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American Ethnologist, 2010

Journal of Palestine Studies, 2015

This article concerning the Great Revolt of 1936-39 is based on archival research conducted in England and Israel in 2011-12. It argues that British resort to harsh repressive measures during the 1936 phase of the revolt began earlier, endured longer, and occurred more frequently than scholars have hitherto recognized. It contends further that this oversight is an instance of a broader trend in the scholarship: namely, the internalization of the pervasive tendency in British and Zionist archival materials to characterize the rebellion as a crime wave, to which the Mandate merely responded, rather than provoked.

2011

This is a study of the historical works produced by the Arabs of Palestine during the period of British Mandatory rule. First I trace the perception of late Ottoman rule in Palestine, suggesting that, at first, the vicious war years left a profoundly bitter impression of Ottoman rule for most writers. In the 1920s, the Ottomans were, for the most part, deemed tyrannical and backward usurpers who failed to bring civilization to the Arabs. As the war years faded in the mid-late 1930s and 1940s, we find a much more positive portrayal of late Ottoman rule over Palestine. Second, I trace attitudes towards British rule. It may be surprising, for many scholars bent on demonizing the colonial powers, that the British were, at first, embraced with white flags and flying colors. For many Arabs in Palestine, they continued to be considered liberators rather than colonizers for the first few years after their arrival in Palestine—notwithstanding their support for Zionism and their broader colonial ambitions in the Near East. By the mid-late 1920s and 1930s, to be sure, this attitude had all but vanished and a strong anti-British feeling came to dominate Arab historiography in Palestine until the very end of the Mandate. Third, I trace loyalties and identities during the Mandate period. I argue that, in the 1920s, local loyalties to cities and towns were the most significant identity markers, followed by Arab and religious loyalties, both of which were also very important. In the 1920s, a territorial identification with Bilad al-Sham or Suriyya rivaled if not trumped a territorial identification with Filastin. Even in the 1920s, though, it would be a mistake to consider either of these broader territorial identifications loyalties insofar as they did not trigger a sense of self-sacrifice nor did they carry with them much emotive power. Not until the late 1920s and early 1930s did Palestine triumph over broader territorial identifications such as Syria and not until the mid-late 1930s and 1940s did this territorial identification with Palestine emerge as a key source of loyalty for many of the region’s inhabitants. All the while, the historical works suggest the growing importance of an Arab identity and the declining importance of religious loyalties.

2013

v support over the years required to research and write it, to say nothing of the prior years of graduate study. My advisor and committee chair, Professor James Gelvin, was likewise a source of perpetual encouragement, as well as constructive criticism, with respect to both the dissertation and my graduate endeavors more generally. He always made himself available to me, which must have been inconvenient at times. I am in his debt. I would also like to thank my committee members--Professors Michael Mann, David N. Myers, and Gabriel Piterberg--who offered me wise insights and were kind enough to read through the dissertation carefully and critically. I am honored to have such esteemed scholars lend me their time and thoughts. I could not have completed the research for this study without the generous funding of the UCLA Department of History, nor could I have conducted it without the staffs and collections of the National Archives and Imperial War Museum in London, the Middle East Centre at Oxford University, the Central Zionist Archives and Israel State Archives in Jerusalem, and the Haganah Archives in Tel Aviv. I would like also to thank Hadley Porter for always helping me to make my way through the university bureaucracy. Lastly, I wish to express my gratitude to a number of people who read drafts of chapters or otherwise offered me their considered thoughts on aspects of my dissertation, and to several people who aided me in my research. Closest to home, these include my lifelong friend, Professor Tommy Givens, and my uncle and dear friend, the great Dr.

Journal of Palestine Studies, 2012

Journal of Intercultural Studies, 2021

This article considers how the representation of Palestinians in popular imaging has shifted from the nineteenth century to the current day. It will utilise a mixture of popular media, including photography, portraiture, film, political posters and television. This longitudinal study charts the relationship of Orientalism and biblification as imaging systems – and their respective connotations of familiarity and otherness – in delineating questions of indigeneity and transgression as they pertain to the Palestinian body. It will analyse how biblification and Orientalism have operated to effect transformations in the projection and reception of the Palestinian body, both in western and Palestinian authored imagery. This analysis is underscored with questions of class, urban-rural divides and modernity in Palestine. Analysing the continuities, contestation and transformation shaping the imaging of the Palestinian body, this article focuses on the figures of the fellah, the fedayee and the infiltrator. It argues the Palestinian body was transformed from an indigenous, biblified vestige to an orientalised outsider status, with continuing impacts on contemporary representations. It considers how the historical contestation of Palestinian bodies has continued to impact contemporary popular narratives.

Studia Orientalia Slovaca, 2010

The Middle East Journal, 2015

2020

This article traces the conception, planning, and execution of the 1931 Arab Exhibition in Jerusalem, followed by a Second Exhibition in 1932. The two Jerusalem exhibitions were held during a critical political period, as several Arab countries were at the height of their struggle against British and French colonial rule. In Palestine the timing was all the more acute. Executed between the two major Palestinian revolts of 1929 and1936, the exhibitions were held at a time of direct and violent Arab confrontation with the Zionists and the British, but also at a formative moment when Palestinians were articulating their national identity and making real attempts to establish national institutions. The two Jerusalem exhibitions were events of profound importance for both Palestine and the Arab region. Drawing on historical Arabic newspapers, memoirs, and photographs, this article shows that the exhibitions were intended to demonstrate that Arab countries were witnessing remarkable innov...

AI

This article concerning the Great Revolt of 1936-39 is based on archival research conducted in England and Israel in 2011-12. It argues that British resort to harsh repressive measures during the 1936 phase of the revolt began earlier, endured longer, and occurred more frequently than scholars have hitherto recognized. It contends further that this oversight is an instance of a broader trend in the scholarship: namely, the internalization of the pervasive tendency in British and Zionist archival materials to characterize the rebellion as a crime wave, to which the Mandate merely responded, rather than provoked.

Digest of Middle East Studies, 1997

Journal of Israeli History, 2023

The period of the Arab Revolt in Palestine (1936-1939) marked a turning point in the Yishuv's attitude toward the fatalities of its struggle with the Palestinians. This article examines this change as reflected in the newspapers of the Yishuv. If in the 1920s casualties were viewed as a disappointment of the dream of a safe haven, during the Arab Revolt the emphasis was placed on the notion that a reality of fatalities was a fate with which it was necessary to completely come to terms. The press coverage ceased emphasizing the atrocities and instead highlighted the honor and respect paid to the dead. The result was a new culture of mass funerals, which became one of the most prominent Zionist displays of the period. The rituals that emerged around violent death during this period emerged as a major attribute of Israeli bereavement.

This article treats the topic of political cartooning and the evolution of a genre during the early years of Israeli statehood. It focuses particularly on the work of two prominent cartoon artists, Friedel Stern and Kariel Gardosh (Dosh), who made their careers in Israel in the 1950s and '60s and whose politically charged images have been sanitized over time. It looks at how attitudes towards certain imagery have changed so that political commentary that was seen as relevant and acute during early statehood eventually lost its political edge through historical handling and revision. These two cartoonists provided strong visual symbols of early Israeli national identity, which invariably had political motivations, and yet their legacy as political commentators during a crucial period in Israeli political history is often overlooked.

Osgoode Hall Law Journal, 2022

As part of the Special Issue, this article adopts a methodological orientation that works through and with international law’s cultural legal archive. It focuses on one colonial literary artifact that shows the historical tension between colonization and revolution and examines the traces of those constitutive relations in the present. The artifact in question is an intriguing literary excursion by a British colonial-era judge in Palestine entitled Palestine Parodies. It mocks the legal life of Mandate Palestine through the use of comics, puns, and riddles. This raises a number of provocative themes relating to Mandate law, revolution, humor, and humiliation. The article reads this artifact against the history of the Arab revolt in Palestine, which lasted for three years (1936–1939) and was violently crushed by the British forces. It engages in a detailed exegesis of a number of images drawn from this document, arguing that closely parsing these “humorous” illustrations and drawings from a different era assembles and curates two competing stories. One story is about how colonial legal structures, manifested in the form of the comedic, collided with a second story that narrates the history of struggle, refusal, and revolt. Through curating competing images, jokes, and stories, this visual and literary tension in the analysis gazes upon history to recall and rekindle revolutionary possibilities.

The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 2008

In April 1936 growing unrest among the Arab community of Palestine led to the outbreak of a sustained revolt that would pose the most serious threat to British rule thus far experienced by the mandate government. Initially manifesting itself as an urban-led campaign of civil disobedience directed against the Zionist presence in Palestine, the second phase of the rebellion developed into a far more violent and peasant-led resistance movement that increasingly targeted British forces. Britain's response to this unrest has been the focus of much historical research, but few studies have examined the realities of the counterinsurgency at ground level or the relevance of this to the internal fracturing and collapse of the rebel movement in 1939. This article investigates the interplay between the colonial forces and the rural Arab population, highlighting Britain's resort to more heavy-handed military violence during the second phase of the Revolt, and situating these tactics in the wider issue of British abuses perpetrated during states of emergency.

Semiotica, 2006

The intention of this paper is to describe the evolution of a photographic narrative constructed in the Israeli media. The analysis will focus on the case of the 'lynch in Ramallah' photograph, an image of upheld bloodstained hands of young Palestinian photographed immediately following the lynching of two IDF soldiers, that was first published on 13 October, 2000. The paper will provide an account of several processes involved in the production and consumption of photographs in contemporary violent conflicts: First, a detailed semiotic description of the characteristics of the lynch image will demonstrate how it became a metonymic representation of the enemy and, thereafter, a defining reference for the ongoing conflict. Second, an account of the reproduction and distribution of the image will illustrate the way in which it's communicative mode changed through several visual processes, and how these changes function in the image contest. Third, an analysis of the role of national institutions in the constructed narrative will demonstrate the nature of the e¤orts invested in bring about closure to one particular episode, within the wider context of an ongoing and unfinished narrative such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. By exploring the aforementioned practices this paper intends to conceptualize a basic structural element of the visual narrative -a thematic 'violation-revenge' pairing that emerges from traumatic photographs. This conceptualization will further contribute to our understanding of the role of collective visual archives during national conflicts.

Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook, 2019

This article highlights modes of image transfer between photographers in Palestine and photo agencies and editors in 1930s Europe. It argues that Jewish photographers—who had shaped the central European photographic and photojournalistic scene before 1933, and were now excluded from it—continued to influence the international news and press market with their works. Palestine, a place to which several of these journalists fled, had been known in the European spectacle as the timeless ‘Holy Land’; now, through political upheavals, it entered the news. The photographic documents of the clashes between Arabs, Jews and British troops during the 1930s and taken by German-Jewish photographers in exile became valuable commodities internationally and entered a plethora of national markets, including that of National Socialist Germany. Many of the photographers who had been banned from the German photojournalistic scene in fact remained part of the visual discourse negotiated in German illustrated newspapers. The experience of exile of the photographers and photo agents involved in the international image transfer of photographs from Palestine can be seen as a catalyst for the contingencies in international photo trade, the loss of control of news photographs, and ultimately the crossing of the aesthetic and artistic borders of National Socialist Germany, which were believed to be closed to outside influences. The various views and the ways in which they were used trigger questions about the Jewish nature of the photographic gaze and the possibility or impossibility of distorting visual content via textual frameworks in photo essays and newspaper articles.

L'Harmattan, 2017

Social Semiotics, 2019

This paper is a critical examination of the ideological underpinnings of cartoons in Nigeria's socio-political milieu. The study seeks to unveil cartoonists' strategic moves to (mis)represent Nigerian women. The data comprise 10 political cartoons which were selected using a purposive-sampling method in line with the thematic concern of the study. They were analysed using Kress and Van Leeuwen's social semiotic approach to the analysis of multimodal texts along with insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA). Findings reveal that semiotic resources, such as pronominal choices, speech acts, labelling, visual metaphorisation, information value, salience/emphasis, and framing, play significant roles in cartoonists' commentaries on gender-related issues in Nigeria's socio-political domain. Viewed against the United Nations' global goal of gender equality by 2030, the study concludes that Nigerian newspaper political cartoonists' representation of women ideologically both (re)produces or resists (un)equal gender relations among Nigerian citizens.

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