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250 pages
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The paper explores the intersection of language and national identity among the Carpatho-Rusyns, a stateless ethnic group in Eastern Europe. It examines the role of cultural activists, particularly women, in revitalizing and defining Carpatho-Rusyn identity after the fall of Communism. Through the case study of Anna Plishkova, the paper highlights the complexities of linguistic and cultural upbringing in a multi-ethnic context and the challenges of national classification in Czechoslovakia, exploring how these factors intersected to shape modern Carpatho-Rusyn identity.
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Rusyn was codified in the Slovak Republic in 1995. As a result, this language is considered one of the youngest Slavic literary languages. In fact, its history is several centuries long and known due to many struggles in order to find the most suitable form of standard language for Rusyns living not only in modern Slovakia, but also in the whole area of the historic Carpathian Rus. Dealing with the matter of Rusyn language has always been related to the issue of Rusyn national identity: Are Rusyns of Greater Russian or Ukrainian nationality, or are they an autonomous Slavic nationality? This question could only be partly answered as late as the end of the 20th century, in post-1989 pluralistic society, when Rusyn was codified, which was a natural outcome of the liberal solution to the dilemma of their ethnic affiliation. A fundamental condition was provided for the use of the mother tongue in specific spheres of social life: mass media, religious, stage-theatrical and literary activities, where Rusyn was also partly used before its codification; however, without fixed orthographic and orthoepic rules. The codification of Rusyn also became a precondition for its introduction to education and officialdom. It is especially its functioning in education which gives this ethnic group hope not only for maintaining and strengthening their national identity, but also for a message being passed to the future generations and a sense of dignity and prestige stemming from their mother tongue being used in spheres more cultured than just that of everyday communication in the family environment.
Slavic and East European Journal, 2017
Reviews 375 ogy as doctrine must be understood as a dynamic, at times equivocal process, which in turn overlaps with ideology as worldview-more discernible in practices than in foundational texts and, indeed, reflecting broader intellectual currents than mere Marxism-Leninism in the Soviet case. At the same time, one cannot merely plumb the objective content of ideology, however fluid one considers it, but must also keep in mind the hermeneutic circle that includes historical actors' own understanding of what ideology means and why it matters. Ideology as discourse (identified at its extreme with the work of Evgeny Dobrenko on Socialist Realism) and ideology as performance (now rooted in the work of Alexei Yurchak) require similar tempering. Representational strategies are an essential aspect of ideology, but they should not be taken as primary in the historical process, crowding out other spheres and monopolizing causality. Yurchak's argument about a performative turn in the post-Stalin era is also too strong: "Ideas [...] do matter-even under Brezhnev" (95). Finally, one should not neglect the role of affect in ideology, which raises commitment to a level comparable with religious faith, although David-Fox maintains that the notion of "political religion" should not be pushed too far beyond the realm of metaphor.
7th International Summer School of Rusyn Language and Culture at Prešov University
Nationalities Papers, 2019
My duty was to review Chapters 8 through 11, covering the period from 1772 to 1914. Over the years I have read quite a bit about Habsburg Hungary in this period and also about the political and intellectual currents among its Rusyn population, especially texts produced by Paul Robert Magocsi. But my expertise is limited: I have never done independent research on these themes. I feel on firmer ground when it comes to the Rusyns of the Austrian part of the Habsburg monarchy, which include the Lemkos of Galicia. I have conducted my own investigations of Rusyn Galicia, although with an emphasis on its more eastern parts, outside the area of Lemko Nationalities Papers 515
2014
Title Between an Imagined Language and a Codified Dialect Pugh, Stefan M., The Rusyn Language: A Grammar of the Literary Standard of Slovakia with Reference to Lemko and Subcarpathian Rusyn (Munich, 2009), viii, 224 pp. (Languages of the World/Materials, 476) Author(s) Danylenko, Andrii Citation Acta Slavica Iaponica, 35: 135-145 Issue Date 2014 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/60019 Type bulletin (other) File Information ASI35_006.pdf
Committing Community: Carpatho-Rusyn Studies as an Emerging Scholarly Discipline. Ed. Elaine Rusinko. East European Monographs. New York: Columbia University Press. , 2009
Carpatho-Rusyn literature as a "new" Slavic literature and its role in the evolution of an emerging nationality.
Committing Community: Carpatho-Rusyn Studies as an Emerging Scholarly Discipline. Ed. Elaine Rusinko. East European Monographs. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009
The history of Carpatho-Rusyn literature in Subcarpathia as a response to social conditions, an affirmation of identity, a strategy to ensure national survival through a process of continual negotiation between states, religions, and languages.
The article deals with Dmytro Čyževs’kyj’s publications in English mostly on Comparative Studies of Slavic literatures (since 1948 till the mid 1970s), but also embracing historiography and encyclopedia articles, articles on Ukrainian, Russian, Polish, Czech and Slovak writers, and editorial selections from Slavic literatures. The common peculiarity of these works is their interdisciplinary character: Slavic literature investigations are closely connected with the history, philosophy, and culture of the Slavic peoples as well as their relation to the West-European cultural tradition.
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The research shows that women significantly led the Carpatho-Rusyn nationalist movements, influencing direction and activism across countries including Slovakia and Poland.
The 1995 codification involved substantial community engagement to standardize the literary language based on spoken dialects, marking a revival after decades of repression.
The 1989 Velvet Revolution allowed Carpatho-Rusyns to redefine their identity and assert their linguistic rights, leading to significant cultural revival.
Rusyn language instruction has declined, with fewer schools offering it since 2007, highlighting issues in teacher training and institutional support.
Rusyn is used in periodicals and religious services, yet its prevalence is threatened by Slovak and Ukrainian language dominance in public life.
The Rusyn language was codified in Slovakia in 1995. Its form was based on the two most widespread Rusyn dialects in Slovakia: Eastern-Zemplin and Western-Zemplin dialects. Given the date of its codification, Rusyn is a very young Slavic language. Its history, though, goes back hundreds of years and is renown for the struggles provoked among those attempting to formulate a standard language for Carpatho-Rusyns who lived not only on the territory of present-day Slovakia, but also in the entire region of historic Carpathian Rus. The issue of the standard language for this ethnic group has always been connected with with the issue of ethnic identification of Carpatho-Rusyns, specifically whether they belong to the Great Russian or Ukrainian nations, or are a Slavic nationality on their own. Self-identification issues were resolved after 1989 in the conditions of a modern pluralistic society when Carpatho-Rusyns were recognized throughout Europe as a distinct Slavic group. Thus, the codification of the language of Carpatho-Rusyns at the end of the 20th century was a natural consequence of that resolution of the ethnic identification dilemma. The codification also became a fundamental condition for establishing the standard language in particular spheres (journalistic, confessional, theatrical, literary – partly functioning already prior to the codification), where, until 1995, various dialects had been used without unified standard rules. At the same time, the codification provided a basis for use of the language in the spheres of education and social (official) matters, which especially required a solid standard.
Ab Imperio, 2017
Studia Slavica, 2008
The history of European nationalities illustrates that language is one of the key elements supporting the foundation and continued existence of many national groups. Language is not only an instrument of communication and thinking, but also the means by which spiritual traditions and the creations of past generations are preserved and passed on. It is language that has helped solve many problems in national, cultural and political life. Thus it is logical that both large nationalities and small ethnic groups are interested in expanding the sphere of their mother tongue's use. Rusyns are a prime example because their efforts to find the most appropriate language medium --which could be elevated to the level of a literary language --are over 300 years old. The continuous attempts to solve this problem are evidence of the given ethnic group's objective need to have their own literary language as well as a cultural tradition, which would, as the prominent Russian Slavist Nikita Iljič Tolstoj states, "bind man with his 'little heritage' and to some extent satisfy his nostalgia for the unfulfilled desire for the ancestors' language" .
Rusyn was codified in the Slovak Republic in 1995 and its norm was based on the two most widespread Rusyn dialects: Eastern-Zemplín and Western-Zemplín. As a result, this language is considered one of the youngest Slavic literary languages. In fact, its history is several centuries old and known due to many struggles in order to find the most suitable form of standard language for Rusyns living not only in modern Slovakia, but also in the whole area of the historic Carpathian Rus. Dealing with the matter of Rusyn language has always been related to the issue of Rusyn national identity: Are Rusyns of Greater Russian or Ukrainian nationality, or are they an autonomous Slavic nationality? This question could only be partly answered as late as the end of the 20 th century, in the post-1989 pluralistic society, when Rusyn was codified, which was a natural outcome of the liberal solution to the dilemma of their ethnic affiliation. It also became a fundamental condition for the use of their mother tongue in specific spheres of social life: mass media, religious, stage-theatrical and literary, where Rusyn was also partly used before its codification; however, without fixed orthographic and orthoepic rules. The codification of Rusyn also became a precondition for its introduction to education and officialdom. It is especially its functioning in education which gives this ethnic group hope not only for maintaining and strengthening their national identity, but also for a message being passed onto future generations and a sense of dignity and prestige stemming from their mother tongue being used in spheres more cultured than just that of everyday communication in the family environment.
Fourth Annual Tartu Conference on Russian and East European Studies June 10, 2019 , 2019
The Rusyn Question in the Frameworks of Ehnic Minorities, and of the International Diplomacy and Peace-Building — Rusyns in Different Positions in Ukraine, Slovakia and Serbia The presentation-slides are to be download here: https://www.academia.edu/39481546/ Abstract: The Rusyns represent ethnic minorities, living in contemporary Ukraine, Slovakia, Poland, Rumania, Hungary and Serbia, and those emigrated from these countries to Australia, Canada, and The United States. They constitute officially recognized ethnic minorities in every European country they live in, even in Ukraine. For the last two decades, Rusyns in Slovakia have “codified” a literary language. Since it had been missing for centuries; the Rusyn authors wrote in Latin, Church Slavonic, then Russian, a few of them in Ukrainian. The only department of Rusyn Studies is working and the only PhD program in Rusyn Philology is running in Preshov, Slovakia. It was criticized by some Carpatho-Rusyn acti¬vists in Ukraine (as e.g. by Igor Kercha), because of the divergences in vernaculars which the “codified” version was based on. Really, there are at least three “literary” languages used by writers and the learned elite: “Slovakian”, “Carpatho-Ukrainian” and “Vojvodian” in Serbia. The fear in Ukraine is rooted in the history of Transcarpathia: it had not been a part of Ukraine before it became a district of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialistic Republic in results of the World War II. Earlier it formed a part of the Hungarian Kingdom during centuries, and after the First World War it was attached to then-shaped Czechoslovakia. Efforts by right-wing political movements in Hungary, which endeavor to reconnect the Carpathian territories to Hungary, make nowadays some risk. Ukraine has already lost and is probably losing some terri¬tories in South (Crimea) and East (Donetsk). West part of Ukraine has been a stronger bases of the stability of the Ukrai¬nian State; although full of ambiguities due to Polish and Hungarian questions. Therefore the Rusyn question is to be regarded not only in the frameworks of ethnic minorities, but in a wider sense of the diplomacy and peace-building, too.
Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (Print), 2008
2018
is henceforth to become a new publication series at the Centre for Research in Breton and Celtic Studies (crbc) of the University of Western Brittany (ubo), Brest. This builds on long-term collaboration between research centres in Celtic Studies at Ulster University and UBO. Studia Celto-Slavica was originally launched in 2006 with the publication of the Societas Celto-Slavica inaugural colloquium proceedings at Coleraine. 1 Altogether, eight volumes of the series have been published. 2 The series invites contributions on topics such as Celto-Slavic isoglosses, Indo-European linguistic heritage and archaeological data, Celtic place-names in the Slavic countries, parallels in languages, literatures and cultures, as well as similarities between Celtic and Slavic narrative and folklore traditions. Developing from this original Celto-Slavica framework, the series now accepts articles on Celtic Studies topics in general. 1
The closing report of a press centre of the organizing committee of the tenth Slavic Congress (Kiev, November 2010) does not discuss only a concept of the literary reciprocity. Firstly, it presents a complex ideological program which includes cultural, economical as well as political integration. Secondly, it encourages work with the youth, ecological education and inspires re-establishment of the forgotten spirituality. The report also highlights the necessity of mutual communication among scholars, journalists, politicians, artists, sportsmen and businessmen 1 . There is no need to emphasise that the main idea of this congress -in the mechanism of throwback-refers to the distant historical Slavic unity.
2019
The article determines the peculiarities of the Ukrainian historical novels by Pavlo Zahrebelnyi with regard to the general tendencies of the world literature development, particularly in the context of Slavic fiction evolution. The Ukrainian historical novels under a totalitarian Soviet regime assumed a difficult duty, dictated by an imperative need, to awaken the national memory. The following world-wide tendency of literature development in the twentieth century as breakaway of historical novel writing from the real, historiographical representation of reality to the generalized and conditional, philosophical and mythological one was commented upon. The literature sought to renew the national identity, to surround the identity of Ukrainian world with its original, unique language, culture, history, and national character. History, historicism, historical memory, traditions, heredity, folk character, all these concepts became widespread, demonstrating a growing interest to the asp...
Anna Plišková (Plishka)