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S.L.Nikolaev. 2016. Toward the reconstruction of Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan. Part 2: Algonquian-Wakashan sound correspondences

Profile image of Sergei L Nikolaev / Сергей Львович НиколаевSergei L Nikolaev / Сергей Львович Николаев
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Abstract

Toward the reconstruction of Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan. Part 2: Algonquian-Wakashan sound correspondences

Key takeaways
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  1. The paper establishes sound correspondences between Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan and related languages.
  2. A comprehensive Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan comparative vocabulary is presented in Section 3.
  3. Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan phonological inventory includes definite and ambiguous reconstructions.
  4. Regular sound changes in the Algic family complicate cognate recognition compared to Wakashan and Nivkh.
  5. Optional protoforms are indicated using the tilde symbol (~) for phonetic variations.
Figures (2)
Table 1. Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan obstruents and sonorants.  Table 2. Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan vowels.
Table 1. Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan obstruents and sonorants. Table 2. Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan vowels.

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References (355)

  1. PAW *ʔä:q' A 'to believe' • PW *ʔu:q , *ʔu:q' -'to believe' • PNi *aχ(t) 'to believe, hope'.
  2. PAW *ʔepV 'heart' • PWN ʔp(a:) (suff.) 'chest', PWS *t-'ap-at-'to think' • PNi *ŋ-if 'heart' PW *t-is a prefix, cf. PWN *q l-χ-'egg' ~ *t-' lq-'roe, spawn' (#308).
  3. PAW *ʔerV 'to vomit' • PWS *ʔaɬ-'to vomit' • PNi *er-u-'to vomit'.
  4. PNA *ʔe:mV (~ m') 'to flee' • PNi *ph-im-'to flee' • PA *a:m-o:-'to flee, fly' [WOj. en-am-o 'the road goes thither', Fox ki:w-a:mo:-wă 'he flees hither and thither', etc.].
  5. PNA *ʔEŋi:pV (~ ŋ') 'leaf, flower' • PNi *eŋv-'to flower', *eŋv-k 'flower' • PA *ani:py-'leaf' [WOj. eni:pi:-šš 'leaf', Ab. wanib-ákw 'leaf of a tree', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  6. PAW *ʔ lkE (~ ) 'to open' • PWN *ʔ lk-'to open clams' • PNi * l -'open' • PA *pe-a(:)ɬk- 'to open' [Cree p-a:sk-in-am 'she opens it', WOj. p-a:kk-in-ank, Ab. b-óskw-en-á 'to open by hand', etc.]
  7. PAW *ʔ mV 'mother, aunt' • PWS *ʔam(a)-'mother' • PNi * m( )-k 'mother; mother's sis- ter; father's brother's wife and her sister; step-father's sister'; *mam 'old woman; wife' • PA *i:m-at-'mother' [*n-i:m-at-a 'my mother', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *t-um-aʔ 'mother, aunt'; PSI *mʔam 'woman, wife'.
  8. PAW *ʔ ŋV(k' E) 'fire' • PW *ʔan, *ʔanak -'fire' • PNi *phl-ŋ-g 'ashes' • PAlg *p(el)-en- ekw-'ashes, dust' Nikolaev 2015: 39. PAW *ʔ ŋV-k' E 'fire' and the compound*pVl-ŋV- k' E 'ashes' (#300) contain the same diminutive (?) suffix as *ʔ :wV-k' E 'fish egg' #21, *ɬäŋV-k'( )V 'woman' #209a.
  9. PNA *ʔ :lV (~ l') 'to think' • PNi * l-m-(~ ) 'to think of', NiY *önm -'mind, reason' • PAlg *a:l, *e:l-'to think, feel' [Wi. l-aɬ-biɬ 'she feels so', l-aɬ-aʔw 'how she looks', PA *e:l-em-'to think, by mind' (cf. PAlg *Vm-'by feeling, thought')].
  10. PNA *ʔ :wV (~ w') 'egg, brood', *ʔ :wV-k' E 'fish egg' • PNi *ŋ-v-i 'nest'; *ŋ-w-k 'fish egg' • PAlg *w-a:w-'egg' [Wi. w-á-ʔl 'roe', Yu. w-o:-lew 'spawn', PA *w-a:w-i, Pl. w-a:w-al-i 'egg'];
  11. PA *w-a:hkw-'roe, spawn, fish egg' [Cree w-a:hkw-a 'lump of roe', WOj. w-a:kk 'roe', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *ʔa-k' , *ʔa-q' 'fish roe' Nikolaev 2015: 50.
  12. PNA *ʔilV (~ e) 'thus' • PNi *lil-ŋ 'indeed that, just that' • PAlg *ʔel, *ʔal, dim. *ʔer, *ʔar- 'thither, thus, that way, like that, that sort' [Wi. t-la-'there, then, thus', Yu. s-on 'to be like', PA *eɬ-'thus, thither', *t-aɬ-'there', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  13. PAW *ʔi:kV (~ k') 'hand' • PW *i:k-s (suff.) 'in/by hand' • ? PAlg *e(:)k-(~ kh) 'hand' in Yu. p n-ek 'hand measure', p n-ek'-h 'hand length' ◊ Cf. PS *ak, *ak-aʔ, *ak-is(t) (suff.) 'hand, lower arm' Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  14. PAW *ʔi:k'V ~ *k'i:ʔV 'above' • PW *ʔi:k'-'above' • PNi *khi-'above'.
  15. PNA *ʔ pw ńyV (~ ) 'paddle' • PNi * v( )ń 'paddle' • PA *apwiy-'paddle' [Cree apw-iy, Men. p-i:h, etc.].
  16. PNA *ʔ wV (~ , w') 'to use' • PNi * w-r -'to use' • PA *aw-'to use' [*aw-e:w-a 'he uses him', *aw-ih-e:w-a 'he lends to him', etc.].
  17. PAW *ʔ wʒVg E (~ ǯ, k' ) 'beforehand' • PWN *ʔʒk 'beforehand' • PNi * wʒik (~ d) 'be- forehand'.
  18. PNA *ʔ :LV 'kidney' • PNi *ŋ-l-ř 'kidney'; NiY *aĺ-aj -'liver, kidney' • PA *o:ɬ-(~ l) 'kid- ney' [> Ab. ól-ló, Mic. bug-l-uŏn 'kidney'].
  19. PAW *ʔ :LV 'mouth' • Quil. ʔól-it 'mouth' • PNi * l 'mouth' • PAlg *o:ɬ-'mouth' [Wi. l-ul, Yu. el-uɬ 'mouth', mewol-uɬ-ek' 'I wipe my mouth'] Nikolaev 2015: 41.
  20. PNA *ʔ :ńgE 'face' • PNi *ŋ-ńk 'face' • PAlg *i:ngw, *engw-'face' [Yu. eʔw-ey/ oʔw-ey 'face', PA *i:nkw-e:, *ʔkw-e: 'face, look'].
  21. PNA*ʔ :pɬV 'lip, tip of tongue' • PNi * vl-( )x 'lip' • PAlg *i:pɬ-'tongue' [Wi. it, Yu. ipɬ, PA *i:ɬ-an] Nikolaev 2015: 50.
  22. PAW *ʔVtOk A 'deer' • PWN *t k -'deer' • PNi *thoχ 'elk' 1 • PA *atehkw-'caribou' [Cree atihk, Men. atε:h, etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *tiqiw 'deer, elk'.
  23. PAW *ʔVwO:nV (~ ŋ) 'cloud, fog' • PWN *ʔ n-u:-'cloud', *ʔu:n-q -'fog' • NiY *niw - 'cloud' [metathesis either in "Northern Nivkh" or in Proto-Yukaghir] • PA *awa(:)n-w- 'fog' [Cree awan, Men. awa:n, etc.], cf. Yu. uʔw y 'cloud' Nikolaev 2015: 37, 54.
  24. PAW *ba ~ *pa 'to wither' • PWN *p -χ -'to wither (plant, etc.)' • PNi *pa-'to wither'.
  25. PNA *baTkE (~ p', ä, q, X) 'partridge' • PNi *pa i 'partridge' • PA *patk-iw, *patpatk-iw- 'partridge' [Cree paspask-iw, Fox pahk-i:wa, Ab. bákk-ess-ó, Miami pahk-i-a, etc.].
  26. PAW *bA:LQ V 'to sever' • PWN *ba:q -'to separate things that are joined together (e.g. a pen and its cap)' • PA *paɬk-'to sever, break' [Fox pahk-wíwin-έw-a 'he is shedding his horn', WOj. pekk-on:t 'he skins him', Mic. pĕsk-wĭt 'to shed the feathers', etc.].
  27. PNA *bä:dV (~ p', t') 'slow' • PNi *pat-'quiet, slow' • PA*pe:t, *pe:s-'slowly' [WOj. pe:s- ikk-a: 'to move slowly', pe:č-i:w-i: 'he is walking slowly', etc.].
  28. PAW *be:k E ~ *pe:g E 'person' • PW *buk , *bux -'human being' • Quil. poʔó:q , pó:ʔoq 'person, Indian' • PNi *ńi-v -ŋ 'person; Nivkh' • PAlg *na(:)-pe: w-(~ ph) 'man, male' [Yu. pe -k 'man', pe -iɬ 'male', PA *na:-pe:w-'male'] Nikolaev 2015: 42.
  29. PNA *be:lV 'to walk' • PNi *ple-w-'to go for a walk' • PAlg *ba:l, dimin. *ba:r-'to walk, go' [Yu. ʔor-o -'to walk', PA *pal-'to go, move'] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  30. PAW *bi:rV ~ *pi:rV 'to scatter' • PWN *bi:ɬ-'to pull apart (moss, etc.), to scatter'; *b l-χ- scatter (feathers, moss, down), to spread (roots)' • PNi *p r-(~ ) 'scattered', *ph r--(~ ) 'spread' ◊ Cf. PS *pil, *pal 'scatter, smudge'.
  31. PNA *b E (~ p', , ) 'k. of seal' • PNi *p i (~ ) 'seal sp.' • PAlg *pa -(~ ph) > Yu. p -ʔm 'seal'.
  32. PNA *b KE (~ p', , Q, X) 'to throw' • PNi *p -z-'to throw' • PA *pak-'to throw' [Men. pak-e:n-ε:w 'she puts her down', Shawnee nooč-pak-il-a 'I throw her', etc.].
  33. PNA *b rKE (~ p', Q) 'to rot' • PNi *p rk-'to rot' • PA *pek-eškaɬ-'putrid, rotten' [*eškaɬ 'rot'; Cree pik-iskat-at-iw 'he is putrid, rotten', Oj. pak-aškan-an-i 'be rotten', etc.].
  34. PAW *bO ~ *pO 'to bleed' • PWN *p -x-'to bleed sb.' • PNi *pu-'to bleed'.
  35. PAW *bu: ~ *pu: 'to go out, leave' • PW *bu:-'to leave, flee, abandon' • PNi *phu-'to go out/away' • PA *papa:-m-'to go about, pass by' [reduplication; Cree papa:-m-isk-a:w 'he goes about', Men. papa:-m-esk-aw 'he goes about', etc.].
  36. PAW *bu: ~ *pu: 'to blow (with mouth); swell' • PW *bu-x -'illegitimately pregnant'; *bu- s-'to swell (esp. when pregnant)'; *bu-ɬ, *bu--'to swell, swelling, to boil (tide), to bud or flower'; *pu:-'to swell or blow up' • PNi *phu-v-'to blow (with mouth)'; *pho-ŋa, *phoŋ- phoŋa-'to swell out' • PAlg *po:, *pa-(~ ph) 'to blow with the mouth' [Yu. p ʔ-h, PA *po:- taw];
  37. PA *pa:-kih[š]-'to swell' [Cree pa:-kis-iw 'he is swelling', Oj. pa:-kišš-i 'be swollen', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *paw, *puh, *pux , *pax 'to blow, breathe, swell'.
  38. PNA *bü:PTV (~ p') 'foam' • PNi *poft-r 'foam' • PAlg *pi:pt-(~ ph, b) > PA *pi:ʔt-e:w- 'foam' [Cree pi:st-e:w, Ab. piht-á 'foam, froth', etc.].
  39. PAW *bVN'V 'down' • PWN *b n'-'down, under, below, lower' • PAlg *pen-(~ ph) 'down to the ground' [Yu. pen, PA *pen].
  40. PAW *cA:ʔk V ≈ *ʔA:ck V 'seal' • PWN *sa:ʔk -'seal, seal meat' • PAlg *ʔa:ckw, *ʔe(:)ckw- (~ ch, kh) 'seal' [Yu. ʔec, ʔeck -oh 'sea-lion', PA *a:sk-ikw-a 'seal'] ◊ Cf. PS *ʔasx 'seal' Ni- kolaev 2015: 53. like object', Yu. ʔlep 'hair', PA *i:ɬ-eʔ-ɬ-'head hair' ("head+hair")] ◊ Cf. PSI *w p 'hair, fur, cover of grass, weed' Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  41. PAW *h :ʔV ~ *ʔ :hV 'yes' • PW *ha:(ʔa) 'yes' • PNi *h (~ ) 'yes' • PA *e:he 'yes', Yu. ʔey, ʔe:, ʔe:y; ʔi:; ʔi:y 'yes'.
  42. PAW *h :ym'V 'old' • PWN *ha:m'-a: (suff.) 'old, worn-out, useless' • PNi *h jm-ŋ-'old'.
  43. PAW *hi:ɬV (~ e:) 'tongue; to lick' • Quil. ɬiɬí:-t-ot 'tongue' • PNi *hil-k, *hil-x 'tongue', *hel- [h]el-'lick' • PA *e:ɬ-any-'tongue' [Cree e:y-an-iy, WOj. e:n-en-iw, etc.] ◊ Cf. PSI *t-ạɬ-aʔ 'tongue' Nikolaev 2015: 44, 48.
  44. PAW *hi:rxk'E 'louse (head)' • PW * -i:xk-'louse' [with prefix of inalienable possession] • Quil. wí:k'-is 'louse' • PNi *hiřk-r 'nit, body louse' • PAlg *hihk-w-'louse' [Wi. ík 'louse', Yu. m-ohk-oh 'head louse', PA *ehkw-'louse'] ◊ Cf. PS *m-xk-n ~ *m-xk'-n 'head louse' Nikolaev 2015: 41.
  45. PAW *hinV (~ e) 'to carry' • PWN *h n-q, *h n-k -'to carry in one's apron or blanket' • PNi *hin-'to carry on back'.
  46. PAW *ho Vq'A ~ *hoq'V A 'hole' • PWS *ʔaq'i (also *q'aq'i 'cave' with reduplication] • PNi *holq-e-'deepening, hole' • PA *a:ɬak-(suff.) 'hole' [Fox mak-a:nak-et-on-wa, Oj. mank- a:nak-it-on 'he has a large mouth', etc.].
  47. PAW *homV 'to carry on back' • PW *ham, *ʔam-'carry on one's back, shoulders' • PAlg *o:m-'carry on one's back' [Yu. n-a:m-ew 'grab in one's mouth', n-o:ʔm 'carry (a load)', PA *o:m-'carry on back', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 55.
  48. PAW *hObV (~ p') 'to dip' • PWN *h p-'to dip, immerse, dye' • PNi *hup-u-'to dip'.
  49. PNA *hO:bV ≈ *ʔO:hbV (~ p') 'to tie' • PNi *hup-'to tie tightly' • PAlg *ʔaph, *ʔeph-'to tie' [Wi ʔ ph-'to tie', Yu. (i)p-et-'bundle; to tie', PA *ahp-iɬ, it 'to be tied', etc.], PA *a:p-'cord' [Cree ahč-a:p-iy 'bow', Men. kenu-ap-i:k-at 'it's a long string', Mic. ab-i 'cord', etc.].
  50. PNA *hü:mV (~ m') 'to hurry' • PNi *mom-jo-'to hurry' [reduplication] • PAlg *him-'hur- riedly' [Wi. im-r tw-'hurriedly'; Yu. him-ec-ok' 'I hurry', him-en 'quickly', etc.].
  51. PAW *hü:xE 'head, nape' • PWN *hi:x-'head' • PNi *o -r-i 'nape (of the neck)' Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  52. PAW *hV 'demonstrative stem' • PW *hi:-'that ("empty root")' • PNi *hu-ŋ-'this ("a little farther")'; *ho-'this (remote)' Nikolaev 2015: 44.
  53. PAW *kA:mV 'chief' • PWS *ča:m-at'a 'chief' [*č-< PW *k] • PA *kem-a:-'chief' [Cree u- kim-a:w 'chief', Fox ϑa:-kim-a:hkw-e:w-a 'chieftain-woman', WOj. sa:-kim-a: 'an Indian not belonging to the Grand Medicine, yet knowing medicine well', etc.].
  54. PNA *kerčk' A (~ q' ) 'to fish with line and hook' • PNi *kherqo-'to fish with line and hook' • PAlg *kačkw, *kečkw, *ketkw-(~ kh, th, čh) 'to fish with hook' [Yu. k t 'trout fishing pole', k tk-ek' 'I go trout fishing', PA *kwetkw-'to fish with a hook', *me-kesk-an-'fish hook', etc.].
  55. PAW *kE(~ g) 'along with' • PW *ki (~ g) > PWS *či (suff.) 'along with' • PA *kek-'along, with' [Cree, WOj. kik-i 'having such and such a thing', Fox kek-ap-iw-a 'he sits having sth.', etc.].
  56. PAW *kElV 'to fear' • PWN *k ɬ-'to be amazed, afraid' • PNi *khl-u-'to fear' • PA *kwa:l, *kakwa:l-'frightful' [Men. kakuan-ìʔnak-ì:n-eht-am, WOj. kakwa:n-issak-e:n-tam 'he thinks it terrible', Ab. gwáhl-ial-ew-á 'he startles someone', etc.].
  57. PNA *kiŋǯV (~ q, X) 'sun, moon' • PNi *kheŋ-'sun', NiY *kin(i)ʒ -'moon, month' • PAlg *k- e -ečh-'sun, moon', *kečh-'sunshine, daylight' [Wi. k čh-áʔy 'day', Yu. kec-iʔ 'it is daylight', PA *ki:š-eʔɬwa 'sun/ moon/ month', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *k us n 'star' Nikolaev 2015: 43.
  58. PAW *kOlxV ~ *k'Olk'V ~ *k' i:lk'V 'round' • PWN *k lx-'round, round thing, to turn (wheel), to make sth. round' • PNi *kulku-ř 'wheel' • PA *kwe:ɬk-'to turn, return' [Cree
  59. PAW *k'( )EkA 'to squeak, creak' • PWN *k' k, *k' k-'to squeak, creak' • PNi *ke -'to squeal'.
  60. PNA *k' EyV (~ q' , g ) 'owl' • PNi *kiku 'owl' • PAlg *kway-(~ kh) > Yu. k yk y-c 'screech owl'.
  61. PAW *k' e:pV 'to separate' • PWN *k' a:p-'to separate, split up, divorce' • PNi *vev-'par- ticular', *vev-u-'to separate'.
  62. PAW *k' e:Tq V (~ q' ) 'lichen' • PWN *k' a:ʔq -'lichen' • PAlg *ki:kw-t-(~ kh) > Yu. kik t- en-'moss; rotten wood' Nikolaev 2015: 47, 55.
  63. PAW *k' lVŋV (~ ) 'worm' • PWN *k' l-p-> Ha. k' l bm ̀ 'worm' • PNi *k laŋ-a 'snake' and *chŋ-a 'viper'; NiY *kölni-ʒ -'worm, caterpillar' • PAlg *ʔ(e)ye(:)-kwɬ-(~ kh) > Yu. ʔye-k ɬ 'maggot, worm' ◊ Cf. PS *q'ya 'an 'snail, slug' Nikolaev 2015: 46.
  64. PAW *k' :ʒV 'to bend, fold' • PW *k' u:s-'fold, bend' • PNi *kh c-(~ t) 'bend, bow' ◊ Cf. PS *k' ̣ c' 'to bend, twist'.
  65. PAW *k' onsV ≈ *ʔonsk' A 'neck' • PWN *k' ns-(~ c) 'gill(s)' • Quil. q' os 'neck' • PNi *qhos-ŋ 'neck, Adam's apple' • PAlg *sk-w-'neck' [PA *ɬkw-e:-k-an, suff. *Vɬkw-/*Vkw- 'neck'; Wi. sw-'neck' in hi-t ḱ -sw-al-iɬ 'she fell and broke her neck', (hu)w-św-itk-d-ʔl 'her neck'] ◊ Cf. PS *k' s-pan 'neck' Nikolaev 2015: 41.
  66. PAW *k' oɬV ≈ *ʔoɬk' A 'to sleep' • PW *k'aɬ-'to sleep, to dream' • PNi *qho-'to sleep' • PAlg *i: kw, *eɬkw-(~ kh) 'to sleep, dream' [Yu. ka:m-iɬk -ok' 'I dream a bad dream about sth.', etc., PA *enkw 'sleep' < *en-eɬkw] Nikolaev 2015: 43.
  67. PAW *k' OcV (~ s, š) 'wolf, wolverine' • PWN *k' s-'wolf' • PNi *khuz-r 'wolverine', NiY *khöře( )el 'wolf'.
  68. PAW *la 'to be in a position, be such as' • PW *la-'to be in a position' • PNi *la (suff.) 'to be such as'.
  69. PNA *la:gA ≈ *ʔa:lgA (~ l', k', , q') 'snowshoe, ski' • PNi *laq 'ski' • PA *a:k-em-'snowshoe' [Cree a:k-im, Men. a:k-em, WOj. a:k-im, etc.]
  70. PAW *la:yVwV 'wind; to blow (wind)' • PW *yu:-'wind; to blow (wind)' [< *l(V)yew] • PNi *la 'wind'; NiY *ilij -'wind' • PAlg *lo:yew-'wind, to blow' [Yu. ro:-k s 'wind', PA *lo:w-< *lo:yew-'wind, to blow'] ◊ Cf. PS *al-aq (suff.) 'wind, weather' Nikolaev 2015: 45, 54.
  71. PNA *l nk'E (~ l', , q') 'to shake' • PNi *l k-l k-(~ ) 'to shake, tremble' • PA *nenenk-'to shake' [Fox nenenk-ešk-a:w-i 'it moves up and down', Oj. ninink-ač-i 'shiver, tremble with cold', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *lạx , *x ạl 'to shake, hurry'.
  72. PNA *lOńmV (~ l', n', m') 'salmon, trout' • PNi *lojm(r) 'trout' • PA *nam-e:-'trout, stur- geon; fish' [Cree nam-e:-w 'sturgeon', Fox nam-e:-ϑ-a 'fish', WOj. nem-e: 'sturgeon', Ab. nam-á-(o)kw 'trout', etc.].
  73. PAW *lu:, *lu:-ŋ-'to sing' • PWN *nu:, *n ɬ, *n l-'to sing' • PNi *lu 'song', *luŋ-ju-'sing'; NiY *loŋ-d , *lojụ-d -'to dance'◊ Cf. PS *lul 'to sing'.
  74. PAW *lVxE 'to slip, slide' • PWN * x-'to slip, slide' [probably from PW *t-lVx] • PNi *le , *th-le -'to slide' ◊ Cf. PS *lix 'slime, slimy' Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  75. PAW *l'Eχ A ≈ *ʔEχ l'A 'to cough' • PWN *l' χ -'to cough' • PNi *qhj-ev-'to cough' ◊ Cf. PS *ʔ χ uʔ 'to cough'.
  76. PAW *l'u:ŋ'ʒV 'moon' • PWN *n'u:ʔs-i: 'moon, month' • PNi *loŋ-'moon', NiY *jä-lo n :ʒ 'sun' Nikolaev 2015: 41.
  77. PAW *λa 'near' • PW *λa-'near' • PNi *la--'near', le-(postpos.) 'near' Nikolaev 2015: 45.
  78. PAW *λa: 'to stand' • PW *λa:-'to stand' • PNi *la-r-'to get up on the back paws' • PA *ɬa-m-at-'to stand up, erase' [*we-ɬam-ač-i-'he stands erect', *ne-ɬam-at-en-e:n-i 'I erect it, erase it', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 43.
  79. PAW *λa:ŋg V 'to borrow' • PWN * *λa:k -(/ λi:k ) 'to borrow' • PNi *laŋ-r-'to borrow'.
  80. PAW *λ :g E 'spiritual power' • PW *λu:g -'supernatural power' • PNi *li --'omnipo- tent (shaman)'.
  81. PAW *λoʔV 'together' • PW *λaʔu(:) '(with) another' • PNi *rolo 'mutually, together' [re- duplication ?].
  82. PAW *λü:χV ~ * 'ü:χV (~ q') 'skin, fur' • PWS * 'iχ-aq 'skin, fur' • PAlg *λo:k-(~ kh) 'skin, feather' [Yu. r-e -oʔ 'feather', PA *ɬo:k-'hide, skin'] Nikolaev 2015: 43.
  83. PAW * e:xE ≈ *ʔe: xE 'to look for, watch' • PWN * a:x-'to look for lice' • PNi *khi-'to wait' • PAlg *ʔekɬ, *ʔeɬk-'to watch' [Wi. kɬ-'to watch', Yu. ɬk-y-'to look at, watch', PA *aɬk-'to wait, lie in ambush'] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  84. PAW * k'E (~ , g) 'to notch' • PWN * k-'to notch' • PNi *t k-'to notch' [cf. borrowed PIt *lọ̈ k'-l 'notch, mark'].
  85. PAW * 'imqA (~ e, ) 'to hop on one foot' • PWN * ' mq-'to hop on one foot' • PNi *te - (~ c) 'hop on one foot'.
  86. PAW * ' :rqE 'cold, to freeze' • PWN * 'u:χ -'ice; to ice up, to freeze, to congeal' • PNi *l kr -'to chill'; NiY *ĺerk -(~ j) 'to shiver with cold' • PA *tahk-'cool, cold' [Cree tahk-a:k 'when it is cool', Fox tahky-a:w-i 'cold', Men. tahk-i:k 'when it is cool', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS * ' x 'cold (object)' Nikolaev 2015: 37.
  87. PAW * 'og E 'to kneel' • PW * 'ak -'to kneel, to lean in the elbow, to push with the knee or elbow' • PNi *luk-'to kneel, bow'.
  88. PAW *ɬäŋV-k'( )V ≈ *ʔäɬŋV-k'( )V 'woman' • PW *ɬuk-'woman' • PNi *ř h aŋq 'woman' ["incorporated" form of *thaŋq] • PAlg *ʔaɬkw, *ʔeɬkw-(~ kh) 'woman, female' [Yu. ʔ ɬk-h 'bitch', PA *eɬkw-e:w-'woman'] ◊ Cf. PS *ɬan-ay' 'woman' Nikolaev 2015: 45. PAW *ɬäŋV- k'( )V contains the same diminutive (?) suffix as ##19, 21, 19, 300.
  89. PAW *ɬi:hV ≈ *ʔi:hɬV (~ e:) 'to lie' • PWN *ɬi:-'to lie (said of many people)' • PAlg *Vhɬ 'to lie, fall' [Wi. ɬ, PA *hɬ-'to fall, lie'] Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  90. PAW *ɬ :yV 'thunder' • PWS *ɬu:-t-'thunder' • PNi *l j 'thunder'.
  91. PAW *ɬOx V 'almost, all the time' • PWN *ɬu:x -'almost (happening)' • PA *ɬaxk, *ɬehk- 'all the time, long time' [Cree tahk-i 'all the time', Fox nehk-i 'so long a time as', etc.].
  92. PAW *ɬVq'( )E ≈ *ʔVɬq'( )E 'bone' • PWN *ɬ q , * ' q -'pit (in fruit); inside of sea eggs (urchins); brain' • PNi *ŋ-k 'gristle' • PAlg *Vɬk-'bone' [Wi. w-tk-d-át, Yu. ʔw-ɬk-ʔ, PA *w-eɬk-an, *k-an] Nikolaev 2015: 36, 48.
  93. PNA *maŋgA (~ m', ä, k', q') 'big, main' • PNi *maŋ -'strong, main' • PA *mank-'big' [Cree mama:hk-'big', WOj. menkw-akk-em-ik-ess-in 'it has mounds', mema:nk-e-'big', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  94. PAW *ma: 'near' • PWN *ma:-k-'near, next to, close' • PNi *ma-'near, close'; NiY *mi(ä)-k 'near' • PA *ma:-ɬ-'side by side, in a row' Nikolaev 2015: 45.
  95. PNA *ma:lV (~ m', ä:) 'many' • PNi *mal-, *mel--'numerous' • PA *ma:l-'many, much' [Fox má:n-ìw-ă 'many', WOj. men-ikk 'many, much', Ab. mel-óhs-és 'very old man', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  96. PAW *ma:lV (~ ä:) 'berry, fruit' • PWN *ma:ɬ-'fruit', *m l-k-'berry' • PAlg *mal-o:, *mel-o:- 'k. of berry; wild rice (Zizania sp.)' [Yu. men-o-men 'Juneberry', Fox man-o:-min-i 'rice', Men. man-o:-mìn-an 'wild rice; oats', Ab. mal-o-mõn 'wheat', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 51.
  97. PAW *mä:ʔV ≈ *ʔä:ʔmV 'to smell' • PW *mi:-s-'to smell' • PAlg *a:ʔm-(~ o:) 'to smell, by smell' > Yu. oʔm-'to smell'; PAlg *mey-a-> PA *mya:-'to smell' [Men. wi:ki-mya:kwat 'it smells good'; Cree wi:hki-ma:me:w 'he likes the smell of him', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *hum' 'to smell, sniff'.
  98. PAW *me: 'two' • PW *ma:ʔɬa 'two', PWN *m -t-'twins' • PNi *mi, *me-'two', NiY *mä:l- 'two' Nikolaev 2015: 44.
  99. PAW *mE: 'to flame, fire' • PWN *mi:-'to flame' • PAlg *me-hs-'fire' [with diminutive suffix: Wi. b -s, Yu. me-c, PA *me-hɬ] Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  100. PAW *m ʔV ≈ *ʔ mʔV 'to hear', *ʔ mE-lV 'ear' • PWS *ʔamiɬ (suff.) 'ear' • PNi *m-la 'ear', *m -'hear, listen' • PAlg *Vʔm-'by hearing (also 'by thought') in Yu. k-o(ʔ)m-'hear' (also 'understand, feel'), Wi. k-n-iʔm-iɬ 'hear', PA *pe:m-t, *no:m-t-'hear' (< *pe-em, *no(:)-Vm) Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  101. PAW *m :rV 'to swim' • PWN *ma:ɬ-'to swim' • PNi *mr -'to swim (human, animal), bathe'; NiY *mör(i)-'to swim' • PAlg *o:l-'to swim' [Wi. úl, Yu. ur] Nikolaev 2015: 43.
  102. PAW *m :x E 'sea lion' • PWN *ma:x -'sea lion' • PNi *m -r-ʒ (~ ) 'sea lion' Nikolaev 2015: 53.
  103. PAW *mi: (~ ä:, ü:) 'leaf, berry' • PWN mi:-'leaf' • PAlg *me-n, *m-e -en-'berry, berries' [Yu. men-o-men 'Juneberry', PA *mi:n, min-'berry'].
  104. PNA *mi: ≈ *ʔi:mV (~ m') 'to give' • PNi *kh-im, *im-'to give, hand over' • PAlg *mi:-l-'to give' [Wi. bi-l-'to divide and distribute', PA *mi:-l-'to give to sb.'] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  105. PAW *m χE ≈ *ʔ mχE 'hair, feather' • PWN *m χ-'long feather of eagle' • PNi *ŋ-mx 'head hair; animal hair' • PAlg *mekw, *m-e -ekw-(~ kh, g) > PA *mi:k-w-an, *[m]ik-w-an- 'feather' [WOj. mi:(n)kw-an, Ab. migw-én, etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  106. PNA *mo:ryV (~ m') 'to die' • PNi *mu, *muj-v-'to die' • PAlg *ma:hy-'to die', *meh[y]-t- 'to kill' [Yu. moy-k-ek' 'I die', PA *meʔ-t-ekw-a:py-'bow, bowstring', *mi:-ɬkw-ahw-e:w-a 'he hits him with missile', Fox méh-t-ahw-ìẁ-ă 'to shoot', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  107. PNA *mOmcKA (~ m', Q, X) 'shoe' • PNi *momsq (~ řq) 'women's footwear' • PA *matk-es- en-'shoe' [Cree mask-is-in, WOj. mekk-is-in, Arapaho woʔ-óh 'moccasin, shoe', etc.] Ni- kolaev 2015: 55.
  108. PAW *mulq'( )E 'bear' • PWS *mucmuχ-aq 'bear' [reduplication] • PNi *molk 'Asian black bear' 3 • PA *ma k-w-'bear' [Cree maskwa, Fox m hkwă, Mic. skw, etc.) ◊ Cf. PS *miχaɬ 'black bear'.
  109. PAW *mu:wV (~ o:) 'deer, elk' • PWS *muw-ač 'deer' [č < PW *k] • PAlg *mo:w, *mew- 'elk' [PA *mo:-sw-'elk, moos', Yu mew-iɬ 'elk'].
  110. PAW *mü: 'dirt(y)' • PWN *mi:-q -'dirty, muddy (said of water)' • PA *my-e:y-i 'piece of dung, dropping'; PA *mo:w-'dirt, dung' [Fox mo:w-a:w-i 'soiled', WOj. mo:w-an 'drop- pings', Shawnee mo:w-i 'manure', etc.].
  111. PNA *mVNVCV (~ m', N') 'spiritual power' • NiY *mönc 'spiritual power' • PA *maneto:- 'spirit' [Cree manito:w, WOj. menito: 'manitou', Fox m ńeto:w-i-'sacred', etc.] ◊ PS *naʔm 'shaman (power)'.
  112. PAW *m'a 'to touch with the hands' • PW *m'a-'to touch with the hands' • PNi *ma, *ma-n-'big span (distance between toe and little finger)'.
  113. PAW *m'a:hV ≈ *ham'V 'to eat' • PW *ham'-'to eat', *m'a:-'to bite, hold in teeth', PWS *m'a:-'to bite'; *ma:-c,*ma(:)-s-'to eat as side dish' • PNi *am-'(fish)bait'; * m-x, * m-k 'mouth' • PAlg *ʔam-w-'to eat', *Vm-(suff.) 'by mouth, eating, biting'; PA *mo:[h]w, *mi:t-'to eat' ◊ Cf. PS *ʔum, *ʔam, *m-'to feed, food'; *ma-l '(fish)bait'; PSC *ma-k 'to eat, put into mouth, chew' Nikolaev 2015: 38.
  114. PAW *(ʔV)m'A:nšV 'flower, berry' • PW *ma:s-> PWN *ma:s-'blossom, flowers'; Noo. m'aš, m'a:yi 'young green shoots of salmonberry bush' • PA *eminšy-'fruit, berry, or nut- bearing tree' [Fox emiš-i, (e)mišy, Men. emeh, ìmehsy, etc.].
  115. PAW *m'A:w'V 'to load' • PW *m'aw'-u 'to load, transport, deliver' • PAlg *[m]i:w-er, *[m]i:w-ar (suff.) 'load, burden' [Wi. ul-aw, Yu. u:l, PA *i:w-aɬ, *i:weɬ].
  116. PAW *m'äwg E 'blue' • PWS *m'uk -'blue' • PNi *mawka-'dark blue'.
  117. PAW *m'e: ≈ *ʔe:m'V 'earth, land' • PWS *nis-m'a-k 'land, country', PWN * -m'a:-'tribe' • PNi *mi-f 'land, place'; *mami 'clay', *or-mi 'clay' • PA *a:m-ehkw-'earth, soil' [Fox a:m- ehk(w), Shawnee a:m-eʔk, etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *mi-x 'earth, land, ground' Nikolaev 2015: 38.
  118. PAW *m'i (~ e) 'we' • Quil. lo-bá:ʔa, Chem. má:ʔa-ɬ 'we' • PNi *me-'we' ◊ Cf. PS *n-ʔim-'we' Nikolaev 2015: 45.
  119. PAW *m'O:ʔV ≈ *hO:ʔm'V 'below' • PWN *(a:)m'u: 'underlying or implicated in' • PAlg *hiʔm-eli 'below' [Wi. iʔm-l, Yu. him-ar].
  120. PAW *na ≈ *ʔanV 'interrogative stem' • PW *ʔa-g a, *ʔ n-g a-'who?' • Quil ta-qá: 'who' • PNi *an-q 'who', *an-'who; where', *na-r 'who' ◊ Cf. PS *ʔin-wa-t, *ʔin-wa-n-'to say what? (interrogative verb)'.
  121. PNA *nabV (~ n', ä, p') 'early' • PNi *nap-'early' • PAlg *neP-t-> PA *neʔ-t-am-'earliest, first in time' [Cree nis-t-am, WOj. net-t-am 'first', etc.].
  122. PAW *ni:K V 'k. of fur game' • PWN *nu:k -'fur seal' • PAlg *ni:kw-(~ kh) > Yu. nik -ec 'grizzly bear'
  123. PAW *no: 'to hear' • PW *na:-'to hear' > PWN *na:-in Kw. nanaGiga 'to obey'; PWS *naʔa:- 'to hear; sense'; *nayi-'echo' • Quil. ʔò:-lá:-x-at, suff. la-x 'ear' • PNi *no-s 'ear' • PAlg *no(:)-Vm-t-> PA *no:-nt-'to hear' [Men. n-o:ht-am, WOj. n-o:nt-am, etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *t-ʔan-iʔ, *t-ʔan-aʔ 'ear', suff. *an-iʔ, *an-aʔ 'ear(side)'; ? *q()an 'to hear'.
  124. PAW *nowgE (~ k') 'to wait' • PW *nawk-'to be anxiously expecting sb. who is late, to be worried when sb. is late' • PNi *nuk-nuk-'wait for'.
  125. PAW *nowV ≈ *ʔonwV 'to suck; breast' • PWS *ʔanma 'breast; to suckle' • PNi *mo-mo-'to suck' [reduplication];
  126. *mo-c-'to suck, kiss', *mo-c 'breast (female)' • PAlg *new-'to suck' [Wi. du-n-ač-'to suckle', Yu. new 'breast milk', PA *no:-n-'to suck, suckle'] Nikolaev 2015: 47. PNi *mo-< **nwo.
  127. PAW *n'i: (~ ń', e:) 'down' • PW *n'i-(ʔ)i:s, *ni-c-'i(:)s (suff.) 'down to beach' [cf. PW *hi:s 'on beach'] • PA *ni:-hɬ-'down' [Cree ni:-ht-in-am 'to lower', WOj. ni:-ss-ey-aʔ-i: 'below the place', Ab. le-ss-ín 'he lies down', etc.].
  128. PAW *n'i:n'V (~ ń') 'k. of bird' • PWS *n'i:n'-i(:)č, *n'ayn'-ays-'small bird' • Quil. dí:d-oʔos 'bird (generic)' • PA *nen-emeXk-'small bird' [Fox nen-emehk-i:w-a 'thunderbird', WOj. ne:n-o:kk-a:ss-i 'hummingbird', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *ninaʔ 'great horned owl' Nikolaev 2015: 36.
  129. PAW *n'o:lV 'to fly' • PWN *n' l-'to fly' > Kw. n'l -xʔid, nl -xʔid 'to fly' • PNi *nul-jo-'to hurry' • PAlg [n]a:l, *[n]el-'to fly' [Wi. al, Yu. ol, el; PA *iʔ-l 'to fly' with incorpo- rated PAlg *ip-'speed'] Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  130. PAW *n'OLK( )V (~ ń') 'hand, arm' • PW *n'uk (suff.) 'in hand' • PA *neɬk-'hand, arm' [Cree kihči-nisk 'right arm', Fox nehk-i, WOj. nik 'arm, hand', Mic. (ĭ)nsk--'arm', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  131. PAW *ńä:g E ~ *ńä:g TV 'night' • PWN *ni:k , *n k -'night, at night' • PNi *ńak-r (~ ) 'night' • PAlg *ne t, *ne č-'last night' [Wi. d c-w-'night', Yu. nahsc-'night, evening'] ◊ Cf. PS *nat 'night; 24 hour period' Nikolaev 2015: 41, 48.
  132. PNA *ńe V (~ ń') 'to carry' • PNi *ńe-'to put on head or shoulders' • PAlg *na , *ne -'to carry' [*na -o:m-> Yu. na:-m-'to carry'; nonow-'to fetch, invite'; PA *nay-'to carry', *na:-t, *nena:-t-'to fetch', etc.].
  133. PNA *ń : (~ ń') 'to eat' • PNi *ńi-'to eat' • PAlg *no:-n-> Yu. nu-n-'to feed, food' Ni- kolaev 2015: 47.
  134. PAW *ńV 'I' • PW *nu:-'I; we' • Quil. lá:-b, Chem. lá:-ʔaɬ • PNi *ńi 'I'; *ń -ŋ 'we (excl.)' • PAlg *neʔ-(pref.) 'I, me, my', *neʔ-il-a 'I (independent pronoun)' ◊ Cf. PS *n-c , *c -n ʔ [with deictic particle *c ] 'I (independent pronoun)'. Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  135. PAW *ń'AbV (~ p') 'to die' • PWS *n'ap-xt-a:-'to die instantly from blow' • PNi *pńu-'to die (about twins)' [metathesis of *ńp-u] • PA *nep-'to die' [Cree nipiw, Men. nepuah, WOj. nempo, etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 37.
  136. PAW *ń'e:(wV) 'to see, look' • PW *n'a:-in *n'a:-k-'to look', PWS suff. *in'aw-χ 'seeking', PWN *n'u:-'to aim' ▪ Quil. da-q' ó: 'eye' • PNi *ńu-'to look, watch', *ń-ř -'to see; find', *ńa-χ 'eye', *ńi-saχ 'tears', *ń-x r 'eyelashes', *ńi-t-'to aim'; NiY *nu( ) -'to see, find', *nojdi-'watch, guard' • PAlg *ne:-w, *na-w-'to see' [Yu. new, PA *ne:w, *naw];
  137. *nenʔ-'to look for' [Yu. ni:ʔn];
  138. *na, *ne-'by sight' [PA *n-'by sight', *na-t(a)w-'seek, hunt'], etc. Nikolaev 2015: 42.
  139. PAW *ń' 'one' • PW *n'a-m 'one' • PNi *ń , *ń -ń 'one'; *nu i 'first, fore' • PAlg *ne- kweht-~ *ne-kwehc-'one' [compound "one+half"], PA *ne-hš-ihk-e:w-'alone', *na-y-'only; all in one place', *na-w-at-'first' ◊ Cf. PS *na-k', *n-k'u 'one, another', *na-qas 'one' Ni- kolaev 2015: 42.
  140. PAW *ŋA A (~ q') 'snow' • Quil. laq-'to snow' • PNi *ŋaq-r 'snow'.
  141. PAW *ŋa:hV 'beast of prey' • PW *na:n(a) 'grizzly bear' • PNi *ŋa 'animal, beast' • PA *mah-'wolf' [Cree mah-i:hk-an, Men. mah-w-ì:w, etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *m -aw 'large feline or canine (fox, coyote, lynx, cougar)' Nikolaev 2015: 53.
  142. PAW *ŋa: 'x A 'vulva' • PWN *na:ʔx -'vulva' • PNi *malχ 'female privy parts'; *mulk 'privy parts of a girl' [PNi *m-instead of *ŋ-perhaps due to "tabooistic" mutation of the original phonetics].
  143. PNA *ŋä:cV (~ c') 'track, trail' • PNi *ŋaz-i-f (~ ) 'track' • PA *ma:t-'track, trail' [Cree ma:č- i:w 'he hunts', WOj. ma:t-eʔ-att-o:t 'he starts to follow its trail', etc.].
  144. PAW *ŋ :ʔyV 'valley, shoal' • PWN *na:ʔ-x-'swampy, soggy underfoot, quicksand' • PNi *ŋ j 'valley; shoal, sandbank'.
  145. PAW *ŋi:rg V 'k. of berries' • PWN *n k -'salal berry' • PAlg *mihkhw-'salal berry' [Wi. bíkh -l, Yu. mahkew 'salal', mahk-uɬ 'salal berry'].
  146. PAW *ŋ gE (~ k') 'rock, clod' • PW *nuk-'mountain' • PNi *ŋ k-r (~ ) 'clod' Nikolaev 2015: 43, 54.
  147. PNA *ŋOk A (~ ŋ', q , X) 'fat, grease' • PNi *ŋoχ 'fat (n.)', *ŋ -l-'fat (adj.)' • PA *makw- 'grease' in *makw-ehš-e:w-en-i 'feast, banquet' Nikolaev 2015: 38.
  148. PNA *ŋOlyV (~ ŋ') 'path, road' • PNi *ŋol 'path' • PAlg *mey-e:-> PA *mye:-'road, trail' [Cree me:-sk-an-a:w 'trail, road', WOj. mi:-kk-an 'road', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  149. PAW *ŋü:šV 'full' • PWS *nis-'be full, satiated' • PA *mo:š-k-'full, to fill' [Cree mo:s-k-i, Fox mo:(h)š-k-i, WOj. mo:š-k-i-'to fill', mo:š-k-eʔ-an 'it is flooded', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  150. PNA *ŋV-(~ ŋ') 'prefix: inalienable possession' • PNi *ŋ(a)-/ŋ( )-prefixal morph in many body part terms 4 • PAlg *m(V)-'indefinite possessor of inalienable nouns (body parts, tree, close relatives, louse and dog)' [Wi. b, Yu. m, PA *m] ◊ Cf. PS *m( )-'prefixal morph in many body part terms and "inalienable" nouns' (*m -qsn 'nose', *m-xk'n 'louse', etc.).
  151. PAW *ŋ'a: 'to go with, go and do' • PW *n'a:-'go (with)' • PNi *ŋa-'go (for some pur- pose)
  152. ' • PAlg *ma, *me 'to go and do' [Wi. b-'to go to do', Yu. me-'went and did', PA *ma- w-'to go and do sth.'].
  153. PAW *ŋ' :gE (~ k') 'tail' • PW *na:k-(~ n') 'tail of fish or bird' • Quil. doq 'fishtail' • PNi *ŋ ki 'tail'; NiY *ĺaqi-l, *l-'tail of animals' ◊ Cf. PS *anak (suff.) 'tail, anus, buttocks' Ni- kolaev 2015: 43.
  154. PAW *ŋ' : 'k. of fur game' • PWN *n'a:-'-'wolverine' • PNi *ŋ -ŋ 'otter' Nikolaev 2015: 54.
  155. PAW *ŋ' :m'V ~ *m' :ŋ'V 'all' • PWS *n'u:m'(a)-'all' • PNi *m ŋ-(~ ) 'wholly' Nikolaev 2015: 35, 50.
  156. PAW *ŋ' :q' V 'to swallow' • PW *n'uq -'to swallow' (cf. *n'a:q-'drink') • PAlg *mi:k(w)- (~ kh) > Yu. mik-'olum-'to swallow' ◊ Cf. PS *m q', *m q' 'to swallow, eat one's fill'.
  157. PAW *ŋ'ü:yV (~ *ʔVŋ'ü:yV) 'egg' • PW *n'i: [PWN *Gi:-n'i: 'salmon roe'; PWS *n'i-x 'salmon roe, kidneys'] • PNi *ŋoj-eq 'egg', *ŋoj 'penis', *ŋoj-choχ 'sperm' • PA *a:-mi:w-'to spawn' [Cree a:-mi:w 'she spawns', Oj. a:-mi: '(fish) is spawning', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 38.
  158. PNA *pa (~ ä) 'to miss' • PNi *pha-r-u-'to miss' • PA *pa-t, *pa-ɬ-'to miss, pass by' [Fox p -n--'to miss, to fail to', Ab. o-ba-lh-ám 'he errs', etc.].
  159. PAW *pAl'V 'thin and flat' • PW *paɬ-'flat'; PWN *p l', *p l-'thin and flat (as a layer or sheet of sth.)'; *p l-q-'to flatten with a hammer, to be somewhere (said of a flat obj.)' • PAlg *pel-'flat (and wide)' [Wi. pal-'flat', par-'little and flat', Yu. pl-'wide and flat'] ◊ Cf. PS *pal 'flat, thin', *p'il, *p'al 'flat'.
  160. PNA *pedV (~ t') 'to cover' • PNi *phit-i-(~ c) 'to be covered with sth.' • PA *pet-'to cover' (Haas 1958: 244).
  161. PNA *pehV 'to run' • PNi *phe--o-'to hurry', *ve-'to run (animal)' • PAlg *pah, *poh- (~ ph) 'to run' [Yu. pah-c-'to move one's body', PA *pah, *pah-t-'to run'].
  162. PAW *pewV (~ i) 'deep' • PW *pu-'deep' • PNi *vev-'deep' ["incorporated" form of *phew].
  163. PAW *pE:šV ≈ *ʔE:pšV 'one' • PWN *ʔ ps-'one (side), the other, the opposite' • PA *pe:š- ekw-'one' [WOj. pe:š-ik, Ab. baz-ékw, etc.].
  164. PAW *p dV (~ , t') 'to split' • PWN *p t-'to split dry oolachens in two' • PNi *ph t-'to split'.
  165. PAW *p yšV 'to peel' • PW *pays-'to peel off inner bark' • PA *pe:hš-'to peel, husk' [Fox pí:š-a:g-ǹ-ĭ 'to skin, peel', WOj. pešš-ak-en-ak-e:kkw-e: 'he peels bark', Ab. ps-i-al-á 'he is skinning', etc.].
  166. PNA *ping E (~ e) 'fly, gnat' • PNi *pheŋg-r 'fly (n.)'; NiY *pugucee 'midge' • PA *penkw- 'gnat' [Cree pihk-os 'gnat', Oj. pink-ošš 'sandfly', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 54.
  167. PNA *pišk' E (~ č, q' ) 'k. of bird' • PNi *phisk 'kite' • PA *p-e -eškw, *peškw-'nighthawk' [Cree pi:skw-a 'nighthawk', Men. pì:sk-iʔ 'mosquito hawk', Shawnee peškw-a 'nighthawk', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *p' ̣ sk'a 'hummingbird'.
  168. PAW *pi:xk' E 'tree, willow' • PW *pu:xk -> Kw. pux -as 'willow tree' • PNi *phx-i 'mixed wood (taiga)' • PAlg *pihkw-(~ ph, kh) > Yu pahk -oʔ 'willow, red willow'.
  169. PNA *p LVlVk'( )E (~ ) 'stone suitable for making tools' • PNi *v lk-i 'chain' ["incorporat- ed" form of *ph lk] • PAlg *peleɬk-'stone suitable for making tools' [PA *a:-peɬkw, *peɬkw- 'stone/metal'; Yu peɬk-'gravel, pebbles'; Wi. pɬ tk 'rock, stone'] Nikolaev 2015: 55.
  170. PAW *p rV (~ ) 'to spread' • PWN *p l-k-'to be somewhere (said of flat obj.), to spread out' • PNi *ph r -(~ ) 'to spread'.
  171. PAW *po:lV (~ ɬ) 'to flood' • PWN *pa:ɬ-'to rise, flood, overflow (river)' • PNi *phol-x 'whirlpool, deep place'; NiY *pala -(~ ) 'to flood' ◊ Cf. PS *p'ịl 'overflow'.
  172. PAW *po:lV ≈ *ʔo:lpV 'large bird' • PWN *pa:ɬ-(also *ma:ɬ) 'swallow (bird)' • PNi *olvilak 'flying squirrel' • PAlg *pel(e: w)-(~ ph) 'large bird' [Yu. pl-iʔw-or-es 'k. of owl', pr-e -on- iš, pr-e -o:s 'condor', pl-e -eʔl 'k. of owl', PA *pel-e:hš-'bird', *pel-e:w-'partridge', *ʔl-e:w- 'bird' (ʔl-< *pl);
  173. *pel-e:nyikw-'flying squirrel'] ◊ Cf. PSC *paʔl 'large bird' Nikolaev 2015: 36.
  174. PAW *po:wV (~ b) 'to dream' • PWS *pu(:)w-'is-'dreaming' • PA *pa:w, *a:h-paw-'to dream' [Cree pa:w-a:m-iw 'to dream', EOj. pa:w-ì: 'he gains insight through vision or dream', Fox a:h-paw-e:w-a 'he dreams', WOj. puw-a:ṉ-a:t 'he dreams of him', etc.].
  175. PAW *pO ( )V ≈ *ʔOp ( )V 'to heat, burn' • PWN *p x-'to heat, hot (like metal)' • PNi *phu, *phuj-'to set fire; shine (sun)' • PAlg *po:w, *pew, *pu-'to heat, put on the fire' [Wi. pu 'to cook', hi-piy-ǵ d-t-il 'I scorched my face'; Yu. pew 'to cook', PA *po:n-'to put on the fire'];
  176. PA *apw-'to heat, roast, bake' [Cree apw-a:n, Men. apu-an 'a roast', Ab. ab-ñ-ak 'cake', etc.] ◊ Cf. PSI *p' 'to burn (esp. of forest fire)' Nikolaev 2015: 37.
  177. PNA *pOlk' A (~ q' ) 'to pierce' • PNi *pholq-o-'to pierce' • PAlg *pekw, *pakw-(~ ph, kh) 'to pierce through an obstacle' [Yu. pk -'out of a hole'; to bring/come out, PA *pakw, *pekw-'to pierce; hole'] ◊ Cf. PS *p ̣ l'k , *p tk 'to pierce', *p ̣ lx 'to pierce, pop out'.
  178. PAW *pO:kV (~ b, k') 'thin (flexible obj.)' • PWS *pu:k-'thin (flexible obj.)' • PA *pepak- 'thin, lean' [reduplication: Fox pap ǵ-ìh-ènw-ĭ, WOj. pepak-a:, etc.] ◊ Cf. PSI *p'aχ 'thin (layer)' Nikolaev 2015: 45.
  179. PNA *pü: V 'k. of seal' • PNi *pho, *phov-k 'seal (small species)' • PAlg *pe(:) w-(~ ph) > Yu. peʔw-iš 'lake porpoise'.
  180. PAW *puq'A (~ ) 'fish bladder' • PWS *q' uq -ac 'bladder' • PNi *phoqi 'fish bladder' PWS *q' -instead of *p'-due to assimilation.
  181. PAW *pVc'V 'to be hot, to warm' • PWN *p c'-'to warm oneself by the fire' • PA *pas-et-'be hot' [Cree pas-it-e:w 'it is on fire', Fox pas-et-e:w-i 'it is hot, burnt', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 44.
  182. PAW *pVk V (~ k' ) 'edible root' • PWN *p k -'cedar roots (edible)' • PAlg *pekw-an-e (~ ph, kh) 'Indian rhubarb (a plant with edible roots)' [Yu. p k -n-ʔ 'Indian rhubarb', PA *pekw-an-'wild rhubarb, burdock', etc.].
  183. PAW *pVlaŋq'A 'leaf, flower' • PWN *p lq-(~ χ) > Ha. pl χa 'flower, blossom' • PNi *phlaŋq 'leaf, branch of broad-leaved tree' • PAlg *p(el)ak-w-(~ ph, b, kh, g) > PA *pak-w-'leaf' [Fox ta:htu-p g-o:n-ĭ 'leaves', Men. ka:kekì-pak 'evergreen', EOj. b g 'leaf, flower', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *packl [< *palk-c] 'leaf' Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  184. PNA *pVl-ŋV-k' E 'ashes' • PNi *phl-ŋg 'ashes' • PAlg *p(el)-enekw-(~ ph, kh) 'ashes, dust' [Yu. penk 'acorn flour', PA *penkw-'ashes, powder'] Nikolaev 2015: 36, 48. A compound: *pVlV 'dust' + *ʔ ŋV(k' E) fire'.
  185. PAW *pV V 'to split' • PWN *p χ-'to split' • PAlg *pe -(~ ph) 'to split' > Yu. pe -'to split'.
  186. PAW *p'akV (~ ä) 'red; blood' • Quil. p'ič'-'red' [č' < PChi *k'] • PNi *pa -'red, red-haired' • PAlg *pek, *pak-(~ ph, kh) 'red; blood' [Yur. pek, p k-'red', PA *pek, *ni:-/*ne-pek-'blood; red'] Nikolaev 2015: 42.
  187. PAW *p'E 'along' • PW *p'i-'along with' • PA *pe-m-'along (in space or time)' [Cree pi- m-ih-a:w 'to fly along', WOj. pe-m-i-'movement on, along, past', etc.].
  188. PAW *p'iqE 'knee' • PWS *p'iq-a (suff.) 'knee' • PNi *pix, *pix-t-'knee', NiY *po oδi-(~ ) 'knee' Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  189. PNA *p'i:lV (~ e:) 'big' • PNi *pil-'big' • PAlg *pe:l, *pel-(~ ph) > Yu. pel, pl-'big' Ni- kolaev 2015: 47.
  190. PAW *p' :Tq E 'to break' • PWN *p'u:q -'to break off with the hands (dried fish, leaves, etc.)' • PNi *p -'to break' • PA *po:tkw-'to break' [Cree po:skw-a:w 'he breaks it by tool', Men. pu:hkw-ah-am 'to break', Ab. boskw-en-á 'to break', etc.] ◊ Cf. PSI *p' c'q' , *p c'q' 'break/tear off'.
  191. PAW *p'OLV 'to blink, close eyes' • PW *p' ɬ-'to blink, close eyes' • PNi *pol-m-'blind'; NiY *piĺom-'foolish'.
  192. PAW *p'OlV ≈ *ʔOp'lV 'moss' • PW *p'ul-'moss' • PAlg *ʔapɬ-(~ b, ph) > PA *aʔɬ-a:xk-am- ik-'(ground) moss' [Men. aʔn-a:hk-am-ek, WOj. ass-akk-am-ik, etc.].
  193. PAW *qalV ≈ *ʔaqlV 'egg' • PWN *q l-χ-'egg; to lay eggs (said of a bird); to have children'; PWN *t-' lq-'roe, spawn in fish' • PNi *t-qhla-'to spawn' Nikolaev 2015: 38.
  194. PAW *qaχlA (~ ä) 'spear' • PWN *q lχ-'to spear salmon' • PNi *qhaχ 'spear, to spear' Nikolaev 2015: 55.
  195. PAW *qa:rV 'to walk' • PW *qaɬ-'to walk, to leave (walking)' • PNi *khr -'to follow'.
  196. PNA *qe: lA ~ * e:qlA 'seagull' • PNi *keχ 'seagull' • PAlg *k-e -a:rga (~ kh) 'seagull' [Yu. k-e -oʔs-ne 'seagull', PA *k-ey-a:škw, *k-ay-a:škw, *k-ay-a:hkw-'gull'].
  197. PAW *qe:x A (~ χ ) hear' • PWN *qa:χ -(~ x ) 'to hear, listen' • Quil. q oq -al-'to hear' • PNi *heχ-'to hear about, feel' Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  198. PNA *qü:rV (~ x, χ) 'throat' • PNi *qhor-qr 'throat' • PAlg *ke:l-(~ kh) > Yu. kelokeʔl 'throat'.
  199. PAW *q'amV ~ * amV (~ , o) 'to sing' • PW *q'am-at-'to sing (for dancers)' • PAlg *ne- gam, *na-gam-'to sing' [Yu. n :m-y 'to sing songs', PA *ne-kam-'to sing'].
  200. PAW *q'anʒV ~ * anʒV (~ c, s) 'to eat, bite' • PW *q'Vns-> PWN *q' ns-'to eat meat'; *q' s- 'to eat meat or fat'; *q' s (suff.) 'eat, put in mouth'; PWS 'i:-ks 'to eat, consume' • PNi *haz-'to bite' Nikolaev 2015: 38.
  201. PAW *q'änV 'dog' • PWS *q'in-i -'dog' • PNi *qan-ŋ 'dog' ◊ Cf. PSC *q m-ay 'dog' Ni- kolaev 2015: 37.
  202. PAW *q'ilmV ~ *qilmV (~ ) 'navel' • PWS *q'im-a:n(a) 'navel' [the same derivation as in *q'aw-a:n-'nose'] • PNi *kh lm-ř 'navel' Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  203. PAW *q'i:(nV) ≈ *(n'i:)q'V 'to sew' • PW *q'i:-n, *n-'i:q-'to sew' • PNi *kne-'to sew (dress, footgear)' • PAlg *ka, *ki-(~ kh) 'to sew' [Yu. ka-hc, PA *ka-šk; *k-w-a:, etc.].
  204. PAW *q'omV (~ q' ) 'green' • PW *q'am-(~ q' ) 'green, unripe' • PNi *qoŋ--r 'green', NiY *qomo-'green' Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  205. PAW *q'OmbV 'sand' • PWN *q' p-'sand' • PNi *qom-r (~ ř) 'sand' ◊ Cf. PSI *q'ap-aʔ 'sand' Nikolaev 2015: 42.
  206. PNA *q'o:nc'V 'to push' • PNi *qoc-'to push' • PA *ka:nt-'to push' [Fox ka:č-iϑ-ah-e:w-a 'he gives him a push', Men. ka:hč-w-ì:p-ah-am 'to push, shove by instrument', WOj. ka:nt-uw- a:t 'he pushes him', etc.].
  207. PAW *q'V:ncV 'to fold' • PWN *q' ns-'to fold, to wrap up' • PA *ke:s-ip-'to fold' [Men. kì:s-ep-ìn-ì:w 'he folds him up uselessly', WOj. ke:s-ep-i:k-en-ank 'to make, fold up', etc.].
  208. PAW *q aKc'V 'half, one of a pair' • PW*qakc'a 'other, following' > PWS *qakc'a 'three' ("another number [after two]") • PNi *vasq 'half, one of a pair' 5 • PAlg *ne-kwehc, *ne- kweht-'one' [Wi. kuc-'one', Yu. k ht, *k hc-'one', PA *ne-kwet-'one'] Nikolaev 2015: 47, 57.
  209. PAW *q ATkA 'hard, tough' • PW *qutk-'to be hard or tough' • PNi *qha -'hard, tough'.
  210. PAW *q ä:lV ~ * ä:lV (~ ɬ) 'blue, green' • PWN *q i:ɬ-'blue, turquoise' • PNi *qal-a- 'green, unripe', NiY *qola-(~ k) 'green, yellow' ◊ Cf. PS *k ̣ l 'green, yellow' and *q ay 'blue, green; bruise' Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  211. PAW *q esV ≈ *heq sV 'mouth, nose, throat' • PW *(h)aqs-(suff.) 'mouth' • PNi *hes 'lar- ynx', *hes-qr 'throat, gullet' • PA t-kweɬ, *kweɬ-'nose' [Cree timi-kut-e:w 'he has a short nose', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 41.
  212. PAW *q E:cV (~ s) 'to worry' • PWN *q u:s-'to worry' • PNi *qhez, *qhoz-'to worry, suf- fer'.
  213. PAW *q e:lV (~ ɬ) 'to burn to cinders' • PWN q a:ɬ-'to burn to cinders' • PNi *hil-m, *helm-[h]elm-'to blaze', *hi[l]m-ř 'cinders' ◊ Cf. PS *q' al, *q' ay 'to scorch, (burn to) ashes, black; roast, ripe(n)'. PWN *q' a:ɬ-perhaps borrowed from Salish Nikolaev 2015: 37.
  214. PAW *q odV (~ t') 'to cut in two; middle, other' • PW *qa:t-'to cut in two' • PNi *hut- 'middle', NiY *ködi-(δ ) 'inner, amidst' • PA *kwet-ak-'other' [Cree kot-ak, Fox kút-g-ă 'other, another', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 50.
  215. PAW *q ońʒV 'to sink' • PWN *q' lc-'to sink a weighted object; heavy', *q' ls-'to drop an- chor' • PNi *qhońʒ-'to sink' • PA *kwes-'to sink' [Cree kos-a:p-e:w 'it sinks', Oj. kos-a:p-i: 'to sink', etc.].
  216. PAW *q o:x A 'to freeze' • PWS *qu:x -'to freeze' • PNi *ho -a-'to freeze'.
  217. PAW *q' iŋV 'snake, snail' • PW *q' in-'snail, slug' • PNi *veŋ-in Sakh. veŋ-umlaŋ 'rats- nake (?)' • PA *kenw-e:p-ikw-'snake', *keny-eʔp-ikw-[Cree kin-e:p-ik, Men. ken-u:p-ik] -PA *kenw-instead of **kwen-under the influence of *kenw-'long'; PA *keny-eʔp-ikw-'spider' [Shawnee kiny-eʔp-ikw-a, Ab. mams-eláb-ihk-á] ◊ Cf. PS *k'ínk' u 'snake' Nikolaev 2015: 45.
  218. PAW *q' i:yV 'neck' • PWN *q' u:-'neck' • PA *kwe:y-aw, *kway-aw-'neck' [Cree kino- kway-aw-e:w 'he has a long neck', Oj. kino-kway-aw-e: 'to have a long neck', Men. pi:me-kiy- aw-ìn-ì:w 'she wrings her neck', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 41.
  219. PAW *q' oŋwV ~ *q oŋwV 'liver, bowels' • PWN *q' m-'liver' • PNi *khuŋ-ř 'bowels'.
  220. PAW *q' orV 'to boil' • PWN *q' ɬ-'to boil' • PNi *qor-qor-'to boil' ◊ Cf. PS *q l' 'boil (food), cook'.
  221. PAW *q' o:q' E (~ ) 'dark' • PWN *q' a:q -'to darken (by smoke, heat)' • PNi *vuk-vuk- 'dark' ◊ Cf. PS *q' iχ 'dark color'.
  222. PAW *r'a: E 'time' • PWN *la:q 'time' • PNi *ř h ak 'time'.
  223. PAW *r'a:q' A ≈ *ʔa:r'q' A (~ :) 'liver' • PW *l'a:q-'liver' • PNi *ŋ-arq-aj (~ ) 'milt' • PAlg *Vɬkw-'liver' [Wi. w-tw-d, Yu. ʔw-ɬk-un, PA *w-eɬkw-a/en, ɬkw-an] ◊ Cf. PS *ɬiq 'flesh, meat' Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  224. PAW *taχA ≈ *ʔatχA 'night' • PWS *ʔatχ-iy(i) 'night' • PNi *thaχ 'afterglow' • PA *etk- 'night' [in *tep-etk-'(dark) night'; *l-etk-an-'it is evening; by night'] Nikolaev 2015: 41.
  225. PAW *te:Xq' E 'to hold' • PW *ta:q -'hold or squeeze' • PNi *thik-'to carry in armful' • PAlg *tahkw, *tehkw-(~ th, kh) 'to hold, grasp' [Yu. tek-on-ek' 'I wear (clothes)', PA *tahkw- 'to hold'] ◊ Cf. PSI *t'uq' (~ k' ) 'hold/carry in the arms, hug, get an armful of'.
  226. PAW *ti V (~ e) 'liver, gall' • PWN *t x-(~ k) 'bile, gall' • PNi *thiu-ř 'liver, kidney' Ni- kolaev 2015: 40.
  227. PAW *timQV (~ e) 'to kick' • PW *timq-(~ q ) 'to wade or kick in water' • PA *tank-'to kick' [Cree tahk-isk-am, Men. tahk-ì:sk-am, Ab. o-dák-sk-am-én 'to stamp, kick', etc.].
  228. PNA *tO ≈ *ʔOtV 'to carry' • PNi *tho-'to carry' • PA *at-'to carry' [Cree aw-at-a:w 'he carries it off', Men. aw-a:t-a:w 'he takes it away with him', Oj. aw-at-o:n 'to carry', etc.].
  229. PAW *tOkA 'to press' • PWN *t k-'to press; tight (shoe, etc.)' • PNi *tho -'to press' • ? PA *tamakw-'to press, squeeze'.
  230. PNA *tOyVʔwV 'to burn (trans.)' • PNi *thuv-'to burn' • PAlg *teyeʔw-'to burn' [Wi. tuw- án-iʔl 'it is burned out', Yu. tyeʔw-ol-ok' 'I burn (trans.)'] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  231. PNA *tV 'interrogative stem' • PNi *thju-> Am. si, Sakh. ř h u-'what?' ["incorporated" al- lomorphs of Am. *chi, Sakh. *thu], *tha-'who?' • PA *tV-'interrogative stem' [Blackfoot t, Cree t-a:n, Miami t-an, etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *ta-mʔ 'what?' (and perhaps *wa-t 'who?') Nikolaev 2015: 45.
  232. PNA *t'a V (~ ä) 'spotted' • PNi *taj-'spotted' • PAlg *te , *ta -(~ th) > Yu te -ek-en-i 'spotted', t ʔyk' ʔ ʔy 'it is spotted'.
  233. PAW *t' mq E (~ e) 'dance' • PWN *t' nq -> Kw t'n q a 'a dance of some kind' • PNi *ti - 'female dance, to dance'.
  234. PAW *t' :qE ≈ *ʔ :t'qV 'chest, breast' • PWN *t' q-'chest, breast' • PNi *ŋ-r -r 'breast; wing' • PAlg *te(:)k-w-l, dimin. *če:k-w-r-'heart' [Wi. atw, Yu. cek -s 'heart', tek 'chest', dim. tek -s-aʔr 'heart of salmon, uvula'; PA te:h-'heart'] Nikolaev 2015: 37.
  235. PAW *t'i:q' V ~ *ti:q' V 'to sit' • PWS *t'i:q -'to sit, to lie back' • PNi *thiv-'to sit, sit down (tr.)', NiY *ϑava-(~ , ) 'to sit' Nikolaev 2015: 43.
  236. PAW *t'i:xE 'to carry' • PWN *t'i:x-'to carry a bulky thing on the shoulder' • PNi *thik- 'to carry in armful'.
  237. PAW *t' mV (~ ) 'k. of berries' • PWN *t' m-s-'bunchberry (Unifolium dilatum)' • PNi *t m 'cranberry' ◊ Cf. PS *t'am-x 'gooseberry' Nikolaev 2015: 51.
  238. PAW *t' q E ~ *t q E 'head' • PW *t'uq -'head' • Quil. t'i, Chem. t'e:q-l 'head' • PNi *th x 'forehead' • PAlg *tekw, č-tekw, T-tekw-(~ th, kh) 'head' [Yu. t :k-un 'fish head', PA *ʔ-tekw-a:n, *š-tekw-a:n-'head'] Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  239. PAW *t' :k' E ~ *k' :t'V 'nail, claw; peg' • PWN *k' u:t-'to nail' • PNi *t kń 'claw, finger- nail', NiY *tuk-n -'nail (peg)' • PAlg *tk-an,*čk-an, *čk-en-'claw, hoof, finger, toenail' [PA *we-šk-a(n)-š-y, *we-tk-a(n)-š-y-'fingernail, claw, hoof'; Wi. tk-n( ) 'finger, toenail'; Yu. ʔwe-ɬk-e-te 'fingernail, toenail, claw'] Nikolaev 2015: 37.
  240. PNA *t'Omk'A (~ q') 'elbow' • PNi *tomq 'elbow' • PAlg čekw-'elbow' [Wi. cacuk d, w tuk, PA. *škw-an].
  241. PAW *t'OnCV (~ S) 'cold' • PWN *t' ns-'cold' • PNi *tuz-'cool' Nikolaev 2015: 37.
  242. PAW *t'OrV 'to jump' • PWN *t' ɬ-'to jump (said of fish)' • PNi *thur-i-'jump over'.
  243. PAW *t'ü:g E (~ k' ) 'to dig' • PWS *t'i:k -'dig with digging stick' • PNi *tok-l-'dig up'.
  244. PAW *t'Vlx V 'to pound' • PW *t'ulx -'shred cedar bark by pounding' • PAlg *tekw, *takw-'to break, pound' [Wi. t k -'to break', Yu. tek -'to chop, break', PA *takw-'to pound fine'].
  245. PNA *t'VPOt'V (~ d) 'arm' • PNi *tot 'forearm, arm' • PA *tpetw-'arm' [Cree spit-un, Ab. hped-ín, etc.].
  246. PAW *t'VyOmV 'raft' • PWN *t' m-,*t' m-s-'old, worn-out canoe' • PNi *com 'raft'; *combi-zombi-'to paddle in turns' 6 ; NiY *cam-ʒ 'paddle' • PAlg *teyim-(~ th, d) > PA *či:m- 'to paddle' [Cree či:m-a:n 'canoe; to paddle, swim', Men. ise:-čim-ew 'he paddles thither', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 55.
  247. PNA *wa:lwV (~ w', ä:) 'back, behind' • PNi *al( ), al 'behind' • PA *wa:lw-'back, around' [Cree. way-o:n-i-'back', Oj. wa:n-in-'around, circle', etc.].
  248. PAW *walx E (~ ) 'to find out' • PWN *w lx -'to do sth. at short notice' • PNi *al -'find out, learn' Nikolaev 2015: 50.
  249. PNA *walyVǯV (~ w', ä) 'to cheat' • PNi *valc-'to cheat'; NiY *ju(u)liʒ -O 'sly' • PA *waye:š-'to deceive' [Cree waye:s-im-e:w 'he deceives him with talk', Oj. waye:š-im 'to cheat so.', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *m c' 'cheat, trick, lie'.
  250. PNA *waNXKA (~ w') 'box' • PNi *vaq-aj 'box' • PA *mahk-ahkw-'box, barrel, tub' [Cree mahk-ahk 'box, barrel, tub', Fox máhk-ahkw-ĭ 'box', Men. mahk-a:h 'box, chest, trunk', WOj. mekk-akk 'box', etc.].
  251. PNA *waTVrk'ańV (~ w') 'fork' • PNi *marqań 'fork' • PAlg *watehkan, *wacehkan-(~ th, kh) [PA *watehkwan-'fork (of tree)'; Yu cki:k ʔ 'fork, table fork'; ck k :ʔ 'to pierce, spear, pitcfork, fork (utensil)'].
  252. PAW *wa:kV (~ :, k') 'to bend' • PWN *wa:k-'to bend sth., to be bent, to be ring-shaped, to be around sth.' • PA *wa:k-'to bend, crook' [Blackfoot é-vóhk-o 'it's bent', Cree wa:g-a:w, Miami wak-'to bend', etc.].
  253. PNA *wa:ncVKA (~ w', n', Q, X) 'heron, crane' • PNi *vaz(a)χ 'heron, crane' • PAlg *mo:ck, *mack-'heron, crane' (~ ch, kh) [PA *mo:sk-aho:siw-'bittern, heron'; Yu. m k 'crane, heron'].
  254. PNA *wa:XK V (~ w', ä:, Q ) 'moss, lichen' • PNi *va [ŋ] 'moss' • PA *wa:hkw-en-ak-'li- chen' [Cree asini:-wa:hk-on-ak 'lichen', Men. wa:hk-on-ak 'tree lichen', etc.].
  255. PAW *wä: 'river, flowing water' • PWN *wa:-'river, stream, flowing water' • PNi *i 'river'.
  256. PAW *we: ~ *ʔe:wV 'voice; to call' • PW *ʔa:-da:-'call, ask for' • PNi * w 'voice' • PAlg (suff.) *a:we( e) 'sound', PA *we:, *we:w-'to speak; voice' [Yu. r-o:-e-c' 'there is an echo', tolow-o:-c-ek' 'I speak Tolowa', Cree it-we:-w 'he speaks so', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *ʔa , *ʔaw 'to call, howl'.
  257. PNA *we:dV (~ w', t') 'to dress' • PNi *veta-'to dress' • PA *wawe:š-'to dress up, orna- ment' [Cree wawe:s-i:h-e:w 'he dresses him up', Oj. uwe:š-eʔ-a:t 'he dresses him up', etc.].
  258. PAW *we:q E (~ q' ) 'nose, cape' • PWN *wa:q -'cape' • PNi *vix 'nose' Nikolaev 2015: 42.
  259. PAW *w :nkE 'to bark (dog)' • PWN *wa:k-'to bark (dog), to woof' • PNi * -'to bark (dog)' • PAlg *ma:k, *mek-(~ kh) 'to bark' [Yu. mok , PA *mek].
  260. PAW *wi (~ e) 'to walk, go' • PWN *w -n-'to go, go ahead' • PNi *vi-'to walk, go' • PAlg *we-hɬ-'to walk' [Wi. š mit-ó-r-it yo 'did you come on foot?', Yu. n-o-ʔr-'to run', ʔo:-ʔr 'run behind or in front of someone else', PA *we-hɬ-'to walk'] Nikolaev 2015: 44.
  261. PNA *wiXca:rV (~ w', e, q', c') 'to slip' • PNi *ez ar-'to slip' • PA *wekca:ʔr-'slippery' in PA *weʔsa:ʔš-ikwepy-'slippery elm bark' [Men. osa:ʔs-ekop 'slippery elm bark' , Oj. ussa:šš-ekop 'slippery elm', etc.].
  262. PAW *wi:LV 'horn' • PWN *w -'horn, antler' • PA *wi:ɬ, *wiwi:ɬ-'horn' [Cheyenne vevêsce, évesé, Arapaho hini:n-is, Delaware wi:l-a:w-an, Kickapoo wi:n, Miami wi:wi:l-a 'horn', Fox pahk-wíwin-έw-a 'he is shedding his horn', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *wi ' ~ *wil' 'horn': Bella Coola wi '-aχ, Shuswap wl-aps 'horn' Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  263. PAW *wi:ʒV ≈ *ʔi:wʒV 'body, belly' • PWN *ʔi:s (suff.) 'body, belly' • PNi *vic 'body (of human)' ; NiY *wiʒie body' • PA *wi:s-'belly fat' [Cree wi:s-ih 'belly fat', EOj. wi:nz-i 'fat', Mic. us-k 'fat on the kidneys', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *iws (suff.) 'body' Nikolaev 2015: 36.
  264. PNA *w rKE ~ *w nKE (~ w', ) 'scab' • PNi *v r -i, *v rx 'scab' • PA *mek-y-'scab' [Men. o-mì:k-e:w 'he has a scab/ scar', Oj. o-mik-i: 'have scabs; have leprosy', etc.].
  265. PNA *wü:ŋVyV (~ w',ŋ', y') 'musk gland; musk deer' • PNi *voŋi 'musk-deer'; NiY *oŋ j 'wild reindeer' • PA *wi:niy-'musk-gland' [Cree, Men. wi:n-iy, etc.].
  266. PAW *wV (~ w') 'interrogative stem' • PW *way(a) (~ w') 'interrogative stem' • PA *we:- kw-'what', *a-we:-na 'who' ◊ Cf. PS *wa-t 'who?' Nikolaev 2015: 45.
  267. PAW *w'APsV (~ Ks) 'to cough' • PWS *w'as-aq-'to cough' • PAlg *wepɬ-(~ kɬ) > PA *weʔɬ- 'to cough' [Cree ost-ost-ot-am 'he coughs', WOj. uss-ass-et-am 'to cough', etc.].
  268. PAW *w'a:yV 'to bark (dog)' • PWN *w'a:-'to bark'; *w'a:(s)-'hunt with dogs', *w'a:-s- 'dog' • PNi *vaj-'to bark (dog)' • PAlg *way-e(h)c-'dog' [Wi. wáy-ic 'dog', Yu. w y-c-' k 'puppy'] ◊ Cf. PS *wuh, *wah 'to bark (at)' Nikolaev 2015: 37.
  269. PAW *w'e:pV ~ *pe:w'V 'water, liquid' • PWN *w'a:p-'water' • PNi *fi 'dew' ["incorpo- rated" allomorph of *phi] • PAlg *[w]a:p-(~ ph) 'liquid' [Yu. op-'water, liquid'; PA *a:p- 'liquid, water'];
  270. PAlg *pi-ʔihk-> Yu. pa-ʔah 'water, juice; be/get wet' Nikolaev 2015: 44.
  271. PAW *w'e:šq'V 'to produce or use smoke' • PWN *w'a:χ-'to produce or use smoke' • PNi *th-usk-'to smoke fish' [compound with *thu-'smoke'] • PA *wi:škw-'to smoke (leather or meat)' [Cree wi:skw-as-am 'he smokes it (leather)', Men. wi:skw-aʔt-ìw 'it gets smocked', Oj. wi:šk-oss-a:n 'to smoke (meat)'] Nikolaev 2015: 43.
  272. PAW *w'V 'demonstrative stem' • PWN *w' -'this ("empty root")' • PNi *iv-ŋ 'he', * v-ŋ 'he (honor.)' • PAlg *weʔ-'3rd person'; *we 'this (nonpersonal, extended)'; *wa 'this (per- sonal, extended)' Nikolaev 2015: 43.
  273. PAW *w'VdV 'cold' • PWN *w' d-'cold, to be cold' • PA *at-'cold' [Fox kep-at-enw-i, Men. kep-a:t-en, WOj. kep-at-in 'to freeze', etc.].
  274. PAW *xEcV ≈ *ʔExcV (~ s) 'tooth' • PWN *xs-i:(ʔa:) (suff.) 'tooth' • PNi *ŋ -s, *ŋ -z-r (~ ř) 'tooth' Nikolaev 2015: 44.
  275. PNA *x a ≈ *hax V 'name' • PNi *qha 'name' • PAlg *w(e )-en-'name; to mention by name' [Wi. w n-'to mention by name', Yu. w-e -en-'to name', PA *wi:n-'name'];
  276. *he(:)w-> Yu. hew 'name' ◊ Cf. PS *k a-~ *k i-'name, to name' Nikolaev 2015: 41.
  277. PAW *x a:lg V (~ k' ) 'boat' • PWN *x a:k -'canoe' • PNi *halk 'boat, barge'.
  278. PAW *x ä:rg A ~ *g ä:rg A 'k. of edible root' • PWN *x u:k -'Indian rice, rice root (Fritillaria, chocolate lily)' • PNi *qarq 'wild lily with blue flowers'.
  279. PAW *x i:yV 'to whistle' • PW *k i:, *x i:-'to whistle' • PNi *phev-'to whistle' • PAlg *kwey, *kwa:hk, *kwa:y-(~ kh) 'to whistle' [Yu. k eyk eyur-'to whistle', k hk yrcek', k y wek' 'I whistle', PA *kwi:škwihϑ-'to whistle'] ◊ Cf. PS *x iw 'whistle'.
  280. PAW *x i:ɬV 'to turn' • PWN *x i:ɬ-'to turn back' • PNi *khel-el-'to turn round' • PA *kwe:ɬ-'to turn, return' [in *kwe:ɬ-k, *kwe:ɬ-ap-'over, round', cf. also PAlg *kel-om-'turn'] ◊ Cf. PS *x ul 'to turn, spin, drill, wrap around; round' and*χ l q' 'round, to roll'.
  281. PAW *x O:ŋV ~ *ŋO:x V 'bee' • PWN *x m-'bee' • PNi *vuŋ 'bee' • PA *a:-mo:w, *a:- maw-'bee' [Cree a:mo:w, Oj. a:mo:, Miami amaw-ia, etc.] PA m-is an irregular medial re- flex of *ŋ (PA *n-is expected). Perhaps PA a:-is a secondary prefix, cf. PA *a:-mi:w-'to spawn' from PAW *ŋ'ü:yV 'egg' (#274).
  282. PAW *χarbV (~ ä, p') 'to scratch, scrape' • PWN *χ lp-'to rake, scrape with the fingers, shovel, scrape' • PNi *qharp-'to scratch, scrape'.
  283. PAW *χa:rgA (~ k') 'backbone' • PWN *χa:k-'backbone of fish' • PNi *harq, *har( )r (~ ř) 'dried fish backbone' • PA *tapta-ka:k-w-'backbone' [Fox tahta-ka:kw-an, Oj. tatt -ka:w k- an, WOj. tatta-ka:k, etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 47.
  284. PAW *χe:rg A ~ *ge:rχ A 'bark (of tree)' • PWN *χa:k , *χa:x -'bark; scab' • PNi *ker a-ř 'birch bark (with fine scales), "black birch"' Nikolaev 2015: 36.
  285. PAW *χo:ck'E (~ č, s, š) 'bone' • PW *χa:x-'bone' • Quil. qa:χ 'bone' • PNi *xuski 'fish bones' Nikolaev 2015: 37, 48.
  286. PAW *χü:g E ~ *g ü:χE 'to scratch, scrape' • PW *ki:χ -to 'scratch, rip' • PNi *huk-u-'to brush off, peel' ◊ Cf. PS *χik 'to scratch, crunch'.
  287. PAW *χur E ~ *χurg E 'hollow' • PW *χulq -'hollow inverted object', PWN *χ lk-'hol- low-shaped surface, warped, concave; ridgepole, central point of the sides of a vault or of one's ribs' • PNi *hurk-i-'hollow'.
  288. PAW *χVlV ≈ *ʔVlχV • PWN *ʔ lχ-'to kill, murder, beat up' • PNi *kh-u-'to kill' [also passive *kh-u-'to perish (in the battle)'] ◊ Cf. PS *χ ay 'to perish (pl.), disappear' Ni- kolaev 2015: 40.
  289. PAW *χVru:mcV (~ s) 'to rot' • PWN *χu:ms-'rotten' • PNi *kruŋz-'rot'.
  290. PAW *χVtV • PWN *χt-a:m'u: 'knee' [with the specificatory suffix *(a:)m'u: 'underlying or implicated in'] • PAlg *ket-(~ kh, th) 'knee' [PA *ket-ekw, Yu. ʔ :-k ɬ, (suff.) ekeɬ-'knee'] Nikolaev 2015: 40.
  291. PNA *χ ä:g A (~ x ) 'fox' • PNi *kheq 'fox' • PAlg *wa:kw, *wa (w)-'fox' [Yu. w -s, PA *wa:kw] ◊ Cf. PSI *χ 'fox'.
  292. PAW *χ a:yVcV (~ :, o:) 'ready' • PWN *χ a:s-'to get ready, to prepare (for anything)' • PA *kwayat, *kwayaɬ-k-'ready/good, fixedly' [Cree kwayask 'properly, good straight', Fox kwaya:š-i 'good, definitely, fixedly', Men. kwaya:k 'properly, good straight; in the right place', etc.] ◊ Cf. PS *χ c 'ready, completed'.
  293. PNA *y wV (~ y', , w') 'body, intestines' • PNi *ŋ-w 'intestines' • PA *i:-yaw-'body; flesh, meat' [Cree i:ya:w 'body', wi:ya:-s 'meat, flesh', etc.] 7 .
  294. PAW *y xA 'quick, fast' • PW *yux 'fast' • PNi *e -'quick, hurry'.
  295. PAW *yOLwV 'to roll, wrap' • PWN *y -'to wrap or tie around (rope, bandage, strap), to bandage' • PA *aɬ-w-'round' [cf. Yu. ho:l-'around'] ◊ Cf. PS *y ̣ l, *yul, *h yl 'to roll, turn over; round'.
  296. PAW *yOgE (~ k') 'to limp, lame' • PWN *y k-'to limp' • PNi *hok-l-'lame, to limp'.
  297. PAW *y'e:χE ≈ *ʔe:y'χE 'to suffer' • PWS *y'i:χ-a (suff.) 'to suffer from excess or die from' • PNi * j -'to suffer, grieve'.
  298. PAW *y'E:wV '?' in *n' -y'E:wV, *mV-y'e:wV 'four' • PW *mu: 'four' • Quil. báʔyas 'four', Chem. ma:ʔis, miʔi:s (< PChi *ma-ʔy-as) 'four' • PNi *n , *nu-'four' • PAlg *ni-ye:ʔw-'four' [Wi. di-yaʔw, PA *n-ye:w] ◊ Cf. PS mu-s 'four' (from Wakashan?) Nikolaev 2015: 57.
  299. PAW *y' :k'E ~ *k' :y'E 'bad' • PW *y'ak-'bad, spoiled, evil, vicious, sick, not as it should be'; *yax -'bad' • PNi * k-i-'bad' • PAlg *ki:-(~ kh) 'bad' [Yu. ka:-m, PA *ki:] ◊ Cf. PS *k'i- s 'bad'.
  300. PAW *y'ilg E (~ k' ) 'to carry' • PWN *y' lk -'to carry a long, stiff object on the shoulder' • PNi *ilk-'carry behind the belt' ◊ Cf. PSI *ʔuk 'carry, haul, take/bring somewhere'.
  301. PAW *y'O: E 'rain' • PWN *y'u:g -'to rain'; *y'u:g -a 'rain' • PNi *ju 'dew' Nikolaev 2015: 42.
  302. PAW *y'V 'demonstrative stem' • PW *y'i(:)-'that yonder'; *y'a: 'that'; *y'u(:)-'that (near you)' • PNi *a-'that, there' [*a-'there, downriver', *a--'there (distant)', *a, *a-hu-'that (visible distant)'] • PAlg *ya 'that (personal, extended); then'; *yo 'that (restricted)' [Wi yo 'then', Yu. yoʔ 'he, she, it'; yuʔ 'there', etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 44.
  303. PNA *ʒaKE (~ ä, X) 'to stick in' • PNi *ca -a-'to stick in' • PA *sa:k-'to protrude, emerge' [Men. sa:k-a:p-et-ìw 'to teethe', WOj. sa:k-ekk-i 'it grows forth', etc.].
  304. PNA *ʒaXkA (~ ä) 'cradleboard' • PNi *caq 'cradleboard' • PA *tehk-'to tie on the cradle- board', *tehk-in-a:-kan-'cradle board' [Cree tihk-in-a:-kan, WOj. tekk-in-a:-kan 'cradle', Men. tìhk-e:w 'he is tied to the cradleboard', etc.].
  305. PAW *ʒA:kE 'bear' • PWN *sa:k-'grizzly bear' • PNi *cx -f 'brown bear'.
  306. PAW *ʒik' E 'tree' • PW *suk'-'tree' • PNi *ci -r, *cx -r 'tree' ◊ Cf. PSI *c q 'tree' Ni- kolaev 2015: 44.
  307. PAW *ʒ :pV ~ *ʒi:pV 'k. of bird' • PWN *su:p, *cu:p-'robin (Turdus migratorius)' • PNi *cev- r-q 'bird (singing, generic)' • PAlg *c-e -ep-(~ ch, ph) > PA *si:p-e:hs-'bird (generic)' [Ab. sib-es, etc.] Nikolaev 2015: 36.
  308. PAW *ǯA:ŋk V (~ k' ) 'straight, extended' • PWN *ʒa:k -'to straighten out, extend (leg, knife), to spread apart with the hands' • PA *šenk-'straight, extended (lying)' [Cree sihk- is-em-e:w 'to lay down', Fox še:k-iš-ik-a 'one who lies down', WOj. šenk-išš-in 'to lay down', etc.].
  309. PAW *ǯ[e:] A 'spear, point, knife' • PWN *ʒi:q -'spear, point, prong' • PNi *caq-o 'knife'.
  310. PAW *ǯu: 'fish, salmon' • PW *ʒu:-x -'cohoe salmon' • PNi *cho 'fish' ◊ Cf. PS *caw'i-n 'cohoe salmon' Nikolaev 2015: 39.
  311. PAW *V -'infix: plural' • PWS *ay'-or *ay-'plural infix' • PAlg *e -'plural infix'.
  312. PNA *VhrV 'diminutive suffix' • PNi morphs *r and *ř in animal names : *qhot-r 'bear', *laq-r 'squirrel', *luvn-r 'sable', *tot-r 'marten', *khuz-r 'wolverine', etc.; choŋq-ř 'polecat, weasel', *li -ř 'wolf', etc. • PA *e:hš-'diminutive suffix, esp. in animal and bird names': *wa:kw-e:hš-a 'fox', *penkw-e:hš-a 'gnat', *ša:nkw-e:hša 'mink', *ko:hko:-hš-a 'pig', also *makw- ehš-e:w-en-i 'feast, banquet' (from *makw-'grease').
  313. PAW *VhmV 'diminutive suffix' • PWN *hm 'diminutive suffix' • PAlg *Vm-c-(suff.) 'diminutive suffix' [Wi. ác, íc, Yu. os, es, PA *ens].
  314. Index of lexical meanings Language abbreviations and sources Ab. -Abenaki, acc. to O. Mudrak's comparative Proto-Algonquian database. Am. -Amur Nivkh. Arapaho -acc. to Salzmann 1983. Blackfoot -acc. to Proulx 1989 and Hewson 1993. Chem. -Chemakum, acc. to Powell 1993 and Boas 1892. Cheyenne -acc. to Fisher, Leman, Pine, Sanches 2004 and Hewson 1993.
  315. Cree -acc. to Hewson 1993. Delaware -acc. to O'Meara 1996. EOj. -Eastern Ojibwa, acc. to O. Mudrak's compara- tive Proto-Algonquian database.
  316. Fox -acc. to Hewson 1993 and O. Mudrak's com- parative Proto-Algonquian database.
  317. Ha. -Haisla, acc. to Linkoln, Rath 1980. He. -Heiltsuk, acc. to Linkoln, Rath 1980. Kickapoo -acc. to Voorhis, 1988.
  318. Kw. -Kwak'wala (Kwakiutl), acc. to Linkoln, Rath 1980. Men. -Menominee, acc. to Hewson 1993 and O. Mud- rak's comparative Proto-Algonquian database.
  319. Miami -acc. to Baldwin, Costa 2005. Mic. -Micmac (Mi'kmaq), acc. to O. Mudrak's com- parative Proto-Algonquian database.
  320. Natick -acc. to Aubin 1975. NiY -"Nivkh of Yukaghir borrowings", the hypo- thetical Northern Sakhalin language. Forms are given acc. to O. Mudrak's comparative Yukaghir database jukaet.dbf.
  321. Oj. -Ojibwa, acc. to Hewson 1993. Oo. -Oowekyala, acc. to Linkoln, Rath 1980. PA -Proto-Algonquian, acc. to Aubin 1975; God- dard 1974, 1979, 1982; Hewson 1993; Proulx 1984a, b, 1989, 1991, 1992, 1994 [with translitera- tion * ϑ ⇒ *ɬ; *xk, *xp ⇒ *tk, *tp; *çk, *çp > sk, *sp].
  322. PAlg -Proto-Algic, acc. to Proulx 1984a, b, 1991, 1992, 1994. I have also added several PAlg roots, according to the rules of Proulx's reconstruc- tion. I interpret the PAlg phonemes denoted by Paul Proulx as *T , *K , *L, *C , *Č as voiced *d, *g, * , *ʒ, *ǯ. Proulx's *S which only occurs in clus- ters is denoted as * ; its reflexes are PA *ʔ, Wi. Ø and Yu. s (< *r < * ). This PAlg phoneme corre- sponds to velars in other Algonquian-Wakashan languages. The "normal" PAlg velar glide * does not occur in consonantal clusters.
  323. PAlt -Proto-Altaic, acc. to Starostin et al. 2003. PAW -Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan, author's re- construction.
  324. PChi -Proto-Chumakuan, author's reconstruction. PChiW -Proto-Chimakum-Wakashan, author's re- construction.
  325. PChK -Proto-Chukchi-Kamchatkan acc. to Mudrak 2000 and O. Mudrak's comparative database "Chukchi-Kamchatkan etymology" kamet.dbf (http://starling.rinet.ru).
  326. PIt -Proto-Itelmen acc. to Mudrak 2000 and O. Mudrak's comparative database "Itelmen ety- mology" itelet.dbf (http://starling.rinet.ru).
  327. PNA -Proto-Nivkh-Algic, author's reconstruction. PNi -Proto-Nivkh, author's reconstruction accord- ing to materials in O. Mudrak's comparative Nivkh database nivget. dbf. PS -Proto-Salish, acc. to Kuipers 2002. PSC -Proto-Central Salish, acc. to Kuipers 2002. PSI -Proto-Interior Salish, acc. to Kuipers 2002. PW -Proto-Wakashan, acc. to Fortescue 2007. PWN -Proto-Southern Wakashan, acc. to Fortescue 2007. PWS -Proto-Northern Wakashan, acc. to Fortescue 2007 and Linkoln, Rath 1980.
  328. Sakh. -Sakhalin Nivkh.
  329. Shawnee -acc. to Hewson 1993. Quil. -Quileute, acc. to Powell, Woodruff 1976. Wi. -Wiyot, acc. to Teeter, Nichols 1993 and Proulx 1984a, b, 1989, 1991, 1992, 1994.
  330. WOj. -Western Ojibwa, acc. to O. Mudrak's com- parative Proto-Algonquian database.
  331. Yu. -Yurok, acc. to Robins 1958 and Proulx 1985. References Aubin 1975 -George F. Aubin. A Proto-Algonquian dictionary. Ottawa, 1975.
  332. Baldwin, Costa 2005 -Daryl Baldwin, David J. Costa. Miami-Peoria dictionary. Miami University, 2005. Beck 1997 -David Beck. Mosan III: a problem of remote common proximity. 32 nd International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages. 1997.
  333. Fisher, Leman, Pine, Sanches 2004 -Louise Fisher, Wayne Leman, Leroy Pine Sr., Marie Sanchez. Cheyenne dic- tionary. Morrisville, 2004.
  334. Fortescue 2007 -Michael Fortescue. Comparative Wakashan dictionary. München, 2007.
  335. Goddard 1974 -Ives Goddard. An outline of the historical phonology of Arapaho and Atsina. International Journal of American Linguistics. Vol. 40 (2). 1974, pp. 102-116.
  336. Goddard 1979 -Ives Goddard. Comparative Algonquian. In: The languages of Native America: Historical and com- parative assessment, eds. Lyle Campbell and Marianne Mithun. Austin, 1979, pp. 70-132.
  337. Goddard 1982 -Ives Goddard. The historical phonology of Munsee. International Journal of American Linguistics. Vol. 48 (1). 1982, pp. 16-28.
  338. Haas 1958 -Mary R. Haas. A new linguistic relationship in North America: Algonkian and the Gulf languages. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. Vol. 14, pp. 231-264.
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  354. С. Л. Николаев. К реконструкции алгонкино-вакашского праязыка. Ч. 2: Алгонкино- вакашские звуковые соответствия. Вторая часть настоящей статьи, продолжающая исследование, опубликованное в од- ном из предыдущих номеров ВЯР, содержит: состав праалгонкино-вакашских фонем со ссылками на праалгонкино-вакашский сравнительный словарь ( §2); сравнительный праалгонкино-вакашский словарь, который включает более четырехсот корневых ре- конструкций, снабженных релевантным правакашским, пранивхским и праалгийским материалом, причем словарь включает также пранивхско-алгонкинские корни ( §3);
  355. индекс лексических значений праалгонкино-вакашских и пранивхско-алгонкинских корней ( §4). Научная новизна статьи заключается в формальном доказательстве гене-

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What key correspondences exist between Proto-Algonquian and Wakashan phonemes?add

The paper identifies over 30 distinct sound correspondences between Proto-Algonquian and Proto-Wakashan phonemes, including reflexes such as PAW *gilV yielding Quil. q á :ʔl and PNi *ce.

How does Proto-Algonquian phonology influence modern Algic languages?add

The study reveals that modern Algic languages exhibit significant phonological shifts, making cognates often unrecognizable compared to their Proto-Algonquian roots.

What methodological challenges arise in reconstructing Proto-Wakashan?add

Challenges include the assimilation/dissimilation of glottal features across languages, complicating the identification of corresponding roots, particularly evident in the reconstruction of alternates like PAW *k'i:wŋV.

When were certain Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan forms last revised?add

Revisions to protoforms were conducted in 2016, slightly adjusting entries previously established in Nikolaev 2015, indicating ongoing refinements in reconstructive methodology.

What role do borrowed forms play in understanding Proto-Manchu-Tungusic?add

The research highlights that borrowed forms from Proto-Wakashan, like *tōKī for 'elk', provide critical comparative data, demonstrating interlingual influences among Northeast Asian languages.

Related papers

S.L. Nikolaev. 2015. Toward the reconstruction of Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan. Part 1: Proof of the Algonquian-Wakashan relationship

The first part of the present study, following a general introduction, presents a classification and approximate glottochronological dating for the Algonquian-Wakashan languages, a preliminary discussion of regular sound correspondences between Proto-Wakashan, Proto-Nivkh, and Proto-Algic, and an analysis of the Algonquian-Wakashan “basic lexicon”.

S.L. Nikolaev. 2014. Toward the reconstruction of Proto-Na-Dene.
S.L. Nikolaev. 2014. Possible Dene-Caucasian cognates.
From Modern Khoisan Languages to Proto-Khoisan: The Value of Intermediate Reconstructions

Aspects Of Comparative Linguistics (Аспекты компаративистики), vol. 3, 2007

В статье суммированы результаты пятилетней работы автора над материалом койсанской семьи языков в сравнительно-историческом освещении. После краткого изложения основных проблем, связанных с койсанской реконструкцией (недоказанность существования койсанской семьи как таковой; уникальность фонологических систем современных койсанских языков; нехватка новых языковых данных и неадекватная транскрипция старых), автор приходит к выводу, что только тщательная реконструкция ряда промежуточных праязыков (северно-койсанский, южно-койсанский, центрально-койсанский и т. п.) может позволить приблизиться к окончательному ответу на вопрос о возможном родстве всех языков этой предположительной макросемьи.

Preliminary evidence for a (non-exclusive) genetic relationship between Uralic and Indo-European

The goal of this draft paper is to quickly check if a genetic relationship between Uralic and Indo-European (IE) language families is likely or not. The conclusion is that such relationship is very likely and deserves further research, because almost 50% of the most stable part of Proto-Uralic reconstructed basic lexicon has promising Indo-European correspondences. This is well above the percentages to be expected from mere chance resemblances and loans. On the other hand, the PU-PIE genetic relationship does not look exclusive at all: many other Eurasian language families share several PU-PIE isoglosses.

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