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The Georgian witness to the Jerusalem liturgy: new sources and studies

Profile image of Stig Simeon FrøyshovStig Simeon Frøyshov

2012, In B. Groen; S. Hawkes-Teeples & S. Alexopoulos (ed.), Inquiries into Eastern Christian Worship. Selected Papers of the Second International Congress of the Society of Oriental Liturgies, Rome, 17-21 September 2008. Peeters Publishers, pp. 227 - 267

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Abstract
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The paper explores the significance of the Hagiopolite liturgy within the context of Byzantine liturgical traditions, examining new sources and studies related to the Georgian witness of the Jerusalem liturgy. It emphasizes the influence of Jerusalem on the development of the Byzantine rite and highlights key aspects of the Palestinian liturgy, including unique liturgical practices and hymnography. The work seeks to provide a comprehensive understanding of how these traditions have been preserved and adapted within the broader liturgical family.

Key takeaways
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  1. Georgian manuscripts are crucial for understanding the pre-Byzantine Jerusalem liturgy.
  2. The Georgian witness encompasses a comprehensive range of liturgical texts from the 5th to 11th centuries.
  3. New findings from Sinai significantly enrich the corpus of Georgian liturgical sources.
  4. The transition from Hagiopolite to Byzantine rites in Georgian liturgy occurred in the 10th century.
  5. Georgian sources indicate a complex interplay of translations and adaptations from Greek and possibly Syriac traditions.
Figures (2)
Table 1: Comparative Table of the Content of Various Palestino-Georgian Liturgical Collections
Table 1: Comparative Table of the Content of Various Palestino-Georgian Liturgical Collections
Table 2: The Daily Cursus of the Ancient Horologion of Sin. 0.34 (P: public office; M: monastic office; +: lost)  In Georgian sources a daily cursus of 24 hours is known also from the New, ‘Sabaite’ Horologion of Sin. O.34, from the Horologion Sin. N.23, and from the Typikon of Pakourianos (1083).!3! In Greek sources it is known from the Non-Sleeper (Axoipntot) tradition,'°? from certain Psalters and Horologia!** as well as from the succinct Horologion of the 5'™ century Codex Alexandrinus, the twelve day psalms of which also figure on a papyrus of the second half of the 6 century found at the Egyptian lavra of Naqlun.'* There is a partial identity between
Table 2: The Daily Cursus of the Ancient Horologion of Sin. 0.34 (P: public office; M: monastic office; +: lost) In Georgian sources a daily cursus of 24 hours is known also from the New, ‘Sabaite’ Horologion of Sin. O.34, from the Horologion Sin. N.23, and from the Typikon of Pakourianos (1083).!3! In Greek sources it is known from the Non-Sleeper (Axoipntot) tradition,'°? from certain Psalters and Horologia!** as well as from the succinct Horologion of the 5'™ century Codex Alexandrinus, the twelve day psalms of which also figure on a papyrus of the second half of the 6 century found at the Egyptian lavra of Naqlun.'* There is a partial identity between

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References (35)

  1. Liturgia ibero-graeca sancti lacobi Dei fratris: Georgian text edited and translated under the authority of the Institute of Manuscripts in Tbilisi, eds. L. Khevsuriani, M. Shanidze, M. Kavtaria and T. Tseradze, with Greek retroversion and commentary by S. Verhelst, Jerusalemer Theologisches Forum 17 (Münster, 2011). I extend my sincere thanks to S. Verhelst and H. Brakmann, the series editor, for giving me access to a ver- sion of this publication.
  2. Sinai Old collection: O.12, O.53, O.54 (+N.33); Sinai New collection: N.22, N.26, N.31, N.33 (fragment of O.54), N.53, N.54, N.58, N.63, N.65, N.70, N.79, N.81, N.83; outside Sinai: Tbilisi NCM A-86 and Graz 2058/4 (+ the fragment Prague Lit. Mus. D I VI 1). 83 On fol. 69v-85v (Aleksidze et al., Catalogue (see n. 27), p. 418). 84 See n. 73.
  3. Brakmann, 'Ordinationsgebete' (see n. 10).
  4. Ed. Ediser Celije, didni kur¯xevani I [Great Euchologion I], (Tbilisi, 2006), pp. 277-302. Celije's edition improves and corrects the edition of Kekelije. 87 Bernard Outtier and Stéphane Verhelst, 'La kéryxie catholique de la liturgie de Jérusalem en géorgien (sin. 12 et 54)', Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft 42 (2000) 41-64. 88 Ek'vt'ime Koclamazasvili, '∑indobisa da ≤or∑ilis saeklesio rituali uøveles ≤ar¯ul "kur¯xeva¯a" krebuleb˙i [The ecclesiastical ritual of betrothal and marriage in the ancient Georgian Euchologion collections]', ≤ristianul- ar≤eologiuri øiebani (Investigations of Christian Archeology) 1 (2008) 349-369 (Sin. O.12 and O.66 in parallel). Another edition is found in Celije, Great Euchologion (see n. 86), pp. 69-79, but it has the text of Sin. O.12 only.
  5. Celije, Great Euchologion (see n. 86), pp. 200-236, on the basis of Sin. O.12. 90 Bernard Outtier, 'Der georgische Begräbnisritus', in Liturgie im Angesicht des Todes: Judentum und Ostkirchen, eds. Hansjakob Becker and Hermann Ühlein, Pietas liturgica, 9-10 (St. Ottilien, 1997), vol. I, pp. 573-579 (Sin.O. 12 and Sin 66); vol. II, 1996, pp. 1253-1261 (translation); vol. I, pp. 767-771 (commentary). In addition to the burial rite, Outtier includes the text and translation of the Ancient Iadgari office of the dead. 91 Ek'vt'ime Koclamazasvili, '≤ristianebis ∑esi [The rite of Christianization]', Religia (Tbilisi) 7-8-9 (1999) 9-17 (pp. 16-17: German summary), here pp. 12-13 (Sin. O.12 and Birmingham Mingana Georgian 1, part of Sin. O.66).
  6. Ek'vt'ime Koclamazasvili, 'lampobis sulieri ˙inaarsisa¯vis [On the spir- itual content of Candlemas]', Religia (Tbilisi) 11-12 (1998) 12-24 (p. 24: English sum- mary), on p. 17. Two different prayers are edited, one from Sin. O.54, another from Sin. O.12, the latter being partially identical to a similar prayer of the ancient Horologion of Sin. O.34. 93 Edited in the doctoral thesis of this author: Stig R. Frøyshov, L'Horologe 'géor- gien' du Sinaiticus ibericus 34. Edition, traduction et commentaire (Paris, 2003). The publication of the Horologion is in preparation for the CSCO. Other prayers of this Horologion than those also found in Sin. 12 could belong to the Jerusalem Euchologion. 94 In the doctoral thesis of Tinatin Chronz, under the supervision of Heinzgerd Brakmann, Gottesdienst des heiligen Öles nach dem Jerusalemer Orolo (Bonn, 2009) (in press).
  7. Ed. Ek'vt'ime Koclamazasvili, to appear in Georgian in the journal ≤ristianul- ar≤eologiuri øiebani [Investigations in Christian Archeology].
  8. 96 There exist partial Greek witnesses to the Hagiopolite Lectionary, as the 8 th cen- tury St. Petersburg RNB Greek 44 (common and Sunday Liturgies) and the NT Lection- aries Sin. Arabic 116 and Sin. Greek 210, 211 and 212. It is noteworthy that the second edition (1994) of K. Aland's Kurzgefasste Liste der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments adds several codices of the Sinai New Finds to the hitherto known Greek sources of the Jerusalem NT Lectionary: l 2212-2217, of which the most signifi- cant in quantity is l 2213, the 9 th century NE MG 11 of 125 fol. (Aland, p. 356; without photo in the New Finds catalogue). Sin. NE MG 11 is classified by Aland as 'lsel', which designates selected Gospel lessons. 97 For a presentation of the Jerusalem Lectionary, see Sebastià Janeras, 'Les lection- naires de l'ancienne liturgie de Jérusalem', Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 2 (2005) 71-92; on the Georgian version, see pp. 76-79.
  9. Korneli Kekelije, Ierusalimskiî kanonarà VII veka (Gruzinskaq versiq) [Jeru- salemite Kanonarion of the 7 th century (Georgian version)] (Tbilisi, 1912).
  10. Th. Kluge and A. Baumstark, 'Quadragesima und Karwoche Jerusalems im siebten Jahrhundert', Oriens Christianus N.S. 5 (1915) 201-233; Th. Kluge and A. Baumstark, 'Oster-und Pfingstfeier Jerusalems im siebten Jahrhundert', Oriens Christianus N.S. 6 (1916) 223-239;
  11. G. Peradze and A. Baumstark, 'Die Weihnachtsfeier Jerusalems im siebten Jahrhundert', Oriens Christianus 3. S. 1 (1927) 310-318. 100 Le grand lectionnaire de l'Eglise de Jérusalem (Ve-VIIIe siècle), ed. and transl.
  12. Michel Tarchnischvili, CSCO 188-189, 204-205 (Leuven, 1959-1960). This edition, here abbreviated GL, excludes the readings themselves (except incipits and desinits);
  13. a long term project of editing the full Lectionary text is in course at the National Centre of Manuscripts in Tbilisi. An online English translation by Kevin P. Edgecomb of T'arxnisvili's Latin translation of GL is available on http://www.bombaxo.com/georgian. html. 101 Bernard Outtier, 'Essai de répertoire des manuscrits des vieilles versions géorgi- ennes du Nouveau Testament,' Langues orientales anciennes: Philologie et linguistique 1 (1988) 173-179, n o 47-89. Outtier has published a series of GL fragments: 'Deux frag- ments onciaux inédits d'un lectionnaire géorgien de Jérusalem (V)', Xristianskij Vostok 8 (2000) 220-226 (with ref. to the four preceding articles of this series in n. 1);
  14. 'Un nou- veau fragment oncial inédit du lectionnaire de Jérusalem en géorgien', in Pèlerinages et lieux saints dans l'antiquité et le moyen âge, eds. Béatrice Caseau et al. (Paris, 2006), pp. 323-328 (this is number VI; VII is forthcoming).
  15. All are dated to the 10 th century if not otherwise specified: N.10 (9 fol., 9 th cent.), N.11 (7 f. + 3 small fragments), N.22 (fol. 21r-79v.), N.26 (fol. 97r-213v, 9 th -10 th cent.), N.31 (fol. 60r-256v, 9 th -10 th cent.), N.54 (fol. 109r-129v), N.58 (fol. 47r-58v: Burial rite, 9 th -10 th cent.), N.63 (fol. 65r-75v), N.70 (fol. 9r-12v), N.71 (8 fol: Index of gospel lessons, resembling that of Sin. O.38 (see n. 103), N.77 (2 fol., 9 th -10 th cent.), N.88 (2 fol.). translation), 98 partially translated into German, 99 and edited with trans- lation by T'arxnisvili in 1959-1960. 100 A list of sources of the Georgian Lectionary, not yet including the Sinai New Finds, was drawn up by Bernard Outtier in 1988. 101 The Sinai New Finds furnish altogether nine new sources of the Georgian Lectionary; 102 two of them comprise more than a hundred folios, which seems to represent a significant increase of source material. Whereas the most important witnesses to the Georgian Lectionary constitute separate codices, most of the Palestinian witnesses, including all of the Sinai New Finds as it seems, form part of 109 Stéphane Verhelst, 'Les lieux de station du lectionnaire de Jérusalem. 1ère partie: Les villages et fondations', Proche-Orient chrétien 54 (2004) 13-70; id., 'Les lieux de station du lectionnaire de Jérusalem. 2e partie: Les lieux saints', Proche-Orient chrétien 54 (2004) 247-289 (Wikipedia version: http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lieux_de_station_ de_la_liturgie_de_Jerusalem).
  16. Stéphane Verhelst, 'Le 15 août, le 9 avril et le Kathisme', Questions liturgiques 82 (2001) 161-191; id., 'Histoire ancienne de la durée du carême à Jérusalem', Questions liturgiques 84 (2003) 23-50; id., 'La place des prophètes dans le sanctoral de Jérusalem, Questions liturgiques 84 (2003) 182-203. See also the overview of Harald Buchinger, 'Das Jerusalemer Sanctorale: Zu Stand und Aufgaben der Forschung', in: A Cloud of Witnesses: The Cult of Saints in Past and Present, eds. M. Barnard, P. Post and E. Rose, Liturgia Condenda 18 (Leuven, 2005), pp. 97-128 (GL on p. 110-113).
  17. Liturgia, 'Conclusion: Vers une histoire de la liturgie eucharistique à Jérusalem', eds. Khevsuriani et al., p. 418; id., 'The Liturgy of Jerusalem in the Byzantine Period' (see n. 22), p. 317.
  18. Xevsuriani, 'Liturgy' (see n. 21), p. 237, col. A. 113 See n. 180.
  19. Tarchnisvili, 'Lektionarfragmente' (see n. 105), pp. 27-28.
  20. Xevsuriani, 'Liturgy' (see n. 21), p. 238, col. A.
  21. Oslo Schøyen Collection MS 035 (+ 129 fragments of the Russian National Library of St. Petersburg), 979, Sinai (formerly Tsagareli 81): 163 Lectionary index, Apostle and ascetic texts. In a note, Zos- ime explains that the index is kanonisagan sina∑midisay, 'of the kanoni of Holy Sinai', that is, following the Lectionary of the mon- astery of Mount Sinai. 164
  22. Sin. O.47 (+ Birmingham Mingana Georgian 6), 977, Sinai: The "Resurrection Office" of Sunday matins. In a note Zosime states that the resurrectional gospel readings in all eight tones are vi¯arwa ars berøulad sina∑midas ˙ina, 'as it is in the Greek manner in Holy Sinai'. 165
  23. Notes in the Ancient Horologion of Sin. O.34. Long after having finished the redaction of Sin. O.34, Zosime, at Sinai, inscribes four short notes about liturgical practices at the cenobion of the Burning Bush.
  24. On the liturgy of Sinai, see Robert Taft, 'Greek Monastic Liturgy on the Sinai Peninsula in the First Millennium: Glimpses of a Lost World', Conference at the Sympo- sium 'Holy Image -Hallowed Ground: Icons from Sinai', 26-27 January 2007, at the J. Paul Getty Museum (26 Jan.) and The Fowler Museum at UCLA, in press in the Sym- posium Acta.
  25. See Michel van Esbroeck, 'Les manuscrits de Jean Zosime Sin. 34 et Tsagareli 81', Bedi kartlisa 34 (1981) 63-75.
  26. R. Gvaramia et al., ≤ar¯ul xelna∑er¯a a˚∑eriloba. sinuri kole≤wia,
  27. Discussion: Do Ancient Georgian Liturgical Books Faithfully Reflect Greek Originals? So how are we to evaluate these Georgian sources as witnesses to Hagiopolite liturgy and its monastic peripheries? This question proves delicate, especially in cases when Georgian sources are the only ones we have. We shall now discuss some aspects of it.
  28. 1. Additions Made in Georgia Some non-Hagiopolite additions are found in manuscripts copied in Georgia itself, a fact suggesting that the additions in question were effectuated in Georgia. I shall give four examples:
  29. The huge New Iadgari of Mik'ael Modrekili (Tbilisi NCM S-425), copied at the monasteries of Oski and Satberdi in the late 10 th cen- tury, includes much indigenous hymnography, added to the Hagi- opolite Tropologion. 166
  30. In his dense study on the ordination prayers of Tbilisi NCM A-86, Brakmann gathers together demonstrations, made by himself or oth- ers, of textual loans, identifying three layers: 167 a) Main layer: prayers with uniquely Palestinian parallels. The main layer was extended by two additional layers: b) First additional layer: Prayers from the Testamentum Domini, a 4 th -5 th century church order. c) Second additional layer: Prayers used by the Mesopotamian Church of Seleukeia-Ktesiphon (East Syrian). The manuscript in question is Kartvelian, that is, it was made for the Catholicos of K'artli (Eastern Georgia), probably Symeon III (d. 1012). Brakmann opts for these supplements having been added in K'artli itself. 168
  31. 166 The hymnographers in question include Mik'ael Modrekili himself, Grigol Xandjt'eli, Iovane Minc'xi, Iovane Mtbevari, Iovane K'onk'ozisje and Step'ane Cqon- dideli. Cf. Michel van Esbroeck, 'L'hymnaire de Michel Modrekili et son sanctoral (X e siècle)', Bedi Kartlisa 38 (1980) 113-129, on p. 115. But note that the Ancient Iadgari Tbilisi NCM H-2123, seemingly written at St. Sabas, includes the feast of the Georgian martyr St. Abo (d. 786), as do copies of the Georgian Lectionary.
  32. Brakmann, 'Ordinationsgebete' (see n. 10), pp. 118-120: list of prayers and paral- lels. 168 'Offensichtlich wurde ein palästinensischer Grundbestand, wo auch immer, am ehesten wohl in Kaukasien, erweitert durch (a) pseudapostolische sowie (b) ostsyrische Gebete' (ibid., p. 121). It should also be noted that a fairly recent study of the Testamen- tum Domini locates its origin not in Syria, as is usually held, but in Gaza. See Michael Kohlbacher, 'Wessen Kirche ordnete das Testamentum Domini Nostri Jesu Christi?', in Zu Geschichte, Theologie, Liturgie und Gegenwartslage der syrischen Kirchen, eds. Martin Tamcke and Andreas Heinz (Münster, 2000), pp. 55-137. But see Brakmann's reservations concerning this location in ibid., n. 92.
  33. Garitte, Calendrier (see n. 148), pp. 115, 425. 170 For instance Sin. O.1, O.34, and O.64. 171 Some evidence could seem to point in the direction of a negative answer to the question of their faithfulness. In the composite codex Sin. Georgian O.34 the redactor Iovane Zosime includes three troparia composed by Symeon 'ant'iokeli', that is, Symeon the New Stylite (521-592). However, these stanzas, taken from a Georgian version of the Life of this Stylite, are not included in the liturgical books (Horologia or Iadgari). 172 Sin. Georgian N.2s and N.3s. 173 Sure evidence for an addition is found when the acrostic of the Greek original is complete without this ode, as in the Nativity Canon of Kosmas the Melodist (Xristòv gennáte, dozásate).
  34. Krivko, 'Sinaitic-Slavonic Hymnographical Parallels' (see n. 56), pp. 60-73, refers to three cases in this Tropologion of addition of a Second Ode. 175 The following are the most important: 'Ein Beitrag zum armenischen, syrischen und griechischen Sprachgebrauch bei den Aussagen über die Inkarnation in den frühen Symbolzitaten', in Logos: Festschrift für Luise Abramowski, eds. H. Ch. Brennecke et al. (Berlin and New York, 1993), pp. 499-510; 'Der armenische Ritus: Bestandsaufnahme und neue Erkenntnisse sowie einige kürzere Notizen zur Liturgie der Georgier', in The Christian East: Its Institutions and its Thought -A Critical Reflection, ed. Robert Taft, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 251 (Rome, 1995), pp. 265-298; Über die Entwicklungs- geschichte des armenischen Symbolums: Ein Vergleich mit dem syrischen und griechis- chen Formelgut unter Einbezug der relevanten georgischen und äthiopischen Quellen, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 262 (Rome, 2000); 'Das theologische Formelgut über den Schöpfer, das ömooúsiov, die Inkarnation und Menschwerdung in den georgischen Tro- parien des Iadgari im Spiegel der christlich-orientalischen Quellen', Oriens Christianus 84 (2000) 117-177; 'Über die Bedeutung einiger liturgischer Begriffe im georgischen Lektionar und Iadgari sowie im armenischen Ritus', Studi sull'Oriente Cristiano 4 (2000) (= FS Metreveli) 133-154; 'Einige bemerkenswerte christologische Aussagen im georgis- chen Iadgari: Ein Vergleich mit verwandten armenischen Quellen', Oriens Christianus 91 (2007) 134-163.
  35. For instance: 'Mit dem Einbezug des syrischen und armenischen Formelguts in die Untersuchung georgischer Schlüsselbegriffe für das homoousios und die Inkarnationsaus- sagen lassen sich neue Zusammenhänge erschließen, wie sich auch neue Fragen ergeben, so z.B. bei der Annahme, dass es sich beim Iadgari angeblich ausschließlich um eine Übersetzung griechischer Vorlagen handelt, die großteils verlorengegangen sind.' See Winkler, 'Eine neue Publikation zum Iadgari' (see n. 43), pp. 198-199.

FAQs

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What role did Georgian manuscripts play in preserving Jerusalem liturgy?add

Georgian manuscripts are pivotal as they largely preserved the first millennium Jerusalem liturgy, significantly contributing to our understanding of this rite's development between the 5th and 10th centuries.

How does the Georgian version of the Ancient Iadgari compare to Greek sources?add

The Georgian version of the Ancient Iadgari uniquely integrates original Hagiopolite hymnography while retaining ancient liturgical forms distinct from those of Greek sources.

Which Georgian traditions are linked to the Hagiopolite liturgy?add

Georgian traditions reveal a close connection to the Hagiopolite rite, evident in their distinct hymnography and the 5th-6th century Hagiopolite manuscript adaptations.

What insights do the Sinai New Finds provide for Georgian liturgical studies?add

The Sinai New Finds enhance our knowledge by adding over 142 Georgian liturgical entities, completing earlier manuscript collections and revealing previously unknown texts.

When was the transition from Hagiopolite to Byzantine liturgy in Georgia observed?add

The shift from Hagiopolite to Byzantine liturgy in the Georgian Church began in the 10th century, particularly influenced by the Iviron Monastery on Mount Athos.

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LITURGY OF JERUSALEM FROM THE FOURTH TO FIFTH CENTURIES

Liturgy of Jerusalem, 2024

This paper will present the Jerusalem liturgy in the fourth and fifth centuries, a period of the formation of the liturgies throughout the Christian world. More than all other major centers of the Christian world, Jerusalem has preserved written detailed descriptions of its liturgy since the fourth century. The primary sources on which the description of the Hagiopolite liturgy depend are: the Catechesis of St. Cyril of Jerusalem (CE 348-386), the narrative of Egeria's pilgrimage (CE 381-384), the Armenian Lectionary (CE 430),and the Georgian Lectionary (fifth to eighth centuries). Egeria, in her account, gives us the primary liturgical source that describes the liturgical year and the daily liturgy, but nothing is said to us regarding the texts used. This gap was filled by both the Armenian Lectionary published by British scholar Frederick Cornwallis Conybeare in the famous Rituale Armenorum, and the Lectionary of Jerusalem 121 which witnesses to the same content, of the same type around CE 417-434, fifty years after the Egeria pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 1 The Georgian Lectionary (GL) is a Georgian translation of the Greek Kanonion of Jerusalem, written during the time of Bishop Juvenal (CE 422-458) or later. 2 Some say it can be attributed to hymnographer St. Sophronius of Jerusalem (CE 634-638). 3 Before Egeria, already in the third century, the Fathers of the Church testified to the existence of a liturgy known in Jerusalem: the Hierosolimite Liturgy. The main two fathers are: Origen in CE 240, and Hesychius of Jerusalem since CE 412. 4 In this essay we will speak about the main churches where the Liturgy of Jerusalem was centered, then the main characteristic of this liturgy, its major elements, the liturgical language of Palestine, the ministries of religion in Jerusalem at that period, and finally the Jerusalemite Liturgical year.

Byzantine Liturgical Hymnography: a Stumbling Stone for the Jewish-Orthodox Christian Dialogue?, in: Review of Ecumenical Studies 11 (2/2019), 253-267

Review of Ecumenical Studies, 2019

This article discusses the role of Byzantine liturgical hymnography within the Jewish- Orthodox Christian dialogue. It seems that problematic anti-Jewish hymns of the Orthodox liturgy were often put forward by the Jewish side, but Orthodox theologians couldn’t offer a satisfactory answer, so that the dialogue itself profoundly suffered. The author of this study argues that liturgical hymnography cannot be a stumbling stone for the dialogue. Bringing new witnesses from several Orthodox theologians, the author underlines the need for a change of perspective. Then, beyond the intrinsic plea for the revision of the anti-Jewish texts, this article actually emphasizes the need to rediscover the Jewishness of the Byzantine liturgy and to approach the hymnography as an exegesis or even Midrash on the biblical texts and motives. As such, the anti-Jewish elements of the liturgy can be considered an impulse to a deeper analysis of Byzantine hymnography, which could be very fruitful for the Jewish-Christian Dialogue.

The Oldest Greek Tropologion Sin.Gr.ΜΓ56+5: A New Witness to the Liturgy of Jerusalem from Outside Jerusalem with First Edition of the Text/ Древний греческий тропологий Sin.Gr.ΜΓ 56+5: Новый источник по богослужению Иерусалима за его пределами

The Greek Tropologion Sin.Gr. ΜΓ 56+5, found in 1975 at Sinai and dated, as I suggest, to the second half of the 9th Century, is an important source for the liturgy of Jerusalem from outside of Jerusalem. Based on the “Anastasis” tradition, it has a local calendar and specific cult tradition, influenced by the region of Egypt, as seen in the “patronal feast” of the Archangel Michael, a hymn for the shrine of Saint Arsenios the Great, the commemoration of Saint Mark the Apostle as a “our patron,” etc. This constitutes the larger part of the Tropologion preserving these traditions in Greek, which also draws on the Old Iadgari. From the traditions of the Old Iadgari it inherited the liturgical framework (Vespers, Orthros, and sometimes the Eucharist), chants “at the Gathering,” “at the Entrance of the Holy [Gifts],” a number of common chants, archaic structures of refrains and poetical calques, concrete hymnographical pieces, interpolations for the Second Ode for new canons by John and Cosmas of Jerusaleme, who were the main architects of the new redaction of the Tropologion. The main body of hymns for many feasts of church year is new, as well as the innovative canon structure without the Second Ode, and the musical system of eight tones and pattern melodies. There is also evidence of Byzantinization in this manuscript, i.e. the influence of the liturgical tradition of Constantinople upon the tradition of Jerusalem, seen in the attributive remark “Byzantine”– an indication of the Byzantine manner of chanting in the service for Saint John Chrysostom (27 January, rubric 25, Εἰς τ(ὸ) αἰνεῖτ(ε). Ἦχ(ος) δ´. Βυζ(αντινά), as well as the “Cenae Tuae” koinonikon of Holy Thursday which we discussed above and which is clear evidence for Byzantinization, according to Parenti. Sin.Gr. ΜΓ 56+5 throws light on the liturgical tradition of Codex Sinaiticus Liturgicus (RNB.Gr.44, 9th Century), with its special commemoration of the Archangel Michael and the same monostroph which we found in our tropologion (RNB.Gr.44, f. 68 v–69= Sin.Gr. ΜΓ 56+5, rubric 70): Ἐκ τῶν φοβερῶν καὶ ἀχράντων μυστηρίων, Μιχαὴλ ὁ ἀρχάγγελος τὸ βραβεῖον ἐδέξατο, ὅτι τὸν Χριστὸν καὶ σωτῆρα τοῦ κόσμου ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἰκέτευε σὺν τῷ χορῷ τῶν ἀγγέλων, διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἡμεῖς βοήσωμεν αὐτῷ∙ δόξα σοὶ ἀρχηγὲ καὶ πρεσβευτὰ τῶν ψυχῶν ἡμῶν. The manuscripts uncovered in May 1975 at Saint Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai may have originated in some of the destroyed monasteries in Egypt. Because of their local specificity, they were useless in any location other than the ones for which they were composed and were thus put into storeage. I hope that the following manuscripts from the new finds at Sinai – Sin.Gr. ΜΓ. 80 (9th Centuries) and Sin.Gr. ΜΓ. 4, 20, 24, 82, 83, 84 (9th–10th Centuries) – by being brought into wider consideration, may give us rich food for further reflections on the Tropologion Sin.Gr. ΜΓ 56+5 and on this redaction of the Jerusalem liturgy outside of Jerusalem.

The Status of the Liturgy in the Christian East and Liturgical Differentiations

Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny

These types of liturgies and liturgical rites show us the richness that is present in the Christian East and West. They are the liturgical traditions of the Church, which preserves the continuity of the Christian liturgical tradition from the perspective of historical context in the environment where Christians live. Despite the glory of Constantinople, the Eastern Churches have preserved their own liturgies and rites. Although they are in smaller number, they are nonetheless still preserved in the liturgy despite circumstances hostile to Christianity and the influence of Islam. Local traditions in the West were gradually vanishing and the Roman liturgy had to confront life in Gallia. The celebration of the liturgy in the West according to the Roman model in the city of Rome and in areas under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Roman was preserved in the Latin Church until the beginning of the eighth century. Then there came a very important breaking point when the focus of the cultu...

Journal of Medieval History Greek liturgy in crusader Jerusalem: witnesses of liturgical life at the Holy Sepulchre and St Sabas Lavra
Excerpta ex dissertatione ad doctoratum: Worship of the Holy City in Captivity: The Liturgical Byzantinization of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem After the Arab Conquest (8th-13th c.) (Rome: Pontifical Oriental Institute, 2013). 109 p.
Greek liturgy in crusader Jerusalem: witnesses of liturgical life at the Holy Sepulchre and St Sabas Lavra

Journal of Medieval History, 2017

Although the arrival of the crusaders in Jerusalem in 1099 displaced the clergy, monks and faithful of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem from the holy sites that had been in their care for almost 800 years, they continued to pray and worship in the territory of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. This article examines two Greek liturgical manuscripts copied in Palestine during the twelfth century and seeks to contextualise their liturgical practices. The first manuscript, Hagios Stavros Gr. 43 (A.D. 1122), referred to as the 'Anastasis Typikon', is a hymnal for Holy Week and Easter at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The second manuscript, Sinai Gr. 1096 (twelfth century), is a liturgical Typikon regulating services at the multilingual and multi-ethnic Lavra of Mar Sabas southeast of Jerusalem. While both manuscripts are significant witnesses to the development of the Byzantine rite, they also provide glimpses of the religious life of Greek-praying Christians under crusader rule.

Liturgy and Architecture: Constantinopolitan Rite and Changes in the Architectural Planning of Georgian Churches

Convivium Supplementum, Georgia as a Bridge between Cultures Dynamics of Artistic Exchanges, 2021

Liturgy and Architecture: Constantinopolitan Rite and Changes in the Architectural Planning of Georgian Churches In the first half of the eleventh century, the Georgian Church standardized liturgy and church architecture, a process that had begun at the end of the preceding century. Literary evidence indicates that this shift, from the Hagiopolite tradition to the Constantinopolitan Liturgical Rite, was gradual and related to the presence of Georgians on Mount Athos, in particular to the Great Synaxarion edited by George Hagiorites between 1044 and 1056. Architectural evidence indicates a similar, gradual, process of transformation of sanctuaries in keeping with the new regulations in monastic, parish, and cathedral churches of Georgia. This paper argues that the process was taking place among the monasteries of T'ao-K'larjeti and speculate that the Studite Rite, which served as a basis for the Constantinopolitan Rite, was translated and practiced by Georgian monks in the Oshk'i, Otkhta Ek'lesia, and P'arkhali monasteries before the foundation of Iviron Monastery on Mount Athos.

Related topics

  • Georgian Manuscripts
  • Georgian Studies
  • Liturgy of Jerusalem
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