), Duke of Cracow as a result of the agreement between their fathers in the Spiš in 1214. Not long after he was crowned king of a principality of the Kievan Rus’, Galicia (Halych). He received the necessary approval and a crown from Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) on that occasion. Coloman was in a minor age whilst his rule in Galicia, therefore he was in no position to shape the course of events there. He was the sufferer of his father’s will and the circumstances. The cooperation of the Hungarian king and Prince Leszek of Cracow was not without problems, in fact, it was full of conflicts despite the agreement of Spiš (1214). Therefore, we cannot speak of a continuous Polish–Hungarian coalition, it was rather a rivalry. The competing rulers came to agreements several times, with various terms and outcomes, meanwhile Leszek the White supported the claims of one or another princes of the Rus’ (e.g. Vladimir, Roman Igorevich and Daniel Romanovich). Andrew II, on the contrary, had a sole goal, the security of the Hungarian supremacy, regardless the fact which of his sons could represent it: either Coloman as king, or the youngest sibling, Andrew as prince. The disaffection of a certain part of the Hungarian elite forced the king to allow for the coronation of his eldest son, Béla in 1214: their intention was to divide the power in the realm. Nevertheless, the lack of territorial power prevented the fragmentation in Andrew II’s realm despite the enthronement of Béla, even though a new court was established around the crown-prince in which new positions opened up for the members of the kingdom’s elite: they got new tracks to increase their influence. The events in Galicia had quite similar effects, the Hungarian elite was willing to make practical use of the Hungarian expansion there. This situation did not change radically after the end of Coloman’s kingdom, and the establishment of Prince Andrew’s territorial rule and court in 1227 even created a new centre and presented further possibilities for the elite to gain offices and donations. The Hungarian princes had their fair share in King Andrew II’s expansion, which was combined with the Christian mission to the vicinal territories. Béla supported the conversion of the Cumans, Coloman was interested in the fight against the Bosnian heresy, whereas Andrew’s reign probably was meant to prepare the union of the local orthodox church with Rome, yet, the lack of support in his environment made this endeavour impossible, if there were any attempts at all. In our opinion, Coloman’s Galician kingdom established a precedent in the north-eastern vicinity of the Hungarian Kingdom. A few decades later and under different circumstances, Prince Daniel was also crowned with a diadem sent from the papal Curia in 1253. The two cases, even though they are not identical, bear common features, since Daniel was raised in Hungary between 1206–13 and he was probably aware of the meaning of the act of the coronation; therefore, it was probably not a coincidence that he sought alliance in the West after the Mongol invasion in 1241. To favour this quest he accepted the crown offered by Pope Innocent IV as well as the requirement of the ecclesiastical union bound to it. Daniel’s desire for the royal title is probably one of the many effects of the Hungarian rule on the Principality of Galicia. The young king and his wife, Salomea were forced to leave Galicia around 1221, and they moved to Hungary and settled down in the Spiš, whilst he kept his royal title. At first Coloman had no share in the government of the realm (no measures of his concerning the territory have come down to us from this period), his charters which handled affairs of the Spiš region were all issued at later dates. His seclusion ended in 1226 when his father placed him on the top of the provinces of Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia, which previously had been controlled by his brother, Prince Béla. Coloman travelled already in 1226 to the coastal towns, where he presented himself as the new duke through several solemn entries. Yet, the sources offer a detailed picture of his rule in the territory of the so-called whole Slavonia only from 1229 on. Coloman handled a wide spectrum of cases. For instance, he privileged hospes-communities (among others in Dubica, Samobor or Varaždin) on several occasions and favoured Bishop Stephen of Zagreb in his endeavours, such as the case of the planned union of his bishopric with the archbishopric of Split. Coloman also supported his brother in the revision of the former royal donations before and after 1235, i.e. the death of their father, Andrew II. The duke of Slavonia took part alongside his family in the campaign against the Babenberg dynasty’s Austrian provinces, whereas Pope Gregory IX (1227-1241) two times entrusted him as lay protector of widowed Polish duchesses.Coloman occupied himself not only in the affairs of his duchy and his family, but also acted as a warlord; the duke probably invaded Bosnia and attacked its ruler (ban), who was accused of heresy, Matej Ninoslav. Nevertheless, his assumable conquest did not last long, as Béla IV had to lead a campaign to Bosnia as early as 1247. The duke’s martial skills are, however, undoubted: he showed a great deal of valiance in the battle of Muhi in 1241, where he managed to resist the Mongol offensive, yet, a few weeks later he died in Slavonia of the wounds he suffered in this combat. Coloman’s reign had an impact, among other things, on the establishment of the concept of the so-called whole Slavonia and the urbanization of the area through the help provided for foreign settlers under his rule. His relationship to his elder brother also has to be emphasized: it was a unique phenomenon in the Árpádian dynasty since even Béla’s accession to throne did not cast a shadow on it. Coloman, second son to Andrew II, brother of Béla IV may not be the most famous member of the Árpáds, the first Hungarian dynasty, still, he deserves our closer attention. His life is relevant because of great many things; its various episodes are interesting not only for Hungarian, but also for Ukrainian, Polish, Slovak, Croatian and Bosnian historiography and, last but not least, the wider public. Nevertheless, previously the diversity of Coloman’s life led to contradictory statements, and this is one of the reasons why the authors of this book decided to take a closer look at the question. One has to examine the remaining sources carefully to be able to trace down the events so that the details of the life of such an extraordinary man could get the attention it deserves.

The last decades of the Thirteenth century in the South East Europe and Lower Danube basin were marked by the rise of Mongol prince Nogai, “maker of the khans”. At the height of his power, his influence extended south of Danube, as far to the west as Medieval Serbia. The main topic of this article is an analysis of Serb-Tatar political and military relations, and their assessment, in the context of Nogai’s expansion in the Balkans and foreign policy of King Stephen Uroš II Milutin (1282-1321).

CAS Sofia Working Paper Series 5, 2013

This paper proposes a new line of analysis of the rich body of medieval Serbian royal hagiography. It suggests that this hagiographical tradition is not so much a strategy of rationalizing the Serbian past, particularly the history of the Nemanjići dynasty (in power from the third quarter of the twelfth century to the third quarter of the fourteenth), and the creation of a primarily intellectual ideological framework for the sake of the dynasty’s legitimacy, as it is the textual reflection of the real practice of royal power in the medieval heartland of Serbia. The sanctification of the lineage, the commemoration of the royal dead, and the foundation of numerous pious institutions in the mountainous region immediately to the north and west of the old Christian center of Ras (present-day Novi Pazar) in fact constructed the space of Nemanjić Serbia, and provided it with a nucleus where the overlapping of their private patrimony and the public authority they held did not allow competition. This nucleus would remain the backbone of the dynasty well after the expansion of the kingdom towards the plains of the northeast, the Adriatic coast to the west and the Byzantine and Bulgarian dominions to the south and southeast. Piety and property were intrinsically associated and offered the basis for power.

Studia Ceranea. Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe

Between East and West. Studies on the History of Memory, Commemoration and Reception of Medieval Culture, 2023

In the article, the author tries to juxtapose several historiographically important problems that historians in autonomous Galicia and Banovinaconsidered.The matterconcernsthe historical figure of the ruler consideredtobethe father of the nation,i.e.T omislav, as well as the first twoPiasts, Bolesław and Mieszko, the issue of space, and thus the attitude of Croatian historiography towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dalmatia,aswellasthe enemy, whichfor the Croats were initially Hungarians, while later Germans, who were considered the eternal enemies of Poles.

The article presents the history of the registers of the Angevin royal chancery in Naples until their total destruction in World War II and the subsequent effort to reconstruct them, as well as the history of research and publication of documents from those registers pertaining to Serbia and the Southern Slavs in general. It is concluded that the project of reconstruction, which has so far covered the period from 1265 to 1295, made only indirect and consequently insufficient use of publications in which 19 th century researchers who examined the registers in search for information about the Southern Slavs (Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski, Franjo Rački, Vikentij Makušev) presented their findings. On the other hand, the reconstruction project has revealed some information that was missed or misinterpreted by those earlier researchers. The article brings these two sources together to produce an optimized reconstruction of 27 documents from the registers containning references to Serbia, with the dual intent of providing an updated edition of this corpus of source material for Serbian medieval history and drawing attention to the usefulness of these 19 th century publications in the ongoing reconstruction of the Angevin registers.

Politics and Society in the Central and South-Eastern Europe (13 th -16 th centuries) , 2019

Being vassals of the Hungarian crown, the Serbian despots Stephen Lazarević (1389–1427), George (Đurađ) Branković (1427–1456) and Lazar Branković (1456–1458) possessed large estates in the Kingdom of Hungary. They also held possessions in the territory of present-day Banat and Crișana between 1411 and 1458. As Hungarian barons and landowners, the Serbian rulers had numerous familiares among the local nobility. These familiares of the despots were usually entrusted with management of their estates in Hungary, including the territory of Banat. The Serbian rulers also appointed some of their Hungarian familiares on the military duties in Serbia (for example, the members of the Himfi and Pósafi families). It was not until the 1440s that Despot George started to assign positions at his Hungarian estates to some Serbian noblemen. The castellans of Vilagosvár (Şiria) and vice counts of the Torontal County should be mentioned among them. Some basic data about the familiares of the Serbian despots in and from Banat are presented in this paper.

One of the least-explored aspects of the biography of the Ruthenian Prince Rostyslav Mykhailovych, a maternal nephew of King Daniel Romanovych of Rus', is his court in a new homeland, the Kingdom of Hungary, between 1242/43 and 1262/64. It is known from various sources that he had numerous supporters among the secular and clerical nobility not only in Hungary but also in the lands of Galicia, Chernihiv, and Bolokhov. To date, however, too little information has been obtained from historical records containing clear mention of individuals who threw in their lot with the runaway prince in the lands of King Bela IV, especially after the defeat at Yaroslav on August 17, 1245. Having verified chronicles and Hungarian charters, the author concludes that the family of Rostyslav Mykhailovych and Princess Anna might well have been related to Lev and his sons, Fedir and Stephan, who were lords of Borod Land near Mukachevo in Bereg County. These people, who must have been descended from the nobility of Chernihiv or Galicia, succeeded one another in an effort to put Prince Rostyslav himself or his second cousin Iziaslav Volodymyrovych on the Galician throne throughout the 1240s and 1250s, all to no avail. What is important is that such attempts were always timed to coincide with the Mongol threat to the lands of the Romanids, which provided the claimants to the Galician throne with additional (albeit missed) chances of success. Their loyalty to the son-in-law of the Hungarian king was rewarded by the latter's daughter Anna (terminus ante quem 1264); she granted them lands, which were afterwards in the successive possession of the last members of the Arpad dynasty on the Hungarian throne as well as the new kings from the Anjou dynasty. Borod Land remained in the family's possession at least until the second half of the 14 th century.

Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes, 2017

The paper explores the ways in which medieval Serbian rulers used various forms of genealogical representations to demonstrate their political status or ambition. It is striking that in all of them, ranging from the diverse lineages, painted genealogies, written monastic and lay genealogies, the rulers were unavoidably depicted as the heirs to the first dynastic saints. In the first three cases they are descended from Saint Simeon, either in company or without his son Saint Sava, whereas in the latter they are the successors of the holy Emperor Constantine the Great. Hence, genealogies embody the medieval epistemology of origins, understood as the source of value and political right.

Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta 50 (2014) 493-503, 2014

AI

Bulgaria Mediaevalis, 2023

Why DiD Stephen nemanjić aSk for the royal CroWn in 1217? or a neW interpretation of Serbian-hungarian relationS in the SeConD anD thirD DeCaDeS of the 13th Century błażej szefliński/łódź* in the early 20th century, a seemingly straightforward answer to the central question emerged in historiography. The grand Zhupan of Serbia Stephen nemanjić, fearing opposition from the king of hungary, wanted to take advantage of his absence and therefore turned to the pope when andrew ii set out on crusade. 1 Subsequently, an alternative explanation was formulated, either as a replacement for or in conjunction with the initial one. Stephen turned to the pope after marrying anna Dandolo, and received the crown thanks to his alliance with Catholic Venice. 2 The first view has gained so many adherents because it seemingly relies heavily on the source text of the chronicle of Thomas the archdeacon. The chronicler recorded that in august 1217 the king of hungary arrived in Split to sail from there to the holy land and that at the same time (Eodem tempore) the grand zhupan of Serbia sent envoys to the pope asking for the royal crown. and the latter in response sent his legate, who performed the coronation. 3 The text of the chronicle only indicates the coincidence 1 Such a claim was made for the first time by konstantin jireček and was later repeated by many scholars. C. jireček, Geschichte der Serben 1.

Crkvene studije, 2025

During the latter half of the thirteenth and the early half of the fourteenth centuries, a series of conflicts emerged between the Nemanjić rulers and their Hungarian neighbors. This article offers a new perspective on the origins of these conflicts, which, as recent research suggests, began in late 1265 – early 1266 when King Uroš I attacked Further Srem/Szerém (Mačva/Macsó). The article argues that the conflicts arose from a dynastic dispute over the land of Further Srem, which was the patrimony of Queen Jelena, the royal consort of Uroš I and daughter of John Angelos, the lord of Srem.

The Ottoman invasion of the Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463 marked the end of the rule of the local Kotromanić d​ynasty whose members ruled Bosnia both as bans and kings for more than two centuries. However, the Bosnian polity continued to exist under the intensified Hungarian control after King Matthias initiated a counterattack in the same year and recaptured Jajce and other important Bosnian fortresses. Initially under the control of bans, this territory was in 1471 given to Nicholas of Ilok (Miklós Újlaki), who was made King of Bosnia simultaneously. By challenging the conclusions of previous scarce scholarship on this issue, and by reinterpreting the sources and introducing sources never consulted before, this thesis analyses the historical preconditions which allowed for Nicholas’s kingship to take place. Furthermore, the source information is contextualized within the contemporary political-historical framework to offer a detailed analysis of the nature, causes and administrative and archontological implications of Nicholas’s rule. The historical context itself is questioned, since the analyses show and the author proves that Bosnia did not lose its royal identity after 1463 as was thought previously. The analysis presented in the thesis largely refutes the claims of previous scholarship by showing that the kingship was a result of several long-standing factors, both those on a personal and a broader political level. The kingship emerged from a decade-long agenda planned by the two close allies, King Matthias and Nicholas of Ilok, who were brought together by their mutual political interests within the Kingdom of Hungary. The thesis finally evaluates Nicholas’s kingship as a real and firm rule over the Bosnian territory handed to him, albeit Hungarian-appointed and very specific.

Beloš (1110/1115–1198) was one of the most important figures in the Balkan region in the twelfth century. He was son of Serbian Grand Prince Uroš I and brother of Hungarian queen Helena. During his life he was a Hungarian ban and palatine (1144–1157; 1163) and Serbian Grand Prince (1163). As an uncle of King Géza II, Beloš actively participated in as far as forming of the Hungarian foreign policy was concerned.The Kingdom of Hungary interfered in conflicts among princes after the death of Vladimir II Monomakh (1125) onwards. The objective of this work is to show Grand Prince Beloš from a point of view of the Hungarian-Rus’ relations. The analysis of the sources and literature aims to show how one person (namely Beloš in this case) could affect the situation in the principalities and their relations with the Kingdom of Hungary.

Inicijal. Časopis za srednjovekovne studije / Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies, 2023

In this paper, we aim to examine the royal coronation of Tvrtko I and the process of reconfiguration of the Bosnian ruling ideology from a neglected perspective, through the complicated process of appropriation of the political dimension of the cult of Saint Stephen the Protomartyr. This saint was celebrated in the Serbian medieval state as a personal and dynastic patron saint during the rule of the Nemanjić dynasty, which meant that the political use of his cult was closely linked to the development of Serbian ruling ideology. Through an analysis of the charter issued by the Bosnian king Tvrtko I to the people of Ragusa in 1382, in which the author prayerfully and programmatically addresses St. Stephen in the arenga, we attempt to understand the character and function of this cult in the new political circumstances of the Bosnian kingdom. It goes without saying that the possible influences from the Serbian context, such as the socalled St. Stephen’s Charter issued by King Milutin, cannot be ignored in the comparative analysis. Finally, taking into account the fact that the ruler’s name Stephen and the patronage of the Protomartyr were also adopted by the Serbian Knez Lazar Hrebeljanović, we will analyze the contemporary attempts to appropriate the cult in the context of the struggle for the inheritance of the Nemanjić dynasty and the primacy in the legitimacy vacuum in the Serbian political space.

SLEPIČKA, Martin. On the life and reign of Vladislaus I, Duke of Bohemia. In: SLEPIČKA, Martin a MORÁVKOVÁ, Naděžda (eds.). Český kníže Vladislav I., západní Čechy a český stát za vlády Přemyslovců: k 900. výročí úmrtí zakladatele kladrubského kláštera Vladislava I. 1. vyd. Plzeň: Západočeská uni...

EN/ The English chapter in the collective monograph, published thanks to the care of the Department of History of the Faculty of Education of the University of West Bohemia on the occasion of the 900th anniversary of the death of the Czech Duke Vladislaus I, deals in detail with the life and reign of the Přemyslid duke Vladislaus I, who significantly intervened in the regional history of Western Bohemia (Kladruby Monastery, Přimda Castle) and was responsible for the establishment of the so-called Vladislaus line of the Přemyslid dynasty.

Расположиви извори указују да је Свети Сава Српски, у склопу својих активности на сакралном утемељењу државе и династије, вршио припреме за уврштење свог брата, првокрунисаног српског краља Стефана Првовенчаног, међу свете. Тај програм је само делимично остварен, а најважнији елемент култа биле су " нетљене " мошти. Култ Стефана Првовенчаног заокружен је тек у XVII веку, када му је патријарх Пајсије саставио Житије и Службу. Токови овог култа, у читавом распону његовог трајања (од XIII до XX века), непосредан су израз историјских околности, као и актуелне владарске идеологије. Кључне речи: култ светих, мошти, канонизација, Стефан Првовенчани, Жича The surviving sources suggest that St Sava of Serbia was, as part of the programme of securing sacral legitimacy for the state and dynasty, setting the scene for the inclusion of his brother Stefan, the fi rst-crowned Serbian king, among the saints. This part of the programme was not fully realized, but the focus of the cult was on the incorrupt relics. The cult of Stefan the First-Crowned was not rounded off until the seventeenth century, when the Patriarch Paisios wrote a vita and a service. The development of the cult over the centuries (from the 13th to the 20th century) was a direct refl ection of changing historical circumstances and the prevailing ideology of rulership.

Concepts of Nationalism and Patriotism in Serbian Political Discourse: Medieval, Modern, Contemporary, 2025

The term Serbian land can be said to be continuously encountered in narrative sources written in the Serbian-Slavonic language. These sources shed light on the events that occurred from the later decades of the 12th century until the mid-15th century. The authors of those works were mainly the highest state or church dignitaries. Their accounts are somewhat connected to the information that can be found in documents issued by the rulers. Consequently, the comparison of those sources is to a certain extent inevitable. We should note that the term Serbian land is closely connected to the term “fatherland” (otačastvo).

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