The paper examines the historical context of the Moro Problem in the Philippines from three perspectives: the impact of colonial rule by Spain and the United States, the emergence of a new generation of Moro political elites, and the subsequent separatist movements. It discusses how prolonged conflict and colonial policies have shaped socio-political dynamics, particularly highlighting the interaction between northern and southern regions. Key figures and events from the 20th century are analyzed to illustrate the ongoing struggles for autonomy and the complexities of local governance in the Mindanao region.

Postcolonial Philippines confronts a long-drawn armed ethnic conflict. In spite of decolonization efforts, pronounced colonial categories of inclusion and exclusion remains. It is in this trajectory that I treat ethnic conflicts as a postcolonial problem. In this essay, I focus on the historicity of the Moro conflict as an illustrative case using a postcolonial analysis. I treat it as a problematic colonial residue that results in skirmishes because of the asymmetrical relationship between a minority group and the state. The struggle becomes a crisis of identities because of the colonial binaries that still marks differences among the people up to this day. The Moro becomes a distinct out-group and their consequent secessionist tendencies can be justified.

Ulumuna

The main problem of Moro Muslims in Southern Philippines are now the right to self-determination but it also include poverty, underdevelopment, low education, unemployment, discrimination, and violent conflict. Upon the Spanish colonization for more than three centuries (1521-1898), the Moros were controlled by the United States for almost five decades (1898-1942). Japan colonised them for three years before they were integrated to the Republic of Philippines in 1946. Their struggle for independence still continues today represented by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), establihsed in the late 1960s and led by Nur Misuari, and by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) led by Salamat Hasyim in 1981. The birth of the MILF was a response to dissatisfaction with the MNLF that was considered less assertive in fighting for Bangsamoro's rights and too accommodative to the Philippine government. In early 1990s, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) led by Abdulrajak Janjalani emerged to resp...

Centre For Social Change Research Qut Carseldine Humanities Human Services, 2005

Bangsa Moro is the generic name for the 13 ethnolinguistic Muslim tribes in the Philippines which constitute a quarter of the population in Mindanao,(and the southern archipelago islands of Tawi-Tawi, Sulu and Basilan, all in all approximately 4.5 million Muslims) In 1905 Dr. Najeeb M Saleeby wrote in a book Studies in Moro History, Law, and Religion, 'the Moros are a law-abiding people, provided, however, they feel that the government that rules them is their own. They do not regard the present government as their own'. One hundred years on, the same sentiments persists with the majority of Bangsa Moro people of the Southern Philippines. Prior to the original Spanish landing in the Philippines by the Portuguese navigator Ferdinand Magellan in 1521, the population, consisting of Muslims and animistic tribes people, lived in a symbiotic relationship. However this was to change with the introduction of Christianity by Spain. As a result of the Christian imposition, war and hostilities occurred. The start of hostilities began with the first Muslim Filipino/Spaniard clash near Cebu in 1569. When the United States of America acquired the Philippines in 1898, following the Treaty of Paris, the Muslim population in the Philippines had in all but Mindanao, and a few islands in the Philippine archipelago, been either eliminated or converted to Christianity. The resolve of the Muslim Bangsa Moro, for selfdetermination or independence has survived to this date, despite the impact of Spanish colonization, American imperialism, Japanese invasion, and Philippine industrialization. The Bangsa Moro of the Southern Philippines would, if allowed, live according to Sharia law. This in itself promotes a conflict of interest, because Philippine law has as its authority the Philippine Constitution, and 'the Philippine Constitution still hovers above the Koran' (Vitag & Gloria 2000). There is no government policy which clearly discriminates against Muslims in Mindanao, however policies are formulated in response to popular demand, and since the majority of the population are Christians, 'policies can be biased in favour of the majority' (Lingga 2004).

International and Cultural Psychology, 2011

In this chapter, we provide an overview of the Moro Struggle in Mindanao, Southern Philippines involving, principally the Moros, and affecting the Lumad (or Indigenous Peoples) and largely Christian settlers. This is also called the Moro conflict or the Mindanao conflict. We trace the history of the problem across different colonization periods and administrations. In addition, we review the ongoing peace-building initiatives undertaken by the different sectors involved in the region-religious, academic, nongovernment organizations, people's organizations, and communities. We end this chapter with our own suggestions for peace-building in the region, adopting a multi-dimensional and multi-layered approach to resolving the Mindanao conflict.

2007

The paper re-examines the Moro secessionist movement in the Philippines from the perspective of ethno-politics. Using a hybrid framework which combines Paul Brass' and Abner Cohen's instrumentalist approach to ethnicity on the one hand and Michael

The distinction between the various social classes in the Philippines existed long before we were conquered by Spain. This was only exacerbated by American occupation of the country. When merchants began trading, Islam spread throughout Mindanao, particularly in the Sulu archipelago. They met Malaysian preachers and converted them to Islamic doctrine until the early or mid-century. Maguindanao and Bauyan provinces followed suit in practicing Islam, and the religion spread throughout Mindanao. When the Spaniards arrived, they noticed that trade on Mindanao was thriving, and they attempted to occupy and convert the Moros to Christianity, but they did not succeed because the Moros were strong and did not hesitate to fight for their rights. They had strong religious beliefs and unity, which led to their unification. They fought fiercely against the conquistadors, so the Spaniards considered Mindanao to be a separate country and recognized them as such. Much of history has caused Filipinos to be open-minded about how it influences our overall well-being. The long-term effect of Spanish ideas, attitudes, cognitive strategies, and professional methodologies, as well as capitalism, neoliberal education, and the political influence of Americans resulted in a change in tradition, beliefs, and the country's political decisions. As a consequence, we now have in the diversity of every person in the country, which is why every Filipino is abandoning their fellow Filipinos. We have seen it at various stages of history that even your own relatives can betray you. As I previously stated, there was a huge division and discrimination against the natural diversity of beliefs and principles due to the influence of the same occupying country, the main reason is the existence of semi-feudal and semi-colonial government in the country. Spain also left a negative impression on Islam, leading Christians to regard them as an outsider. Because of their unequal treatment, the Bangsamoro region were formed, and they abruptly identified as Bangsamoro people rather than Filipinos because they did not feel they belonged to it. This region is home to a diverse Muslim population that was once deprived of natural resources and lands not only by occupiers but also by our own government. Because of this people who claims their ancestral domain, they have learned to fight for their own rights. And they started fighting for the territory they live in and have been trying to protect for a long time. Discrimination against Muslims persists up to this day, particularly in Mindanao, where some Christians insult them. They regard them with contempt and disgust for their beliefs, and they recognize them as dangerous and causing chaos throughout the country. Because of this, some of them have been shunned by the public.

AI

Russia and the moslem world, 2020

The article is devoted to the problem of the Moro - Moslem minority in the southern Philippine island of Mindanao. The author provides a brief historical overview of the internal conflict between the Philippine government and Moslem separatists and analyzes the latest attempt by the state to resolve this conflict through the formation of the Bangsamoro autonomy (BAARM).

Asia Pacific Social Science Review

other approaches, the study analyzes secessionism from the perspective of ethno politics. It appraises the significance of the politics of ethnicity in strengthening and weakening of Muslims' idea of Bangsamoro identity and how such identity has served and continues to serve a political purpose.

other approaches, the study analyzes secessionism from the perspective of ethno politics. It appraises the significance of the politics of ethnicity in strengthening and weakening of Muslims' idea of Bangsamoro identity and how such identity has served and continues to serve a political purpose. As the Philippine state tries to unify its nation, other " nations " assert their right to form their own state. The Bangsa Moro (Moro Nation) 1 is the most forceful compared to others like The paper reexamines the Moro secessionist movement in the Philippines from the perspective of ethno-politics. Using a hybrid framework, which combines Paul Brass' and Abner Cohen's instrumentalist approach to ethnicity on the one hand and Michael Hechter's and Michael Banton's rational choice theory on the other hand, the paper argues that the complexity of the current separatist war is not simply due to the weakness of the state but also due to the weakness of the Bangsamoro identity and notion of nationhood. This frailty allows the state to co-opt leaders of the movement and sabotage their legitimate quest to self-governance and political autonomy. The reinvention of the Moro struggle towards self-determination reflects another attempt to sustain the relevance of the Muslims' effort to create its own nation-state. However, the prospect of which is not promising. Addressing the conflict in Mindanao requires not only the strengthening of the state but also the strengthening of the Moro national identity. Mutually re-enforcing these strengths can accelerate the process of Philippine nation-state building and establish co-governance mechanisms that would guarantee the unification of the country in spite of its diversity.

Bangsamoro 'moro' are the indigenous Muslims of the Philippines. They are the descendants of the first Malay, Arab, and Indian migrants to the Philippine archipelago, who arrived in the 14th century. The Moros developed their own ethnic group in southwestern Mindanao, including the islands of Sulu and Palawan. The Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is home to the majority of Muslims in the Philippines. The Filipino population is made up of at least 5 million Muslims. The Muslims who occupied the Moro Struggle in the Southern Philippines 5 Iberian Peninsula for roughly 800 years were referred to as Moro by the Spaniards from 711 to 1492. When the Spanish colonialists discovered the Muslims in the Philippines, they developed the term "Moros," which the Muslims of Mindanao loathed for many years because it originated from the Spaniards who fought alongside them for virtually the entire 333-year colonizer's tenure in the Philippines. The Spaniards dubbed the Muslims in Mindanao "Moro pirates" because their vengeance against Christian people in Spanishcontrolled territory caused such devastation among colonial interests. However, it is important to note that the Spaniards did not refer to their attacks on Muslims as theft. Only in the early 1970s, when the Moro National Liberation Front claimed it, along with the Bangsamoro (Moroland), as the collective identity of Muslims in Mindanao, did the word Moro become a badge of honor for Muslims in Mindanao. Due to the history of the Islamic religion in the Philippines, the people in the Muslim community were acknowledged as not to be termed Filipino Muslims after King Spain II's edict of the 'Expulsion of the Moriscos' in 1609, after he named the archipelago after him. The name 'Moro' was given to Muslims in the Philippines by Spanish inquisitors who

'Bangsamoro' refers to the collective identity of Muslim Filipinos who currently reside in the Philippines, but most especially in the southernmost island of Mindanao. Bangsamoro is taken from two words: 'Bangsa' is a Malay word which literally translates to 'Nation' and 'Moros' refer to the Muslim natives who were subjugated during the Spanish colonization. The Philippines has been the recipient of demands of secession from the Moro people since the 1970s. It is a political struggle, but also has its roots in religion and identity. Until the late 1980's most wars were fought between nation states. After the end of the Cold War, conflicts fueled by nationalism and ethnic identity arose within states that led to civil wars. The conflict in the Philippines falls under such a category. The recent signing of the Comprehensive Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro may be the first step in dissolving the centuries-long struggle. This paper is interested in understanding the historical plight of the Moro people. Through the use of conflict-resolution theories, it aims to characterize the conflict and determine whether recent developments will provide the necessary resolution to the Moro-Filipino conflict. Furthermore it is interested in the role interfaith dialogue can play in bridging the gap between the two opposing parties.

This critical analysis essay will mainly focus on the dispossession of Moros during American colonization and in the succeeding regimes. This essay will trace the historical basis of the rebellious culture of the Moros leading to the formulation of the Bangsamoro concept or the Moro homeland and nation. In addition, the author of this essay will give his own point of view on how peace can be attained in Mindanao and Sulu, and will give possible solutions on resolving the existing conflict in the south.

The Philippines' long-term stability, this article addresses the ongoing military conflict in Mindanao. Forty years of intermittent warfare between Muslim militant resistance groups and Philippine military forces have resulted in a high human toll. The Americans trying to control the policies to Moro people appropriating local ruling classes of landlords and arbiter in the succeeding neo-colonial state would rightfully inherit such a minority under the thesis. Moro policies in the south which Spain did not subjugate, fought the Americans, and the subsequent neo-colonial regimes fiercely have been generally vanquished through the combination of brute force and the betrayal of their leaders and rulers. Bangsamoro is determined to resist the colonizer since they fought for their self-determination until this epoch.

Contemporary Islam, 2010

Colonial constructions of the Muslim image have affected Muslim-Christian relations in the Philippines for centuries. Spanish colonizers used the term "Moro" as a derogatory term for Muslims and portrayed them in negative terms mainly because of their resistance to Spanish colonial rule and Christianity. The succeeding American administrators perpetuated the negative Muslim image through their description of Muslims in their reports and in cartoons published in the American print media. Both colonizers viewed Filipinos primarily in terms of their religious identification, and through their campaigns against the Moros, have influenced the thinking and attitudes of Christian Filipinos towards Muslim Filipinos. In recent times, ethnic Filipino Muslims have appropriated the term Moro to symbolize instead their determination to chart their destiny as a nation and their rich political and cultural heritage. This recasting of the Moro image is reflected in contemporary Muslim writings in both print and electronic media. This paper argues that the remaking of the Moro image challenges colonial misrepresentations, constitutes a redefinition of ethnic Muslim identity, and appeals to the sense of unity of Muslims.

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