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As in Heaven, So on Earth: The Politics of Visnu, Siva and Harihara Images in Preangkorian Khmer Civilisation

Profile image of Paul A LavyPaul A Lavy

2003, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies vol. 34, no. 1

https://doi.org/10.1017/S002246340300002X
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Abstract
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This paper examines the political significance of Viṣṇu, Śiva, and Harihara images in Preangkorian Khmer civilization, arguing that their popularity reflects patterns of political authority and the ruling elite's strategies. It emphasizes that these deities embodied different conceptions of sovereignty and were utilized to symbolize royal power, especially in the context of territorial control struggles. The study critiques oversimplified interpretations of Harihara as merely a syncretic deity, suggesting a more nuanced understanding linked to the historical and political dynamics of the Khmer during the seventh and early eighth centuries.

Key takeaways
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  1. Harihara images symbolize the integration of contrasting royal powers of Viṣṇu and Śiva in Preangkorian Cambodia.
  2. Rulers invoked Viṣṇu and Śiva to legitimize their authority and territorial ambitions during the seventh century.
  3. Approximately 65 of 140 Preangkorian inscriptions reference rulers, indicating a focus on elite power dynamics.
  4. The artistic representation of Harihara emerged uniquely in Khmer culture during the seventh century.
  5. The text argues that religious practices were deeply intertwined with political authority in Preangkorian society.

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References (36)

  1. Dupont, Statuaire préangkorienne, pp. 25-42, pl. IIA-B, and Sculpture of Angkor and ancient Cambodia: Millennium of glory, ed. Helen Jessup and Thierry Zéphir (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1997), pp. 164-5 (no. 16). For the dating of the Phnom Da Style, see Dupont, pp. 22-5, 42, 48; the discussion by Coedès upon which Dupont based his arguments is in IC, vol. 2, pp. 155-6. According to Dupont (pp. 113, 150), there may have been some overlap between the end of the Style of Phnom Da and the beginnings of the next style, the 'Style of Sambor' , which he thought probably occupied the first half of the seventh century, beginning sometime between 610/615 and 630. The head of the broken statue is in the Musée Guimet, Paris and the body is in the National Museum, Phnom Penh; Dupont, pl. VIIIB and XIA. 26 Boisselier expressed doubts regarding Dupont's chronology in his 'La statuaire préangkorienne et Pierre Dupont' , Arts Asiatiques, 6, 1 (1959): 61-2; idem., Trends in Khmer art, trans. Natasha Eilenberg and Melvin Elliott (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 1989), p. 27; and personal communication with Boisselier cited in Kamaleswar Bhattacharya, 'Hari Kambujendra' , Artibus Asiae, 27, 1/2 (1964): 78, n. 25. Towards the end of his career, however, Boisselier seems to have strengthened his resolve that the style of Phnom Da must date much later than Dupont thought. In a comparatively recent Italian publication, he placed the Phnom Da images in the late seventh or eighth century and argued that the style of Sambor Prei Kuk constitutes the earliest Preangkorian art; Boisselier, Il Sud-Est asiatico (Turin: Storia Universale dell'Arte, 1986), pp. 27-8.
  2. Nancy H. Dowling, 'A new date for the Phnom Da images and its implications for early Cambodia' , Asian Perspectives, 38, 1 (1999): 59. Dowling's re-dating of the style of Phnom Da is based on new observations regarding a jewelled band motif consisting of alternating ovals and rectangles (known as 'la bande à chatons') and a double-lotus base, which probably date to ca. 650 and ca. 616-35 respectively. The revision may also shift some of the so-called 'statuaire du Tchen-La' -assigned by Dupont to the styles of Prei Kmeng (seventh century) and Prasat Andet (mid-seventh to early eighth centuries) -to the eighth century, but this remains to be argued. In every case cited, Harihara is mentioned in association with a ∫iva li ¶ga. However, the stele of Vat Po (K.22), with its mention of a Vi≤ §u image, does seem to imply a more mixed context.
  3. K.21/ca. 639, K.107; see IC, vol. 5, pp. 5-6; vol. 6, pp. 38-9;
  4. Auguste Barth, Inscriptions sanscrites du Cambodge (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1885), pp. 21-6. Lines 8-13 of K.21 (from Poñ¡ Hòr) record the dedication of two li ¶gas, a Durg¡ and, although it is not entirely clear from the context, probably an image of ∫ambhu-Vi≤ §u (≈Harihara) as well. Ten lines later an image of Vi≤ §u Trailokyas¡ra is also mentioned. The date of this inscription is uncertain (the Khmer portion of the inscription originally began with a date that has not survived). Like K.21, K.107 ( found at Prah Th#t Khnai Van) suggests a mixed pattern of worship where Harihara was concerned. It lists gifts of lakes or ponds (pi ¶) to several different deities, including Svayambh∞ (Brahm¡), ∫a ¶kara-N¡r¡ya §a and J¡yadeva. This undated inscription has been assigned by Coedès to the Preangkorian period, probably the seventh century, on the basis of its orthography; other examples are in IC, pp. 4-5.
  5. IC, vol. 3, pp. 143-7 (K.22); vol. 4, pp. 7, 9 (K.440); vol. 6, pp. 3-4 (K.80); vol. 1, pp. 58, 61 (Koh Ker).
  6. Gonda, Aspects of early Vi≤ §uism, pp. 164-7;
  7. Bhattacharya, 'Hari Kambujendra' , pp. 72-8.
  8. Gonda, Aspects of early Vi≤ §uism, pp. 96-104;
  9. Stanley J. O'Connor has identified this particular configuration as the Jan¡rdana or V¡sudeva murti (Hindu gods of peninsular Siam, p. 31). Robert Brown has analysed the stylistic and iconographic development of the early Southeast Asian Vi≤ §u images in 'The early Vi≤ §u images from Southeast Asia and their Indian relationships' , paper presented at 'Crossroads and commodification: A symposium on Southeast Asian art history' , University of Michigan, 25-26 March 2000. 39 This development of Vi≤ §u from Indian heroes has been discussed chiefly in the context of early Indian images of Vi≤ §u, Kr≤ §a and V¡sudeva; see Herbert Härtel, 'Archaeological evidence on the early V¡sudeva worship' , in Orientalia Iosephi Tucci memoriae dicata, ed. Gherardo Gnoli and Lionello Lanciotti (Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1985-8), vol. 2, pp. 573-87;
  10. Doris Srinivasan, 'Early Vai≤ §ava imagery: Caturvyuha and variant forms' , Archives of Asian Art, 32 (1979): 39-54; idem., 'Vai≤ §ava art and iconography at Mathura' , in Mathura, the Cultural Heritage, ed. Doris M. Srinivasan (New Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies, 1989), pp. 381-92; idem., Many heads, arms and eyes - origin, meaning and form of multiplicity in Indian art (Leiden: Brill, 1997), pp. 211-59. Brown, 'Early Vi≤ §u images', briefly deals with these issues in the Southeast Asian context, arguing that the famous 'Chaiya Vi≤ §u', usually considered the earliest Vi≤ §u image in Southeast Asia, is not Vi≤ §u at all, but rather V¡sudeva-Kr≤ §a.
  11. Paul Mus, India seen from the east: Indian and indigenous cults in Champa, ed. Ian W. Mabbett and David P. Chandler, trans. Ian W. Mabbett (Clayton: Monash University Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, 1975), pp. 43-9. Although Mus was writing about the Cham, his words are no less applicable to the Preangkorian Khmer situation.
  12. See, for instance, George Coedès, Angkor: An introduction (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1963), pp. 22-33.
  13. The term devar¡ja as a particular ritual or 'cult' only occurs once in the entire corpus of Khmer epigraphy (K.235/CE1052), although there may be minor allusions to it in other Angkorian inscriptions;
  14. Kamaleswar Bhattacharya, Recherches sur le vocabulaire des inscriptions sanscrites du Cambodge (Paris: École Française d'Extrême-Orient, 1991), pp. 54-5. At any rate, the devar¡ja is not relevant to a discussion of the Preangkorian period. Some important studies of the devar¡ja include Ian W. Mabbett, 'Devar¡ja' , Journal of Southeast Asian History, 10 (1969): 202-23; Hermann Kulke, The Devar¡ja cult, trans. .
  15. I. W. Mabbett (Ithaca: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program Data Paper, 1978);
  16. and Hiram W. Woodward, Jr, 'Practice and belief in ancient Cambodia: Claude Jacques' Angkor and the Devar¡ja question', JSEAS, 32, 2 (2001): 249-61.
  17. O. W. Wolters, 'Khmer "Hinduism" in the seventh century', in Smith and Watson ed., Early South East Asia, pp. 427-42. Vickery -quite rightly, it seems to me -questions Wolters' emphasis on 'death- wishes' among early Khmer kings (Society, economics, and politics, pp. 170-1). See also Coedès, Indianized states, pp. 14-35;
  18. Bhattacharya, Religions brahmaniques; idem., 'Religious speculations in ancient Cambodia', in R.C. Majumdar felicitation volume, ed. Himansu Bhusan Sarkar (Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1970), pp. 78-97; idem., 'The religions of ancient Cambodia', in Jessup and Zéphir ed., Sculpture of Angkor and ancient Cambodia, pp. 34-52.
  19. Wolters, 'Khmer "Hinduism"', pp. 431-4, 440; idem., History, culture, and region, pp. 109-10;
  20. Kamaleswar Bhattacharya, 'The Pâñcarâtra sect in ancient Cambodia', Journal of the Greater India Society, 14, 2 (1955): 111-6; idem., 'Secte des Pâsupata dans l'ancien Cambodge', Journal Asiatique, 243, 2 (1955): 479-90. Related issues are discussed in Sheldon Pollock, 'The Sanskrit cosmopolis, 300-1300: Transculturation, vernacularization, and the question of ideology', in Ideology and status of Sanskrit: Contributions to the history of the Sanskrit language, ed. Jan E. M. Houben (Leiden: Brill, 1996), pp. 197-247.
  21. Wolters, 'Khmer "Hinduism"', pp. 437-8. See Coedès, Indianized states, pp. 60, 74; Thierry Zéphir, 'The progress of Rama: The Ramayana in Khmer bas-reliefs of the Angkor period', in Silk and stone: The art of Asia, ed. Jill Tilden (London: Hali Publications Ltd., 1996), p. 83. See also the inscription from Vãl Kantél (K.359) published in Barth, Inscriptions sanscrites, p. 28 (no. 4);
  22. George Coedès, 'Une inscription du sixième siècle çaka', BEFEO, 11 (1911): 393-6; idem., 'Deux inscriptions sanskrites', pp. 5-7, st. 9.
  23. Wolters, 'Khmer "Hinduism"' , pp. 437-8; the quotation is from Vickery, Society, economics, and politics, p. 170. Nidhi Aeusriwongse's perspective is found in his 'Devaraja cult and Khmer kingship at Angkor' , in Explorations in early Southeast Asian history: The origin of Southeast Asian statecraft, ed. Kenneth R. Hall and John K. Whitmore (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1976), pp. 107-48. See also Mus, India seen from the east; Vickery, Society, economics, and politics, pp. 139-74;
  24. Robert L. Brown, The Dv¡ravat# wheels of the Law and the Indianization of South East Asia (Leiden: Brill, 1996), pp. 183-8. To properly and fully assess the validity of the concept of 'Khmer Hinduism' , however, it is necessary to examine these various arguments in relation to the larger literature on Hinduism. Important recent studies that tackle similar issues in the Indian context can be found in Hinduism reconsidered, ed. Günther-Dietz Sontheimer and Hermann Kulke, 2nd edn (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997);
  25. Robert Eric Frykenberg, 'Construction of Hinduism at the nexus of history and religion' , Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 23, 3 (1993): 523-50;
  26. Heinrich von Stietencron, 'Religious configurations in pre-Muslim India and the modern concept of Hinduism' , in Representing Hinduism: The construction of religious traditions and national identity, ed. Vasudha Dalmia and Heinrich von Stietencron (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1995), pp. 51-81; and Wilhelm Halbfass, 'The idea of the Veda and the identity of Hinduism' , in Tradition and reflection: Explorations in Indian thought, ed. Wilhelm Halbfass (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), pp. 1-22.
  27. Wolters, 'Khmer "Hinduism"' , pp. 431-2; IC, vol. 5, p. 26; vol. 2, p. 70.
  28. The foundation stele of Pre Rup (K.806) from the reign of Rajendravarman II (944-968) and the stele of Prasat Crun (at Angkor Thom) from the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century (K.287);
  29. IC, vol. 1, p. 131 and vol. 4, pp. 239, 246.
  30. Barth, Inscriptions sanscrites, pp. 38-42 (no. 6). The image is mentioned twice, once as Hari-∫a ¶kara and again as Hari and ∫ambhu united in one body. Vickery argues that the 'three areas' were all in southern Cambodia near the location of K.60; Vickery, Society, economics, and politics, pp. 336, 409. 50 This claim is often made for the Harihara of Prasat Andet. Portrait sculpture does appear in later Khmer art; see George Coedès, 'Les statues du roi khmèr Jayavarman VII' , Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (July-October 1958): 218-26; idem., 'Le portrait dans l'art khmèr' , Arts Asiatiques, 7, 3 (1960): 179-98; idem., Angkor: An introduction, pp. 22-33, 99; and Jeanine Auboyer, 'Trois portraits du roi Jayavarman VII' , Arts Asiatiques, 6, 1 (1959): 70-4. See also Jan Fontein, The sculpture of Indonesia (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1990), pp. 552-5.
  31. Kulke, 'Early and the imperial kingdom' , pp. 13-15; Kenneth R. Hall, 'Economic history of early Southeast Asia' , in The Cambridge history of Southeast Asia, ed. Nicholas Tarling, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 229-30; idem., Maritime trade and state development in early Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1985), pp. 137-8; Brown, Dv¡ravat# wheels, p. 195.
  32. Hall, Maritime trade and state development, pp. 136-68.
  33. See Brown's discussion of Preangkorian kingship in Dv¡ravat# wheels, p. 196. Trade-related arguments from a much broader perspective are in the pioneering work of Frederik Bosch, 'The problem of the Hindu colonisation of Indonesia' , in his Selected studies in Indonesian archaeology (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1961), pp. 10-11; and Jacob van Leur, 'On early Asian trade' , in his Indonesian trade and society (The Hague : W. Van Hoeve, 1955), p. 107.
  34. Vickery, Society, economics, and politics, pp. 330-6, 339. 'Gambh#reΩvara' is also attested at Ak Yom near Angkor (K.749/674) and at Ba Phnom (K.53/667) (p. 150).
  35. Ibid., pp. 337, 342-3, 350; quotations from pp. 337 (decreasingly exerted) and 339 (Funan). The location of Jayavarman I's capital remains unknown, but Vickery thinks it highly unlikely that he ruled from ∞Ω¡napura; his discussion of the issues and possibilities is on pp. 350-6.
  36. Ibid., pp. 390-2.

FAQs

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What explains the popularity of Harihara during the Preangkorian period?add

The research indicates that Harihara's popularity was closely tied to the territorial aspirations of rulers like ∞Ω¡navarman I in the seventh century, who symbolically united regional powers through this composite deity.

How did images of Vishnu and Siva reflect political authority in Khmer society?add

The study finds that depictions of Vi≤ §u and ∫iva were strategically utilized by Khmer elites to embody contrasting leadership qualities, aiding in their claims of sovereignty.

What is the significance of the Harihara imagery in Khmer art?add

Harihara images served as a divine analogue of political authority, symbolizing the concentration of royal power, particularly during the seventh to eighth centuries.

How did the methodologies assess the dating of Khmer sculptures?add

Chronological assessments were largely contingent upon stylistic comparisons and limited epigraphic evidence, with only two sculptures securely placed in specific sanctuaries as per Dupont's 'double equation' theory.

When did anthropomorphic representations of Siva become common in Khmer art?add

Anthropomorphic images of Siva began to appear in appreciable numbers only in the late ninth century, contrasting sharply with earlier depictions primarily of Vi≤ §u and Harihara.

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    Southeast Asian urbanism: from early city to Classical state

    The Cambridge World History, 2015

    ABSTRACT When the Portuguese admiral Alfonso de Albuquerque conquered the sul-tanate of Melaka (Malacca) on August 24, 1511, he brought under Portuguese control a Southeast Asian polity whose reach stretched across the Malay Peninsula. Melaka then housed an urban population of 100,000, in which eighty different languages were spoken by Malays, Chinese, Arabs, Indians, and other ethnicities. Melaka's urban form was not anomalous in sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Southeast Asia. Many of the region's coasts and river valleys housed port cities and capitals with populations of 50,000–100,000 people; population density/square kilometer varied from sparsely peopled hill country to lowland agrarian areas in northern Vietnam and Bali with higher densities than those in contemporary China. 1 The onset of European colonialism in the late eighteenth century reversed this seemingly inexorable trend toward Southeast Asian urbanism, whose roots lay two millennia deep. It is this earlier heritage of Southeast Asian urbanism, and the role of the urban form in promoting and maintaining polity in first–second millennium Southeast Asia, that forms the focus of this chapter. Polity, power, and urbanism were linked in most regions of Southeast Asia, although the timing and nature of urbanization varied greatly across the region. While mainland Southeast Asians built large fortified urban centers, the densely populated island of Java remained largely free of cities until the thirteenth century ce. Disagreement over when the region's cities first appeared and the forms they took constitute the core of most debates on early Southeast Asian cities. Relatively few scholars, however, have queried the relationship

    Introduction: Transitions from late prehistory to early historic periods in mainland Southeast Asia, c. early to mid-first millennium CE

    Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 2016

    Studies of early Southeast Asia focus largely on its ‘classical states’, when rulers and their entourages from Sukhothai and Ayutthaya (Thailand), Angkor (Cambodia), Bagan (Myanmar), Champa and Dai Viet (Vietnam) clashed, conquered, and intermarried one another over an approximately six-century-long quest for legitimacy and political control. Scholarship on Southeast Asia has long held that such transformations were largely a response to outside intervention and external events, or at least that these occurred in interaction with a broader world system in which Southeast Asians played key roles. As research gathered pace on the prehistory of the region over the past five decades or so, it has become increasingly clear that indigenous Southeast Asian cultures grew in sophistication and complexity over the Iron Age in particular. This has led archaeologists to propose much greater agency in regard to the selective adaptation of incoming Indic beliefs and practices than was previously ...

    The gift of Indian higher learning traditions to the global research university

    Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 2019

    The paper begins with a brief vignette of Angkor Wat in Cambodia as a great center of learning, and then highlights the traditions of Indian monastic institutions which had deeply influenced its development. It then turns the main features of the Mahayana tradition of Buddhism, showing how they created a space for women's scholarship to flourish. The next section focuses on the development of shuyuan or academies in China that arose out of the patterns of Buddhist monasteries, demonstrating another aspect of their progressive influence. Throughout the paper comparisons are made with the European university tradition, and the conclusion considers the gifts these learning traditions could bring to the global research university.

    Southeast Asian Interconnections

    Since the late first millennium CE, Maritime Southeast Asia has been an inter-connected zone, with its societies and states maintaining economic and diplomatic relations with both China and Japan on the east, and the Indian Sub-Continent and Middle East on the west. This global connectedness was facilitated by merchant and shipping networks that originated from within and outside Southeast Asia, resulting in a trans-regional economy developing by the early second millennium CE. Sojourning populations began to appear in Maritime Southeast Asia, culminating in records of Chinese and Indian settlers in such places as Sumatra, Malay Peninsula and the Gulf of Siam by the mid-first millennium CE. At the same time, information of products that were harvested in Southeast Asia began to be appropriated by pockets of society in China, the India and the Middle East, resulting in the production of new knowledge and usages for these products in these markets.

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