Movatterモバイル変換


[0]ホーム

URL:


Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.

To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.

Academia.eduAcademia.edu

Outline

The subgrouping of the Semitic languages

Profile image of Aaron RubinAaron Rubin

2008, Language and Linguistics Compass

https://doi.org/10.1111/J.1749-818X.2007.00044.X
visibility

description

24 pages

Sign up for access to the world's latest research

checkGet notified about relevant papers
checkSave papers to use in your research
checkJoin the discussion with peers
checkTrack your impact

Abstract

The Semitic languages have enjoyed a long tradition of linguistic study, and remain one of the most widely studied of the world's language families. The large amount of scholarship that is generated on both the ancient and modern languages continues to have an effect on our understanding of the internal subgrouping of the Semitic family. Unfortunately, for both the specialist and non-specialist, reliable and up-to-date treatments of this topic are not easily found. This article will survey the current views on Semitic subgrouping and highlight recent scholarship on the issue.

Key takeaways
sparkles

AI

  1. The article surveys current views on Semitic language subgrouping and recent scholarship.
  2. Hetzron's model remains influential in classifying Semitic languages despite ongoing debates.
  3. Eblaite is classified as East Semitic, challenging previous assumptions of it being Northwest Semitic.
  4. Central Semitic is distinguished by the innovative verbal form yaqtulu, impacting classification.
  5. Modern South Arabian languages are not direct descendants of Old South Arabian languages, complicating subgrouping.
Figures (3)
As can be seen from the Figure 3, only in Hadramitic and in the MSA languages is there a consonantal distinction between the masculine anc feminine pronouns.” Elsewhere the distinction is made only by the fol. lowing vowel. The consonantal distinction may be a Proto-Semitic fea: ture, in which case we are dealing with a shared retention. However, it i more likely that we are dealing with an innovation. Perhaps when Proto. Semitic *s shifted to h or §, as happened in the pronominal system of mos Semitic languages, Proto-MSA blocked this change in the feminine form in order to preserve greater contrast.” Neighboring Hadramitic may hav shared this development due to language contact.  vowels nor gemination of consonants. So, an inscriptional form yqtl could represent either a Central Semitic type imperfective yaqtulu or an Ethiopic/ MSA type imperfective yVgqattVI. There has been much debate over this issue, but N. Nebes has shown, based on the orthography of forms made from weak verbal roots, that the Sayhadic languages, like Arabic, possess an imperfective of the Central Semitic type.” Huehnergard has since given further evidence in favor of the classification of the Sayhadic languages as Central Semitic.”  i rc: ee en, Se ee, ee es: i ; EE co ac wey 2
As can be seen from the Figure 3, only in Hadramitic and in the MSA languages is there a consonantal distinction between the masculine anc feminine pronouns.” Elsewhere the distinction is made only by the fol. lowing vowel. The consonantal distinction may be a Proto-Semitic fea: ture, in which case we are dealing with a shared retention. However, it i more likely that we are dealing with an innovation. Perhaps when Proto. Semitic *s shifted to h or §, as happened in the pronominal system of mos Semitic languages, Proto-MSA blocked this change in the feminine form in order to preserve greater contrast.” Neighboring Hadramitic may hav shared this development due to language contact. vowels nor gemination of consonants. So, an inscriptional form yqtl could represent either a Central Semitic type imperfective yaqtulu or an Ethiopic/ MSA type imperfective yVgqattVI. There has been much debate over this issue, but N. Nebes has shown, based on the orthography of forms made from weak verbal roots, that the Sayhadic languages, like Arabic, possess an imperfective of the Central Semitic type.” Huehnergard has since given further evidence in favor of the classification of the Sayhadic languages as Central Semitic.” i rc: ee en, Se ee, ee es: i ; EE co ac wey 2

Related papers

2. Semitic verb structure within a universal perspective

Language Processing and Acquisition in Languages of Semitic, Root-Based, Morphology, 2003

The distinctive character of a Semitic stem is usually identified by the root-andpattern structure, whereby a stem consists of two interdigitated segmental units, a consonantal root and a vocalic pattern. 1 Interdigitation is governed by a prosodic template which determines the syllabic structure of the stem, i.e. the number of syllables, vowel length, and gemination. The vocalic pattern and the prosodic template together form a binyan, which may be accompanied by an affix. This type of word structure appears quite different from the more familiar structure involving morpheme concatenation. Is Semitic morphology indeed so different? Within this volume, which highlights the distinctive aspects of Semitic morphology, I reconsider this question, claiming that the Semitic stem structure is not so peculiar, at least not to the extent that is usually believed. I will show that phonological phenomena constituting evidence for the consonantal root, the vocalic pattern, and the prosodic template in Semitic languages can also be found in non-Semitic languages. I will argue that the difference between Semitic and non-Semitic languages is not a matter of type but rather a matter of degree and combination. The phenomena characterizing Semitic-type morphology, i.e. those which constitute evidence for the consonantal root, the vocalic pattern, and the prosodic template, can be found in other languages but often to a lesser degree. In addition, while each phenomenon can be found in other languages individually, their combination within the same language is not found outside the Semitic family. The discussion is divided into two parts, one concerned with the consonantal root (Section 1) and the other with the binyan (Section 2). Section 1.1 offers a brief review of McCarthy's (1981) structural interpretation of the classical view of the Semitic stem, based primarily on root cooccurrence restrictions. Cooccurrence restrictions in other languages are presented in 1.2 as evidence that in this respect Semitic languages are not unique. Section 1.3 discusses a universal approach to cooccurrence restrictions within the theoretical guidelines of Feature Geometry. Section 2.1 presents the phonological properties identifying a verb in Modern Hebrew, which include the vocalic pattern, the prosodic structure, and prefixes.

The Semitic Languages

2011

Phyla and Waves: Models of Classification of the Semitic Languages

2012

Comparative & Historical Semitic Linguistics.Part I (draft)

This PDF is a draft of Part I of an in-progress textbook on comparative and historical Semitic linguistics, which will be published in the open-access series Cambridge Semitic Languages and Cultures. My sincere thanks to the general editor of CSLC, Geoffrey Khan, for his kind permission to make this first part of the book available to students and colleagues while the rest of the book is in preparation.

Etymological Investigation of Semitic Languages
The Semitic Language Family
2019 The Semitic Languages, 2nd ed.

The Semitic Languages, 2nd ed., 2019

The Semitic Languages presents a comprehensive survey of the individual languages and language clusters within this language family, from their origins in antiquity to their present-day forms. This second edition has been fully revised, with new chapters and a wealth of additional material. New features include the following: • new introductory chapters on Proto-Semitic grammar and Semitic linguistic typology • an additional chapter on the place of Semitic as a subgroup of Afro-Asiatic, and several chapters on modern forms of Arabic, Aramaic and Ethiopian Semitic • text samples of each individual language, transcribed into the International Phonetic Alphabet, with standard linguistic word-byword glossing as well as translation • new maps and tables present information visually for easy reference. This unique resource is the ideal reference for advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students of linguistics and language. It will be of interest to researchers and anyone with an interest in historical linguistics, linguistic typology, linguistic anthropology and language development.

Review of Kogan, Genealogical Classification of Semitic. The Lexical Isoglosses

* * * FIG 2 now corrected * * * Review of Leonid Kogan, Genealogical Classification of Semitic. The Lexical Isoglosses (De Gruyter: Boston – Berlin, 2015) in Journal of Near Eastern Studies 77 (2018): 144-149.

The Decline and Fall of Semitic Linguistics

Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 2020

Despite the important contribution of Semitic to linguistics, the field has been in decline for many years: fewer students are interested in investing in languages, fewer positions exist to support it. In this paper some of the signs of decline are reviewed, such as the reduction of “Semitic” to mean only Arabic or Aramaic, and some of the underlying reasons for it are identified, such as the balkanization of the Semitic languages by religion: Hebrew is studied in Old Testament departments, Arabic in Institutes for the study of Islam, etc. I provide a few examples to illustrate how such practices are damaging to the health and progress of the field. Finally, a couple of tentative solutions are proposed to change course.

Constructive Constructions: Semitic Verbal Morphology and Beyond.
Loading...

Loading Preview

Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.

References (144)

  1. The history of Semitic classification is discussed by Hetzron (1974), Voigt (1987), and Rubio (2003).
  2. Excellent synopses of Semitic subgrouping can be found in Faber (1997) and Huehnergard (1992a, 1995a), with Faber providing the most detailed discussion. Huehnergard (2004) presents the current scheme (and very valuable Proto-Semitic reconstructions), though specific discussion of classification is very brief.
  3. Cf. Hetzron (1974, 1975, 1976). On Hetzron's contribution to the subgrouping of the Ethiopian languages, see below, Section 13.
  4. The statement made by Lipinski (1997: 47) that 'this [East-West] conception can no more be sustained' would find very few adherents.
  5. P. Haupt (1878) first recognized that the qatala past tense found in West Semitic was an innovation, and that the Akkadian prefixed past tense must be archaic. It was F. Hommel, however, who recognized the implications of this for the subgrouping of Semitic; cf. Hommel (1883: 63, 442; 1892: 92-97; 1926: 75 -82).
  6. See my discussion elsewhere on the origins and development of the Semitic stative (Rubin 2005: 26-8).
  7. For further on the innovations specific to East and West Semitic, see Huehnergard (2006). On the existence of the form iptaras in Eblaite, see Rubio (2006: 122).
  8. Hetzron (1976: 105).
  9. Cf. Pettinato (1975: 373 -74 = 1979: 16 -17), Dahood (1981). Still others have seen Eblaite as forming a distinct North Semitic branch. For example, Lipinski (1997: 50) groups Eblaite (which he terms 'Palaeosyrian') with Ugaritic and Amorite (the latter known only from proper names in Akkadian and Egyptian texts) as North Semitic.
  10. On this conclusion, see Gelb (1981: 46 -52), Caplice (1981), Krebernik (1996), and the excellent recent studies of Rubio (2003, 2006) and Huehnergard (2006).
  11. Huehnergard (2006: 4).
  12. Cf. Huehnergard (2006: 4-5).
  13. Cf. Dombrowski (1988), Krebernik (1996).
  14. Cf. Reiner (1966: 21, 113 -14), Huehnergard and Woods (2004: 219). For some arguments supporting this conclusion, see Kienast (1981).
  15. See the study of Hasselbach (2007).
  16. Examples and discussion can be found in Aro (1955: 75 -8).
  17. The Akkadian texts from El-Amarna (Egypt) are letters that originated in a variety of locales, most of which were Canaanite speaking areas (i.e. modern Israel and Lebanon).
  18. For an example of an archaism in peripheral Akkadian, see Moran (1973). On Assyrianisms see Moran (1975) and the sources in the following note.
  19. On issues pertaining to peripheral dialects, including their classification and divergent features, see Huehnergard (1989: 20, 271-84), Pentiuc (2001: 12).
  20. Hetzron (1974, 1976). For Hetzron, Central Semitic included Aramaic, Arabic, and Canaanite. 21 On the development of the Central Semitic indicative, see Hamori (1973) and Rubin (2005: 146 -8).
  21. The Afro-Asiastic background of this form was demonstrated by Rössler (1951 [= 2001: 341-56], 1981 [= 2001: 693 -72]) and Greenberg (1952), though both of these authors should be read with caution; see also Lipinski (1997: 339, 382-3). For the internal evidence, see Gensler (1997).
  22. Faber (1990: 629, 1997: 8).
  23. For a discussion of Ugaritic emphatics, see Tropper (2000: 96 -8).
  24. See Steiner (1982) for discussion.
  25. Faber (1991, 1997: 9). Strangely, Faber ignores the occurrence of bl 'without' in OSA. This fits with the presentation of Central Semitic in this article, but Faber herself (in these works, at least) does not classify OSA as Central Semitic.
  26. Cf. the classic reference work of Nöldeke (1899: 17 = 1911: 621). Many modern scholars still use this evidence to promote this scenario, for example, Blau (1978), Diem (1980); see also Corriente (1996).
  27. Christian (1919 -20).
  28. Hetzron (1974, 1976).
  29. See Zaborski (1991, 1994) for discussion of this ongoing debate.
  30. Ratcliffe (1998a,b).
  31. Ratcliffe (1998b: 122).
  32. For an overview of the dialects and this system of division, see Fischer and Jastrow (1980: 20-38) and Versteegh (1997: 130 -72).
  33. See the classic study of Blanc (1964).
  34. There have been some more careful linguistic studies of dialect groups in recent years, but no comprehensive work. See Behnstedt and Woidich (2005) for an excellent overview. 36 It was Nöldeke (1904) who first made this clear. See the discussion in Borg (1978: 343 -7).
  35. Macdonald (2000, 2004). Macdonald continues to use the older terms Thamudic B, C, D, and Southern Thamudic for those texts which are essentially unclassified.
  36. See Rubin (2005: 65 -90) for a discussion of the forms of the articles and their origins.
  37. The first three of these are also referred to as Sabaean, Minaean, and Qatabanian. Recently, South Arabian scholars have suggested replacing the names Minaic/Minaean with Madhabic; cf. Robin (1991: 98) and Macdonald (2000: 30). For an overview of the languages, see Robin (1991: 93 -100).
  38. Beeston (1984: 1).
  39. See the discussions in Beeston (1987) and Macdonald (2000: 30 -1).
  40. Nebes (1994). Nebes also provides discussion of the history of the debate.
  41. It should be noted that already Voigt (1987) argued for the inclusion the Sayhadic languages in the Central Semitic branch. 45 Although many scholars have made such a connection with accompanying doubts, for example, Huehnergard (1992a: 158, 1995a: 2120), Lipinski (1997: 81). Already Rabin (1963: 108 n. 1) recognized that the MSA languages do not descend from the OSA, but it was the short article of Porkhomovsky (1997) that has most influenced recent scholarship.
  42. Cf. Huehnergard (1992a: 158; 2004: 142).
  43. I transcribe here <š> and <s> in place of the traditional, but more cumbersome, <s 1 > and <s 3 >. It is not relevant for our purposes whether the symbols <š> and <s> accurately reflect the phonetics of Hadramitic. It is possible that <s 1 > and <s 3 > actually represent [s] and [ t s], which are their Proto-Semitic values.
  44. Forms with asterisks in Qatabanic and Minaic are unattested, but are based on other attested forms of the pronoun, such as the suffixed forms.
  45. The initial h of the Mehri 3ms form is derived from an earlier sibilant, just as the h's of Sabaic, Hebrew, and Arabic undoubtedly are.
  46. Cf. the introduction of the feminine pronouns with initial sh-(she, scho, etc.) in Middle English dialects, replacing the inherited forms with initial h-, in order to remove ambiguity.
  47. See Frantsouzoff (1997: 115 -17, 123). Frantsouzoff also suggests an additional morphological isogloss, but this is rather speculative, as it is based on a single Hadramitic form, of uncertain etymology.
  48. A minority of scholars, most notably David Cohen and his students, have suggested that the MSA imperfective form (e.g. Mehri yekoteb) does in fact stem from yaqtulu, and not from the Proto-Semitic *yVqattVl; cf. Cohen (1974; 1984: 68-75);
  49. Lonnet (2005: 187-8). See Goldenberg (1977: 475 -77, 1979) for an argument against this scenario.
  50. Cf. the works of Cantineau (1932), Leslau (1943), Marrassini (1991), and Rodgers (1991), all of whom also group OSA (but not Arabic) with Ethiopic and MSA.
  51. For this conclusion, see Porkhomovsky (1997). The data in Appleyard (1996) support this conclusion, though Appleyard himself seems to suggest otherwise. Against this conclusion, see Müller (1964).
  52. Johnstone (1975: 2).
  53. Cf. Simeone-Senelle (1997: 408-9). On this development in Mehri, see Rubin (2007b).
  54. Cf. Lonnet (1998: 303 -4).
  55. On the loss of t, see Johnstone (1968, 1980), Testen (1992), and Voigt (2006). Both Johnstone (1980) and Testen note the importance of this feature in grouping these two languages. On feminine marking in -i, see Lonnet (forthcoming). Works Cited Appleyard, David L. 1996. Ethiopian Semitic and South Arabian: Towards a re-examination of a relationship. Israel Oriental Studies XVI: Studies in modern Semitic languages, ed. by Shlomo Izre'el and Shlomo Raz, 203 -28. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
  56. Arnold, Werner. 1989-91. Das Neuwestaramäische. 5 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz.
  57. Aro, Jussi. 1955. Studien zur mittelbabylonischen Grammatik. Helsinki, Finland: Societas Orientalis Fennica.
  58. Beeston, A. F. L. 1984. Sabaic grammar. Manchester, UK: Journal of Semitic Studies.
  59. --. 1987. Apologia for 'Sayhadic'. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 17.13 -14.
  60. Behnstedt, Peter, and Manfred Woidich. 2005. Arabische Dialektgeographie: Eine Einführung. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
  61. Blanc, Haim. 1964. Communal dialects of Baghdad. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
  62. Blau, Joshua. 1978. Hebrew and North West Semitic: Reflections on the classification of the Semitic languages. Hebrew Annual Review 2.21-44. Reprinted in idem, Topics in Hebrew and Semitic linguistics, 308 -32. Jerusalem, Israel: Magnes (1998).
  63. Borg, Alexander. 1978. A historical and comparative phonology and morphology of Maltese, PhD dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
  64. Boyarin, Daniel. 1981. An inquiry into the formation of Middle Aramaic dialects. Bono homini donum: Essays in historical linguistics in memory of J. Alexander Kerns, Part II, ed. by Yoël L. Arbeitman and Allan R. Bomhard, 613 -49. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Benjamins.
  65. Brock, Sebastian P. 2001. The hidden pearl: The Syrian Orthodox Church and its ancient Aramaic heritage. 3 vols. With the assistance of David G.K. Taylor. Rome, Italy: Trans World Films Italia.
  66. Cantineau, Jean. 1932. Accadien et sudarabique. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 33.175 -204.
  67. Caplice, Richard. 1981. Eblaite and Akkadian. La lingua di Ebla: Atti del convegno internazionale ( Napoli, 21-23 aprile 1980), ed. by Luigi Cagni, 161-4. Naples, Italy: Istituto Universitario Orientale.
  68. Christian, V. 1919 -20. Akkader und Südaraber als ältere Semitenschichte. Anthropos 14 - 15.729-39.
  69. Cohen, David. 1974. La forme verbale à marques personelles préfixées en sudarabique moderne. IV Congresso internazionale di studi etiopici (Roma, 10 -15 aprile 1972), vol. 2, 63 -70. Rome, Italy: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei.
  70. --. 1984. La phrase nominale et l'évolution du système verbal en sémitique: Études de syntaxe historique. Leuven, Belgium: Peeters.
  71. Corriente, Federico. 1996. Introducción a la gramática comparada del semítico meridional. Madrid, Spain: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.
  72. Dahood, Mitchell. 1981. The linguistic classification of Eblaite. La lingua di Ebla: Atti del convegno internazionale (Napoli, 21-23 aprile 1980), ed. by Luigi Cagni, 177-89. Naples, Italy: Istituto Universitario Orientale.
  73. Diem, Werner. 1980. Die genealogische Stellung des Arabischen in den semitischen Sprachen: Ein ungelöstes Problem der Semitistik. Studien aus Arabistik und Semitistik Anton Spitlaer zum siebzigsten Geburtstag von Seinen Schülern überreicht, ed. by Werner Diem and Stefan Wild, 65 -85. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz.
  74. Dombrowski, B. W. W. 1988. 'Eblaitic' = The earliest known dialect of Akkadian. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 138.211-35.
  75. Elias, David L. 2005. Tigre of Habab: Short grammar and texts from the Rigbat people, PhD dissertation, Harvard University.
  76. Faber, Alice. 1990. Interpretation of orthographic forms. Linguistic change and reconstruction methodology, ed. by Philip Baldi, 619 -37. Berlin, Germany/New York, NY: Mouton de Gruyter.
  77. --. 1991. The diachronic relationship between negative and interrogative markers in Semitic. Semitic studies in honor of Wolf Leslau, ed. by Alan S. Kaye, vol. 1, 411-29. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz.
  78. --. 1997. Genetic subgrouping of the Semitic languages. The Semitic languages, ed. by Robert Hetzron, 3-15. London/New York, NY: Routledge.
  79. Ferrer, Joan. 2004. Esbozo de historia de la lengua aramea. Cordoba, Spain: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Córdoba.
  80. Fischer, Wolfdietrich, and Otto Jastrow, eds. 1980. Handbuch der arabischen Dialekte. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz.
  81. Fitzmyer, Joseph A. 1979. A wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic essays. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press.
  82. Fox, Samuel Ethan. 1994. The relationships of the Eastern Neo-Aramaic dialects. Journal of the American Oriental Society 114.154 -62.
  83. Frantsouzoff, Serguei A. 1997. Regulation of conjugal relations in ancient Raybun. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 27.113 -27.
  84. Garr, W. Randall. 1985. Dialect geography of Syria-Palestine, 1000 -586 B.C.E. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.
  85. Gelb, Ignace. 1981. Ebla and the Kish civilization. La lingua di Ebla: Atti del convegno internazionale (Napoli, 21-23 aprile 1980), ed. by Luigi Cagni, 9-73. Naples, Italy: Istituto Universitario Orientale.
  86. Gensler, Orin D. 1997. Reconstructing quadriliteral verb inflection: Ethiopic, Akkadian, Proto-Semitic. Journal of Semitic Studies 42.229 -57.
  87. Ginsburg, H. L. 1970. The Northwest Semitic languages. The world history of the Jewish people, vol. 2: Patriarchs, ed. by B. Mazar, 102-24. Givatayim, Israel: Jewish History Publications/Rutgers University Press.
  88. Goldenberg, Gideon. 1977. The Semitic languages of Ethiopia and their classification. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 40.461-507.
  89. --. 1979. The Modern South Arabian prefix-conjugation: Addendum to BSOAS, XL, 3, 1977. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 42.541-5.
  90. Greenberg, Joseph H. 1952. The Afro-Asiatic (Hamito-Semitic) present. Journal of the Ameri- can Oriental Society 72.1-9.
  91. Hamori, Andras. 1973. A note on yaqtulu in East and West Semitic. Archiv Orientální 41.319-24.
  92. Harris, Zellig S. 1939. Development of the Canaanite dialects: An investigation in linguistic history. New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society.
  93. Hasselbach, Rebecca. 2007. The affiliation of Sargonic Akkadian with Babylonian and Assyrian: New insights concerning the internal subgrouping of Akkadian. Journal of Semitic Studies 52.21-43.
  94. Haupt, Paul. 1878. The oldest Semitic verb-form. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 10.244 -52.
  95. Heinrichs, Wolfhart. 2002. Peculiarities of the verbal system of Senaya within the framework of North Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA). 'Sprich doch mit deinen Knechten aramäisch, wir verstehen es!'. 60 Beiträge zur Semitistik: Festschrift für Otto Jastrow zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. by Werner Arnold and Hartmut Bobzin, 237-68. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz. results. The study of the Ancient Near East in the twenty-first century: The William Foxwell Albright Centennial Conference, ed. by Jerrold S. Cooper and Glenn M. Schwartz, 233-49. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
  96. Leslau, Wolf. 1943. South-East Semitic (Ethiopic and South-Arabic). Journal of the American Oriental Society 63.4-14.
  97. Lipinski, Edward. 1997. Semitic languages: Outline of a comparative grammar. Leuven, Belgium: Peeters.
  98. Lonnet, Antoine. 1985. The Modern South Arabian languages of the P.D.R. of Yemen. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 15.49-55.
  99. --. 1998. The Soqotri language: Past, present and future. Proceedings of the first international symposium on Soqotra Island: Present and future, ed. by H. J. Dumont, vol. 1, 297-308. New York, NY: United Nations.
  100. --. 2005. Quelques réflexions sur le verbe sudarabique moderne. Studi Afroasiatici: XI Incontro italiana di linguistica camitosemitica, ed. by Alessandro Mengozzi, 187-201. Milan, Italy: FrancoAngeli.
  101. --. 2006. Les langues sudarabiques modernes. Faits de Langues 27.27-44.
  102. --. forthcoming. Le féminin en -i du sémitique. Aula Orientalis.
  103. Macdonald, M. C. A. 2000. Reflections on the linguistic map of pre-Islamic Arabia. Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 11.28-79.
  104. --. 2004. Ancient North Arabian. Cambridge encyclopedia of the world's ancient languages, ed. by Roger Woodard, 488-533. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
  105. Marrassini, Paolo. 1991. Some observations on South Semitic. Semitic studies in honor of Wolf Leslau, ed. by Alan S. Kaye, vol. 2, 1016-23. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz.
  106. Moran, William. 1973. The dual personal pronouns in Western Peripheral Akkadian. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 211.50-3. Reprinted in idem, Amarna Studies: Collected Writings, ed. by John Huehnergard and Shlomo Izre'el, 243-47. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns (2003).
  107. --. 1975. The Syrian scribe of the Jerusalem Amarna letters. Unity and diversity, ed. by Hans Goedicke and J. J. M. Roberts, 146-68. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University. Reprinted in idem, Amarna Studies: Collected Writings, ed. by John Huehnergard and Shlomo Izre'el, 249-74. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns (2003).
  108. Müller, Walter W. 1964. Über Beziehungen zwischen den neusüdarabischen und den abessi- nischen Sprachen. Journal of Semitic Studies 9.50-5.
  109. Nebes, Norbert. 1994. Zur Form der Imperfektbasis des unvermehrten Grundstammes im Altsüdarabischen. Festschrift Ewald Wagner zum 65. Geburtstag, vol. 1: Semitische Studien unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Südsemitistiker, ed. by Wolfhart Heinrichs and Gregor Schoeller, 59-81. Beirut, Lebanon/Stuttgart, Germany: F. Steiner.
  110. Nöldeke, Th. 1899. Die semitischen Sprachen: Eine Skizze, 2nd edn. Leipzig, Germany: Chr. Herm. Tauchnitz.
  111. --. 1904. Review of Maltesische Studien, by Hans Stumme. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 58.903-20.
  112. --. 1911. Semitic languages. The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th edn, vol. 24, 617-30. London: Encyclopaedia Britannica.
  113. Pentiuc, Eugen J. 2001. West Semitic vocabulary in the Akkadian texts from Emar. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
  114. Pettinato, G. 1975. Testi cuneiformi del 3. millennio in paleo-cananeo rinvenuti nella campagna 1974 a Tell Mardikh = Ebla. Orientalia N.S. 44.61-74.
  115. --. 1979. Old Canaanite cuneiform texts of the third millennium. Introduction and translation by Matthew L. Jaffe. Malibu, CA: Undena.
  116. Porkhomovsky, Victor. 1997. Modern South Arabian languages from a Semitic and Hamito- Semitic perspective. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 27.219-23.
  117. Rabin, C. 1963. The origin of the subdivisions of Semitic. Hebrew and Semitic studies presented to Godfrey Rolles Driver in celebration of his seventieth birthday, 20 August 1962, ed. by D. Winton Thomas and W. D. McHardy, 104-15. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press.
  118. Ratcliffe, Robert R. 1998a. The 'broken' plural problem in Arabic and comparative Semitic. Amsterdam, The Netherlands/Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins.
  119. --. 1998b. Defining morphological isoglosses: The 'broken' plural and Semitic subclassification. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 57.81-123.
  120. Reiner, Erica. 1966. A linguistic analysis of Akkadian. The Hague, The Netherlands: Mouton.
  121. Robin, Christian, ed. 1991. L'Arabie antique de Karib'îl à Mahomet. Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerranée 61. Aix-en-Provence, France: Édisud.
  122. Rodgers, Jonathan. 1991. The subgrouping of the South Semitic languages. Semitic studies in honor of Wolf Leslau, ed. by Alan S. Kaye, vol. 2, 1323-36. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz.
  123. Rössler, O. 1951. Akkadisches und libysches verbum. Orientalia N.S. 20.101-7, 366-73.
  124. --. 1981. The structure and inflection of the verb in the Semito-Hamitic languages - Preliminary studies for a comparative Semito-Hamitic grammar. Bono homini donum: Essays in historical linguistics in memory of J. A. Kerns, ed. by Y. L. Arbeitman and A. R. Bomhard, 679-748. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Benjamins.
  125. --. 2001. Gesammelte Schriften zur Semitohamitistik, ed. by Thomas Schneider, with Oskar Kaelin. Münster, Germany: Ugarit-Verlag.
  126. Rubin, Aaron. 2005. Studies in Semitic grammaticalization. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
  127. --. 2007a. On the third person preformative l-/n-in Aramaic, and an Ethiopic parallel. Ancient Near Eastern Studies 44.1-28.
  128. --. 2007b. The Mehri participle: Form, function, and evolution. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Series 3) 17.381-8.
  129. Rubio, Gonzalo. 2003. Falling trees and forking tongues: On the place of Akkadian and Eblaite within Semitic. Studia Semitica, ed. by Leonid Kogan, 152-89. Moscow, Russia: Russian State University for the Humanities.
  130. --. 2006. Eblaite, Akkadian, and East Semitic. The Akkadian language in its Semitic context, ed. by G. Deutscher and N. J. C. Kouwenberg, 110-39. Leiden, The Netherlands: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.
  131. Segert, Stanislav. 1984. A basic grammar of the Ugaritic language. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
  132. Simeone-Senelle, Marie-Claude. 1997. The Modern South Arabian languages. The Semitic languages, ed. by Robert Hetzron, 378-423. London/New York, NY: Routledge.
  133. --. 2005. La détermination du nom en dahalik, langue afro-sémitique parlée en Erythrée. Studi Afroasiatici: XI Incontro italiana di linguistica camitosemitica, ed. by Alessandro Mengozzi, 203-17. Milan, Italy: FrancoAngeli.
  134. Steiner, Richard C. 1982. Affricated Sade in the Semitic languages. New York, NY: American Academy for Jewish Research.
  135. Testen, David. 1992. The loss of the person-marker t-in Jibbali and Soqotri. Bulletin of the School of African and Oriental Studies 55.445 -50.
  136. Tropper, Josef. 1993. Die Inschriften von Zincirli. Münster, Germany: Ugarit-Verlag.
  137. --. 2000. Ugaritische Grammatik. Münster, Germany: Ugarit-Verlag.
  138. Versteegh, Kees. 1997. The Arabic language. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.
  139. Voigt, Rainer. 1987. The classification of Central Semitic. Journal of Semitic Studies 32.1-21.
  140. --. 2006. Zum Verlust der personalen Elemente in den Präfixkonjugationen des Neu- südarabischen. Loquentes linguis: Linguistic and oriental studies in honour of Fabrizio A. Pennacchietti, ed. by Pier Giorgio Borbone, Alessandro Mengozzi, and Mauro Tosco, 717- 31. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz.
  141. Wagner, Ewald. 1959. Der Dialekt von 'Abd-el-Kuri. Anthropos 54.475-86.
  142. Zaborski, Andrzej. 1991. The position of Arabic within the Semitic dialect continuum. Proceedings of the Colloquium on Arabic Grammar, ed. by Kinga Dévéni and Tamás Iványi, 365-75.
  143. Budapest, Hungary: Eötvös Loránd University Chair for Arabic Studies and Csoma de Korös Society Section of Islamic Studies.
  144. --. 1994. Problèmes de classification des dialectes sémitiques méridionaux. Actes des premières journées internationales de dialectologie arabe de Paris, ed. by Dominique Caubet and Martine Vanhove, 399 -411. Paris, France: Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales.

Related papers

Reflections on the Classification of the Semitic Languages

Orbis, 1994

I once amused myself with making out a case why Ethiopic should be classified with Hebrew (on account of many startling lexical resemblances) or with Akkadian (by virtue of similarities in the vocalism of the imperfect-and phonetic developments in Akkadian and Amharic are surprisingly close) or with Syriac (for certain identical syntactical constructions) or Arabic (with like features in the sound pattern and the formation of internal plurals). ULLENDORFF (1961:13) 1 The fact that not all the languages under consideration in this article were spoken at the same time, and that another, temporal, classification exists, stemming to a considerable extent from the attempt to overcome this difficulty, should not concern us here. 2 I refrain from referring to specific studies, as the list is long, cannot and need not be exhaustive. The works and the views they express are basically well-known and need not be repeated.

2011 Phyla and Waves: Models of Classification. Semitic Languages, ch. 9
The Semitic Language Family. A Typological Perspective

The Semitic Languages, 2nd ed., 2019

Review of Leonid Kogan, Genealogical Classification of Semitic: The Lexical Isoglosses.
*Semitic Languages: An International Handbook*, eds. Stefan Weninger, Geoffrey Khan, Michael P. Streck, Janet C. E. Watson (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2011).
Etymological study of semitic languages

2009

“External Plural Markers in Semitic: A New Assessment.” In Studies in Semitic and Afroasiatic Linguistics Presented to Gene B. Gragg, Cynthia Miller ed.;123-138. Chicago: Oriental Institute Publications. (2007)
Gideon Goldenberg: Semitic languages: Features, structures, relations, processes

2015

2019 Introduction to the Semitic Languages and Their History

The Semitic Languages, 2nd ed., 2019

Addenda and conclusion of an etymology-based 100item wordlist for Semitic languages

Journal of Language Relationship

Addenda and conclusion of an etymology-based 100item wordlist for Semitic languages The paper concludes a series of four previous publications by the author that contained a detailed word-byword etymological analysis of 100item Swadesh wordlists for all known Semitic languages for which such a wordlist could be compiled. This concluding part is intended as a brief, but comprehensive summary of the preceding research, containing all the Proto-Semitic equivalents that the author was able to reconstruct for Swadesh list etyma, accompanied with brief notes. A new, improved lexicostatistical tree for Semitic languages is also given, together with some historical comments.

Related topics

  • Diachronic Linguistics (Or Histo...
  • Languages and Linguistics
  • Historical Linguistics
  • Semitic languages
  • Hebrew Language
  • Arabic Language and Linguistics
  • Comparative Semitic Linguistics
  • Comparative Semitics
  • Northwest Semitics
  • Cited by

    Linguistic Features and Typologies in Languages Commonly Referred to as ‘Nilo-Saharan’

    The Cambridge Handbook of African Linguistics, 2019

    Families Major brunches Major sub-brunches Languages Hadza isolate Hadza (isolate) Sandawe isolate Sandawe (isolate) Khoe-Kwadi Kwadi Kwadi (isolate within Khoe-Kwadi)

    Situated Language Use in Africa

    The Cambridge Handbook of African Linguistics, 2019

    Academia
    Academia
    580 California St., Suite 400
    San Francisco, CA, 94104
    © 2025 Academia. All rights reserved

    [8]ページ先頭

    ©2009-2025 Movatter.jp