Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
2018, Vetus Testamentum et Hellas
The personality of the Biblical God spans through all over the writings that comprise the Jewish Hebrew Scriptures and respectively the core of the Christian Old Testament. Despite the absence of an explicit theological exposition, the qualities of the supreme deity sketch a quite distinct profile for Him. On the other side, the god named Iao is found in Greek and Latin sources of the Hellenistic period already since the 1st century BCE. It mainly appears in writings displaying marks of religious syncretism, used as one of the names designating either the highest God or one of his emanations. In the following is examined the possibility that the use of the name Iao, instead of another form of the Tetragrammaton, in the manuscript 4QpapLXXLev b (4Q120; Rahlfs 802) may be the result of a Hellenizing rather than a re-Hebraizing tendency, a view that tends to prevail in the Septuagint studies. Evidence coming from Christian writers shows that for few centuries CE Bible manuscripts that contained the theonym Iao were circulating among them and even possibly produced by them.Review of the pre-published edition of the article by Didier Fontaine (in French): Ιαω dans le 4QpapLXXLevb (Vasileiadis, 2017), January 29, 2017, here:http://areopage.net/blog/2017/01/29/%CE%B9%CE%B1%CF%89-dans-le-4qpaplxxlevb-vasileiadis-2017/
Textual History of the Bible, 2020
This survey deals with the textual history of all the Greek deuterocanonical texts covered in volume two of the Textual History of the Bible (THB) series.
The purpose of the research was to investigate the evidence that the memorial name of Israel's God Yahuwah/IAO was in use among the Christians in the early Church. The principal result of the research was that there is clear evidence that IAO operated as a transliteration of the Tetragram in what are the earliest strata of the LXX. This Old Testament (LXX) of the early Greek speaking Church was often cited by the New Testament writers. It was also noted that in some parts of the second and third century Church, the name IAO was in use in the Scriptures, in prayers, in Biblical commentaries and in baptisms. The appearance of a form of the Tetragram in a Christian baptism has consequences for the way scholars of the New Testament will read the book of Acts and other texts where kurios is supposed to have replaced the Tetragram in citations from the LXX.
_____________________________________________________________________________ The decision to use the Greek term εἰκών as the essential word to render the concept of the image of God in the Septuagint conveys meaning in two senses: 1) the word itself, read in its Hellenistic setting, has a semantic domain with more metaphysical possibility than its referent, .צלם 2). Secondly, the choice of εἰκών over other Greek terms available—such as εἶδος or ἰδέα in particular—further underscores a shift toward a more spiritual understanding of the image. Analyzing these particular terminological dynamics more closely will show how the Septuagint helped facilitate an overly metaphysical reading of the image of God. _____________________________________________________________________________
A. Jördens (Hg.), Ägyptische Magie und Ihre Umwelt. Wiesbaden, 2015
in: E. Cancik-Kirschbaum & I. Schrakamp (eds.), Transfer, Adaption und Neukonfiguration von Schrift- und Sprachwissen im Alten Orient (Episteme in Bewegung 25), Wiesbaden 2022: 405-77, 2022
Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum und Ingo Schrakamp nent in Bewegung befindlichen, nicht selten durch andere funktionale Schichten und Nutzungshorizonte iiberlagerten und damit schwer fassbaren epistemischen Bestanden Raum gibt. Der vorliegende Band bietet typische Szenarien der Bewegungen van und in Sprach-und Schriftwissen im Alten Orient. Nach einer Einleitung der Herausge ber, die den theoretischen und methodologischen Rahmen setzt, werden in Fall studien zeitlich, raumlich, linguistisch und thematisch unterschiedlich situierte Szenarien von Wissenstransfers diskutiert. Wir danken den Sprechern Gyburg Uhlmann und Andrew James Johnston und dem Vorstand des Sonderforschungsbereiches fiir die Bewilligung der Ta gung und die Aufnahme des Bandes in die Reihe des SFB. Kristiane Hasselmann und ihrem Team sowie Vincent Alt B.A. danken wir fiir die tatkraftige Unter stiitzung. Das Korrektorat englischsprachiger Beitrage iibernahm Dr. Nele Diek man. Das Titelbild fertigte Satria Quaijtaal M.A. an. Vincent Alt B.A. und Jacques Sarges B. A unterstiitzten uns bei redaktionellen Arbeiten. Die Auswirkungen der SARS-CoV2-Pandemie haben die Fertigstellung des Bandes bedauerlicherweise um ein Jahr verzogert. Nach 2019 erschienene Literatur ist im Regelfall nicht mehr beriicksichtigt.
2019
The Derveni Papyrus has been often misread and misunderstood for six main reasons. (1) First, because the papyrus was falsely labeled as ‘Orphic’ in the very first report. (2) Second, because another misleading label – ‘Presocratic’ – was soon after that attached to its author. (3) Third, because the rhetorical/grammatical terms of the Derveni author τὰ κοινά καὶ τὰ ἴδια (sc. ὀνόματα or ῥήματα) “common and peculiar names” that provide a clue for understanding his theory of language and the origin of religion have been misunderstood as alleged ‘echoes’ of Heraclitus’ own terminology. (4) Fourth, because of the failure to distinguish between two types of pantheism in early Greek thought, the naturalistic and the ethico-religious. (5) Fifth, because of the failure to distinguish between two types of allegoresis of myth: constructive (friendly and apologetical in purpose) and deconstructive (polemical or atheistic). (6) And, last but not least, the widespread (after Tsantsanoglou [1997]) misinterpretation of πάριμεν in PDerv., col. V as an alleged indication of the author’s religious profession. Mistake (1) is addressed in § (II), mistake (3) in § (IV), mistake (5) in § (II), mistake (6) in § (XI). The attribution of PDerv. to Prodicus of Ceos proposed in this article is based on verbal coincidences of peculiar phrases and terms in PDerv. and Prodicus’ fragments; Prodicus’ peculiar theory of the origin of the names of gods and religion from agriculture and other τέχναι ‘useful’ for human race is directly attested in PDerv.; there is also the evidence found in both Aristophanes and Themistius that Prodicus wrote an allegorical interpretation of the Orphic theogony. The demonstration of our thesis is presented in 11 sections (§) and three appendices (App.). After preliminary remarks on the necessary distinction of the two types of pantheism and allegoresis in Greek thought (§ [I]) we define in § (II) the literary genre, the general purpose, and the hermeneutical method of the Derveni treatise, and draw a preliminary intellectual portrait of its author describing his peculiar features, a kind of ‘composite image.’ In § (III), we argue for Prodicus as the author of PDerv. and present the 19 testimonia on which this attribution is based. These include both the verbatim quotations with Prodicus’ name that find an exact correspondence in the text of PDerv and the common peculiar features of language and style. In § (IV), we propose a reconstruction and interpretation of the text of col. IV that contains a quotation from Heraclitus. This column is of primary importance for understanding the aims and allegorical method of the author in general, as well as for his theory of names. In § (V), the problems of the original title and the date of the Derveni treatise are addressed, as well as its relation to the psephisma of Diopeithes (432 BC). In § (VI), the philosophical sources of Derv.T are discussed. Apart from the Anaxagorean source of the Derveni author’s cosmology and theory of matter recognized long ago, we discuss the possible influence of Democritus while dismissing “Leucippus”, Diogenes of Apollonia, and the Eleatics. We point to Protagoras as an important source of anthropology for the Derveni author and to Heraclitus as the source of his philosophy of language (including functionalist semantics) and criticism of popular religion. In § (VII), we briefly present our reasons for rejecting the ascription of PDerv. to other authors (Epigenes, Stesimbrotos, Euthydemus, Diagoras of Melos). § (VIII) expands the discussion of Prodicus’ atheistic sobriquet ‘Tantalos’ in § (III) by focusing on two cryptic Tantalos passages in Euripides’ Orestes. Taking the torture of Anaxagoras before his trial as a historical fact (which the new reconstruction of Philodemus’ account by Eduardo Acosta Méndez has brought to light, and which Christian Vassallo confirms in this volume, DAPR, T7), we interpret the tortures of Tantalos as an allusion to Anaxagoras’ trial, a cryptic commemoration of the 20th anniversary of his death, and a makarismos of the heroic martyr of science, analogous to Euripides’ cryptic commemoration of Protagoras’ death in Ixion. § (IX) searches for further reflections of the ‘avian’ theme (ὀρνίθειον in PDerv., cols. ΙΙ and VI) in Aristophanes’ Birds and Clouds. It starts with the attribution of a neglected comedy fragment in the Suda Lexicon to Aristophanes’ Seasons and connects the comic passages in the Clouds on ἀλεκτρυών with Prodicus’ orthoepeia. The passage on ‘Persian cock’ as a prehistoric king in Birds 481–492 is interpreted as a parody of Prodicus’ theory of the origin of religion and civilization. § (X) discusses three ‘Heraclitizing’ passages (apart from col. IV) in cols. V, XX, and XXII, and arrives at the conclusion that cols. V and XX contain either hidden verbatim quotations from Heraclitus or paraphrases close to the original text with authentic terms and phrases, whereas col. XXII contains a summarizing exposition of Heraclitus’ philosophy of lan- guage and religion (the invention of polytheism by poets due to their ‘ignorance’). In § (XI), the hypothesis that Euripides may have taken with him to Macedonia a copy of Prodicus’ work on religion, since he quotes it in the Bacchae on which he worked at that time, is advanced. A copy of it may have been made for the library of Archelaus in Pella. In App. (1) we defend the traditional 5th cent. date and the Preplatonic character of PDerv. in response to Luc Brisson’s Stoic hypothesis. App. (2) clarifies our use of the term peritrope and explains the Derveni treatise as a naturalistic peritrope of a religious text. App. (3) identifies a neglected reflection of Prodicus’ benefaction theory of religion in Xenophon’ Memorabilia with parallels from PDerv.
Society of Biblical Literature, 2024
John 11-21: A Handbook on the Greek Text, by Lidija Novakovic, is part of the Baylor Handbook on the Greek New Testament (BHGNT) series, which aims to guide readers through each word, phrase, and verse of the Greek New Testament text. The BHGNT series pays close attention to the Greek text of the New Testament itself rather than the theological meaning and/or historical issues, as most traditional commentaries do. Each handbook provides a verse-by-verse treatment of the Greek New Testament text by explaining the syntax of the text, offering lexical semantic analysis, and engaging important text-critical issues that have a significant bearing on the interpretation of the Greek text. In each handbook, the author selectively interacts with secondary literature. As for the issues with significant debate, the author provides a representative sample of scholars for each view. As an accessible, comprehensive, and convenient reference tool, the BHGNT series is intended to serve as supplements to commentary proper.
Bulletin of Biblical Research, 2024
Gottesschau-Gotteserkenntnis is the print version of the Third International Conference on the Theology of the Septuagint (March 9-11, 2016) at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Author and editor Evangelia Dafni notes that it is the first conference dedicated to this theme. Appropriately, the book is the beginning of a new subseries of WUNT: Studies on the Theology of the Septuagint. The volume consists of fourteen essays by a diverse group of leading scholars from a wide array of research backgrounds (e.g., Hebrew Bible, Septuagint, New Testament, Hellenistic Judaism, classics, patristics, philosophy, etc.). Emanuel Tov kicks off...
Visio Dei in the Septuagint, 2019
It has often been noted that the Septuagint tries to attenuate the idea that God can be seen directly by humans. Nevertheless, the alternative attitude, to tolerate such statements can also be observed in the same translations. Thus far, explanations for these phenomena have been sought primarily within Jewish literature. The present contribution to this discussion tries to broaden the horizon by taking into account both the diversity of vision reports in the Hellenistic world and the diversity within Second Temple Judaism. It is argued that beholding the Deity in the Hellenistic world is not seen as impossible or a purely metaphysical cognitive act in the Platonic sense, but first of all a priestly privilege in which lay people can participate under certain circumstances.
Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour P.U.F.. © P.U.F.. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays.
Souren A. Takhtajan. Antiphon Tetralog. 3. 4. 3. Philologia Classica 2018, 13(2), 303–307, 2018
This paper deals with the initial phrase of Tetralog. 3. 4. 3: κοινοῦ δὲ τοῦ τεκμηρίου ἡμῖν ὄντος τούτῳ τῷ παντὶ προέχομεν. Such is the text of the manuscripts. Some scholars have proposed emendations to it. Evidently, most of them were confused by the proximity of two datives, τούτῳ and τῷ παντί. Others have defended the text as it stands in the manuscripts. At the same time, nearly all have regarded the pronoun τούτῳ as masculine and separated it from the subsequent τῷ παντί: κοινοῦ δὲ τοῦ τεκμηρίου ἡμῖν ὄντος τούτῳ, τῷ παντὶ προέχομεν. I try to show that the correct interpretation, not involving change of the manuscript reading, was proposed long ago by Johann Reiske. He regarded τούτῳ as neuter and separated τούτῳ τῷ παντὶ προέχομεν from the previous part of the phrase: κοινοῦ δὲ τοῦ τεκμηρίου ἡμῖν ὄντος, τούτῳ τῷ παντὶ προέχομεν. This interpretation makes perfect sense. It adds weight to the end of the phrase (τούτῳ τῷ παντὶ προέχομεν versus τῷ παντὶ προέχομεν), as τούτῳ “with the help of the following argument” points to the reason for the superiority of the defense over the prosecution. If the pronoun τούτῳ is neuter, it is opposed to τοῦ τεκμηρίου. According to this interpretation, Antiphon opposes two kinds of arguments: those using inferential evidence (τοῦ τεκμηρίου) and those using direct evidence (τούτῳ). This opposition suits the author of the Tetralogies just fine. Eduard Maetzner adopted Reiske’s interpretation and demonstrated that two adjacent datives with different functions, such as τούτῳ τῷ παντί, are common in Greek.
Divine Names: Different Approaches and Special Writing in the Qumran Scrolls, 2024
Traditionally, the ancient Israelites approached the name of God with reverence as is visible in the third commandment (Exod 20:7; Deut 5:11). In the written documents, a special approach towards the Tetragrammaton is already visible in the Elohistic Psalter (Psalms 42– 89 [83]) in which that name was usually replaced with אלהים in all textual witnesses. A similar avoidance of the Tetragrammaton is evidenced in many Qumran scrolls. Reflecting a similar approach to the avoidance of the use of divine names, scribal solutions were invented in order to avoid the regular writing of these names in the text; they are the focus of our analysis: (i) The writing of the Tetragrammaton in Paleo-Hebrew characters; (ii) Four dots (named Tetrapuncta) (....); rarely: (iii) A dicolon ( : ) in 4QRPb (4Q364); (iv) לאלהיכ written in red in 11QpaleoUnid. Text (11Q22). The picture that emerges is a clear tendency to present these names with various graphical solutions in the Qumran Hebrew scrolls, but not in the other Judean Desert scrolls. This tendency is not felt across the board in the Qumran scrolls, but it is mainly limited to the scrolls that are closely connected to the Qumran scribal practice. The writing of the Tetragrammaton in Paleo-Hebrew characters is also evidenced in Greek manuscripts and the connection between the Hebrew and Greek evidence is scrutinized.
ZPE 186 (2013) 176–180
K. A. Neugebauer, Katalog der statuarischen Bronzen im Antiquarium I. Die minoischen und archaisch griechischen Bronzen (1931), Berlin, p. 180 pl. 28; L. H. Jeffery [-A. W. Johnston], The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece. A Study of the Origin of the Greek Alphabet and its Development from the Eighth to the Fifth Centuries (1990) [2nd ed.; 1st ed. Jeffery 1961], Oxford (= LSAG), p. 182 no. 12; W. Peek, Inschriften aus dem Asklepieion von Epidauros, in Abhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig. Philologisch-historische Klasse 60.2 (1969), Berlin (= ΙΑEpid) no. 62.2; M. L. Lazzarini, Le formule delle dediche votive nella Grecia arcaica, MAL 19 (1976), pp. 47-354 no. 942. I warmly thank Alcorac Alonso for his valuable comments on an early version of this paper. This work is part of the project FFI2012-35721-C02-01 «Modos de contacto e interacción dialectal en los textos epigráfi cos del griego antiguo». 2 Taken from Roehl 3 109.
The Metaphysical Image: An Analysis of the Septuagint’s Impact on the Imago Dei. Pages 74-98.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.