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Where Do We Go From Here? And How Can the Linear B Tablets Help Us Get There?

Profile image of Cynthia ShelmerdineCynthia Shelmerdine

1998, Aegaeum 18: The Aegean and The Orient in the Second Millennium BC

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Abstract

The Linear B tablets have played only a modest role in discussions of inf luence and interconnections between the Aegean and their eastern and southern neighbors, but their usefulness in this field is not yet exhausted. The Mycenaean documents do not contain any direct evidence for foreign trade, an omission which continues to surprise and to attract various explanations. Thus it seems at first look that they have little or nothing to offer discussions of interconnections between the Aegean and the Orient. The tablets can, however, assist in two fields of inquiry: 1) the movement of goods and people; and 2) the reconstruction of Mycenaean institutions and practices. Recent work in each area shows how valuable it can be to broaden the framework in which we regard Mycenaean culture, and this is certainly a consideration for future research.

Key takeaways
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  1. The Linear B tablets reveal significant insights into Mycenaean trade and interconnections with foreign cultures.
  2. Mycenaean trade was likely state-organized, with specific 'gateway communities' facilitating exchanges.
  3. Evidence from the Uluburun shipwreck supports the existence of high-level directional trade involving Mycenaean states.
  4. The tablets document movement of foreign goods and personnel, highlighting Mycenaean interactions with the Near East.
  5. Future research should integrate Linear B findings with broader cultural contexts to enhance understanding of Mycenaean practices.
Figures (1)
As redistributive centers, the Mycenaean palatial sites were thus in a position to control both local access to imports, and the production of goods for export. Another indication that foreign contact took place at the level of the state emerges from Deger-Jalkotzy’s recent discussion of the Kom el-Hetan statue base of Amenhotep III.6 She points out that the only four mainland names listed there can be linked with the best known mainland Mycenaean palaces: Mycenae, Dikte (=Boeotian Thebes), Messana (=Pylos), and Nauplia (=Tiryns). With this concentration, she rightly contrasts the much more diffuse access to prosperity and even foreign materials during post-palatial LH IIIC, as evidenced by rich grave goods in Arkadia, Akhaia, Phokis, and the Aegean islands. The difference is in line with other evidence that in the palatial era Mycenaean states regulated both acquisition and production of prestige goods at their end of the exchange line. It also follows from this list of Aegean places that at least one Egyptian pharaoh was aware of, or interested in, the mainland Mycenaeans only at the level of these principal administrative centers.
As redistributive centers, the Mycenaean palatial sites were thus in a position to control both local access to imports, and the production of goods for export. Another indication that foreign contact took place at the level of the state emerges from Deger-Jalkotzy’s recent discussion of the Kom el-Hetan statue base of Amenhotep III.6 She points out that the only four mainland names listed there can be linked with the best known mainland Mycenaean palaces: Mycenae, Dikte (=Boeotian Thebes), Messana (=Pylos), and Nauplia (=Tiryns). With this concentration, she rightly contrasts the much more diffuse access to prosperity and even foreign materials during post-palatial LH IIIC, as evidenced by rich grave goods in Arkadia, Akhaia, Phokis, and the Aegean islands. The difference is in line with other evidence that in the palatial era Mycenaean states regulated both acquisition and production of prestige goods at their end of the exchange line. It also follows from this list of Aegean places that at least one Egyptian pharaoh was aware of, or interested in, the mainland Mycenaeans only at the level of these principal administrative centers.

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Mycenaeans in Western Anatolia

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Foreign Affairs. Diplomacy, Trade, War and Migration in the Mycenaean Mediterranean (1400-1100 BC), in J. Driessen (ed.), RA-PI-NE-U. Studies on the Mycenaean World offered to Robert Laffineur for his 70th Birthday, Aegis 10, Louvain-la-Neuve: UCL, 349-363.

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References (21)

  1. J. DRIESSEN, An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos: A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing. ActaArchLov Monograph 2 (1990). See, however, dissenting reviews by P. WARREN, CR 42 (1992) 137-39 and M.R. POPHAM, JHS 113 (1993) 174-78. 18 Summary and references for different datings are conveniently collected by J.-P. OLIVIER, "The Inscribed Documents at Bronze Age Knossos," in D. EVELY, H. HUGHES-BROCK, and N. MOMIGLIANO (eds.), KNOSSOS: A Labyrinth of History. Papers presented in honour of Sinclair Hood (1994) 165-68. This account, however, must be corrected in one respect. OLIVIER argued here and in J.-P. OLIVIER, "KN 115 = KH 115. Un même scribe à Knossos et à La Canée au MR IIIB: du soupçon à la certitude," BCH 117 (1993) 19-33, that one Knossos scribe also worked at Khania, with consequences for the date of the main Knossos archive. This article was effectively challenged by T.G. PALAIMA, "Ten Reasons Why KH 115 ≠ KN 115," Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 261-81, and Olivier has now withdrawn the suggestion (BCH forthcoming).
  2. E. HALLAGER, M. VLASAKIS, and B.P. HALLAGER, "The First Linear B Tablet(s) from Khania," Kadmos 29 (1990) 24-34, esp. 27 with n. 13.
  3. E. HALLAGER, M. VLASAKIS, and B.P. HALLAGER, "New Linear B Tablets from Khania," Kadmos 31 (1992) 61, 67-70.
  4. E.B. FRENCH, "Pottery from LH III B1 Destruction Contexts at Mycenae," BSA 62 (1967) 149-93. On these houses see I. TOURNAVITOU, The 'Ivory Houses' at Mycenae. BSA Suppl. 24 (1995), and on the tablets C. VARIAS GARCIA, Los Documentos en Lineal B de Micenas. Ensayo de Interpretación Global. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Barcelona (1993).
  5. Ug series: S. SYMEONOGLOU, The Topography of Thebes from the Bronze Age to Modern Times (1985) 40, 231, site 3; K. DEMAKOPOULOU in ArchDelt 29 (1973-1974) Chronika 441. Wu series: C. PITEROS, J.-P. OLIVIER and J.L. MELENA, "Les inscriptions en linéaire B des nodules de Thèbes (1982): la fouille, les documents, les possibilités d'interprétation," BCH 114 (1990) 104-105.
  6. 23 Oi series, Wt 700, X 707: W. D. TAYLOUR in J. CHADWICK (ed.), The Mycenae Tablets III. TAPS N.S. 52, Part 7 (1962) 45-46; K.A. WARDLE, "A Group of Late Helladic IIIB 2 Pottery from Within the Citadel at Mycenae: 'The Causeway Deposit,'" BSA 68 (1973) 297-348. L 710: G. MYLONAS, "A Tablet from Mycenae," Kadmos 7 (1968) 65-66. Fu 11: G. MYLONAS, " A New Tablet from Mycenae, MY Fu 711," Kadmos 9 (1970) 48.
  7. 24 Cb 4, Ef 2, Ef 3: L. GODART and J.-P. OLIVIER, "Nouveaux textes en linéaire B de Tirynthe," in Tiryns VIII (1975) 41-53. Si 5: U. NAUMANN, L. GODART, and J.-P. OLIVIER, "Un cinquième fragment de tablette en linéaire B de Tirynthe," BCH 101 (1977) 229-34. X 6: L. GODART, J.T. KILLEN, and J.-P. OLIVIER, "Un sixième fragment de tablette en linéaire B de Tirynthe," AA 1979, 450-58. Tablets fallen into Room 130 of the Lower Town: L. GODART, J.T. KILLEN, and J.-P. OLIVIER, "Eighteen More Fragments of Linear B Tablets from Tiryns. Ausgrabungen in Tiryns 1981," AA 1983, 413-26.
  8. 25 Of tablets: T. SPYROPOULOS and J. CHADWICK, The Thebes Tablets II. Minos Suppl. 4 (1975) 53-55. Pelopidou Street: ARAVANTINOS et al. (supra n. 10) 823.
  9. C.W. BLEGEN and M. RAWSON, The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia I: The Buildings and Their Contents (1966) 421-22. This date for the main archive, though much debated, has not yet been convincingly supplanted. Five earlier tablets: T.G. PALAIMA, "Evidence for the Inf luence of the Knossian Graphic Tradition at Pylos," in P. OLIVA and A. FROLIKOVA (eds.), Concilium Eirene 16 (1983) 80-84.
  10. J.T. KILLEN, "PY An 1," Minos 18 (1983) 71-79.
  11. O. GURNEY, The Hittites (1954) 152-55.
  12. J.B. PRITCHARD, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament 3 (1969) 558-60.
  13. J.B. CARTER, "Ancestor Cult and the Occasion of Homeric Performance," in J.B. CARTER and S.P. MORRIS (eds.), The Ages of Homer (1995) 285-312.
  14. J.T. KILLEN, "Observations on the Thebes Sealings," in J.-P. OLIVIER (ed.), Mykenaïka: Actes du IXe colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens, Athènes, 2-6 Octobre 1990. BCH Suppl. 25 (1992) 365-80; Idem, "Thebes Sealings, Knossos Tablets and Mycenaean State Banquets," BICS 1994, 67-84;
  15. C.W. SHELMERDINE, "Mycenaean Administration: Where's the Chief ?," paper delivered at a symposium on Mycenaean administration at the annual meeting of the Society of American Archaeologists, April 1997 (forthcoming). 46 PITEROS et al. (supra n. 22) 179 with n. 332. 47 For discussion see P. CARLIER, La royauté en Grèce avant Alexandre (1984) 91-94; M. VENTRIS and J. CHADWICK, Documents in Mycenaean Greek 2 (1973) 440-41, 562 s.v. mu-jo-me-no; KILLEN 1994 (supra n. 45) 72; AURA JORRO 1985 (supra n. 4) 80-81 s.v. a-pi-e-ke, 459-60 s.v. mu-jo-me-no.
  16. 48 The new Pylos fragment is now under study for publication; preliminary notice by F.A. COOPER, "MARWP Pylos Project" (address verified 15 January 1998): http://marwp.cla.umn.edu/PYLOS/pylos.html.
  17. 49 The following summarizes discussion in C.W. SHELMERDINE, "Review of Aegean Prehistory VI: the Palatial Bronze Age of the Southern and Central Greek Mainland," AJA 101 (1997) 537-85, and Eadem forthcoming (supra n. 45).
  18. Cf. the discussion of this fresco and comparanda by CARTER (supra n. 43).
  19. M.L. LANG, The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia II: The Frescoes (1969) 38-40, 192-93, reconstruction pl. 119. In the megaron itself, L. McCALLUM, Decorative Program in the Mycenaean Palace of Pylos: The Megaron Frescoes. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania (1987) 68-141 reconstructs a trussed bull lying on a table, but only the bull's shoulder actually survives: LANG (supra) 109-10 no. 19 C 6, pls. 53, 125; CARTER (supra n. 43) fig. 18.8.
  20. S. HILLER, "Mykenische Heiligtümer: Das Zeugnis der Linear B-Texte," in R. HÄGG and N. MARINATOS (eds.), Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age (1981) 117-19;
  21. K. KILIAN, "Mykenische Heiligtümer der Peloponnes," in H. FRONING, T. HÖLSCHER, and H. MIELSCH (eds.), Kotinos. Festschrift für Erika Simon (1992) 17; and R. HÄGG, "State and Religion in Mycenaean Greece," in Politeia, 389-90.

FAQs

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What do the Linear B tablets reveal about trade organization in the Late Bronze Age?add

The evidence suggests that trade during this period was state-organized and directional, focusing on specific 'gateway communities' for redistribution. For example, the Uluburun shipwreck indicates high-level directional trade engaged by the Mycenaean states around 1316 B.C.

How did the Mycenaean states control foreign imports and exports?add

Mycenaean palatial sites regulated production for export while controlling local access to imports. This is observed through their industrial-scale textile and perfumed oil production, similar to the Knossos wool industry.

What role did foreign labor play in Mycenaean economic systems?add

Tablets from Pylos show that foreign workers, such as Lydians and Lemnians, were integrated into local production systems. This indicates that Pylos attracted or conscripted foreign labor around late LH IIIB.

How did Mycenaean cultural practices reflect foreign influences in their rituals?add

Recent analyses of Linear B tablets suggest that Mycenaeans held ritual banquets with similarities to contemporaneous Near Eastern practices. The supplies listed in these tablets indicate extensive preparations that align with Hittite and Syrian feasting customs.

What does the distribution of foreign names in Linear B tablets signify about Mycenaean interactions?add

The presence of foreign ethnics in Linear B tablets from Pylos and other sites highlights significant interactions with neighboring cultures. For instance, names of individuals from western Asia Minor and Egypt indicate diverse contact and integration within Mycenaean society.

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The aim of the volume, as stated, is to address the role of the island of Crete within Phoenician trade routes, in the Aegean, in the 1st millennium BC. In the introduction, after a brief review of the wider framework of connections throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, Judith Muñoz Sogas presents a series of questions ranging from "When did Phoenicians arrive in Crete?", and "What materials were transported to the island?" to "Did Phoenician trade routes exclusively touch Crete, or did they extend into the Aegean to the North?", all interrogating the level and nature of Phoenician presence on the island. To answer these questions the author states that the study will be based mainly on data from Kommos, and more particularly, on the context of Temple B, which the author intends to compare with other Aegean temples-Aegean being understood in an extended definition since Cyprus is included. Unexpectedly, only 16 pages are dedicated to the harbour and sanctuary of Kommos, which is supposed to constitute the heart of the volume. Moreover, given the-at least-syncretic context of the Temple B of Kommos, one may be surprised that this comparison is limited to Aegean temples, without including those from the Levant, and thereby rejecting the possibility that the architecture of this building might be as, or even more, Levantine than Greek. It is all the more

Davis, J.L., and E. Gorogianni. 2008. “Potsherds from the Edge: Defining the Limits of Minoanized Areas of the Aegean.” In Ορίζων A Colloquium on the Prehistory of the Cyclades, Cambridge 25-28 March 2004. McDonald Institute Monographs, edited by N. Brodie, J. Doole, G. Gavalas, and, C. Renfrew, 379-388. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.
“The Nature and Control of Minoan Foreign Trade”, Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean, Papers Presented at the Conference held at Rewley House, Oxford (December 1989), Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 90, 1991, pp. 325–350.
PATTERNS OF EXCHANGE AND MOBILITY: THE CASE OF THE GREY WARE IN MIDDLE AND LATE MINOAN CRETE
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