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Iddi(n)-Sîn, King of Simurrum: A New Rock-Relief Inscription and a Reverential Seal, 2003

Profile image of Ursula SeidlUrsula SeidlProfile image of Nathan WassermanNathan Wasserman
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Abstract

The eight-column rock-relief inscription of Iddi(n)-Sm, king of Simurrum, exhibited in the Israel Museum since 1971, is copied, edited, translated and philologically commented on. An unpublished reverential cylinder-seal, mentioning Iddi(n)-Sin and his royal heir ANzabazuna, is published as well. The historical and geographical situation in the Zagros foothills during the early Old-Babylonian period is discussed at length. U. Seidl presents the relief, focusing on its iconography and the dating.

Key takeaways
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AI

  1. Iddi(n)-Sin's rock-relief inscription, I.-S. 4, details his military conquests and divine favor.
  2. The unpublished cylinder seal features Iddi(n)-Sin and his heir, ANzabazuna, confirming their royal lineage.
  3. The inscription's eight columns provide critical historical context for the early Old-Babylonian period.
  4. Geographical references in the text suggest a significant territorial expansion for Simurrum, impacting regional dynamics.
  5. The study critiques previous attributions of inscriptions, proposing a clearer linkage to Iddi(n)-Sin's reign.
Figures (13)
Fig. 2. The Iddi(n)-Sio inseription at the Israe] Museum (71.73.248) cluded within the inscription’s borders. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that the scribe found an inventive solution to this problem by piacing the additional column, which reports the tribute imposed by the trium- phant king on the conquered rebels, directly below the figure of the fatlen enemy,
Fig. 2. The Iddi(n)-Sio inseription at the Israe] Museum (71.73.248) cluded within the inscription’s borders. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that the scribe found an inventive solution to this problem by piacing the additional column, which reports the tribute imposed by the trium- phant king on the conquered rebels, directly below the figure of the fatlen enemy,
Fig. 5. The Iddi(n}-Sin Seai at the Rosen Collection (06600)
Fig. 5. The Iddi(n}-Sin Seai at the Rosen Collection (06600)
Fig.?. Das Relief des Iddi(m)-Sin, Detail des Herrschers (Ph. Israet Museum) Der Herrscher
Fig.?. Das Relief des Iddi(m)-Sin, Detail des Herrschers (Ph. Israet Museum) Der Herrscher
Fig. 8. Das Relief des Iddi(n)-Sin, Detail des Herrschers (Ph. Israel Museum)
Fig. 8. Das Relief des Iddi(n)-Sin, Detail des Herrschers (Ph. Israel Museum)
Fig. 9. Das Relief des Iddi(n)-Sin, Detail: Der Besiegte (Ph. Israel Museum).
Fig. 9. Das Relief des Iddi(n)-Sin, Detail: Der Besiegte (Ph. Israel Museum).
Fig. 10. Das Relief des [ddi(n)-Sin, Detail: die Géttin (Ph. Israel Museum)
Fig. 10. Das Relief des [ddi(n)-Sin, Detail: die Géttin (Ph. Israel Museum)

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References (64)

  1. Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 309 v 15 f. (= 70f.).
  2. Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 376 ii 17 (= 64).
  3. So Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 376 ii!7 (= 64) (but see Kienast/Sommerfeld, FAOS 8, 228 s.v. kanasum-.a mistake?) and AHw. 435as.v. kanosum.
  4. Gelb, MAD 2, 121.
  5. A. Goetze, The Sibilants of Old Babylonian, RA 52 (1958) 144, and R, Kutscher/C. Wilcke, Eine Ziegel-Inschrift des Konigs Takil-ilissu von Malgium, gefunden in Isin und Yale, ZA 68 (1978) 102-105 (last reference courtesy W. Sallaberger).
  6. J. Lsessoe, Siksabbum: An Elusive City, Or. 54 (1985) 182-188;
  7. J. Lasss0e/T. Jacobsen, Siksabbum Again, JCS 42 (1990) 127-178.
  8. La;ss0e/Jacobsen, JCS42, 132.
  9. J. Eidem, News from the Eastern Front: The Evidence from Tell Shemshara, Iraq 47 (1985) 95, and recently in J. Eidem/J. Laessoe, The Shemshara Archives 1: The Letters. Historisk-filosofiske Skrifter 23 (Copenhagen 2001) 23.
  10. Eidem/Lsess0e, ibid.
  11. Frayne, Studies in the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians 10, 181. Iddi(n)-Stn, King of Simurrum 19 son prefix /-can occasionally be replaced with the prefix e-, 51 thus ener can still refer to the king in a descriptive voice. In any case, the next sentence (v4"-6") clearly speaks in the first person: ALAM-/ i-na ku-lu- «/-zm kl us-zi-iz, "I caused to set up my image in Kulun(n)um". A shift into the first person in the section describing the king's work is found also in I.-S. 1, 2 and 3:26ff., and has also a nice parallel in Erridu-Pi- zir's inscription. 58 Line v4" ALAM-/: Cf. the phonetic complement ALAM-/TH' in v7". The compound salmum [u si\tirtum (v7"-8") is used as an auto-reference for the relief and its inscription: salmum denotes the image in bas-re- lief, whereas sitirtum the text flanking the engraved figures. The stone blocks I.-S. 1, 2 and 3, which do not bear any figurative descriptions, are referred to by the term epistum, "work". 59 As for sitirtum, this term replaces the older DUB, tuppum, which is the common term for "inscrip- tion" in OAkk. royal inscriptions, 60 and also in the ANnubanini inscrip- tions. 61 The term sitirtum is attested only once in OAkk. texts, in an OB copy of an inscription of Sar-kali-sani, 62 and is typically an OB term (cf. CADS/3 144s. v.). 63 Lines v8"-9" ii° r si°^-tl-ir-ti u°-s[a°-s]a-ku-na: The beginning of these lines is now lost but is clearly seen on older photos. Lines vilff.: The parallel curse sections in I.-S. 1, 2 and 3 show that nothing is missing before [it], and that the space behind the goddess' body was left unwritten. In other words, for some reason the scribe did not begin to write cols, vi and vii (and perhaps also col. v) in line with the previous columns, but in the middle of the inscription (cf. descrip- tion of the inscription, Section 2 above). Lines vi3-5: Although there is enough room for two signs at the be- ginning of each of these lines, nothing is presumably missing (cf. above, commentary to ii2-3).
  12. N. Wasserman, Two New Readings in Old-Babylonian Literary Texts, NABU 1991/ 109 n. 4.
  13. Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 304 ii22f. (= 67f.).
  14. Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 380: 26.
  15. Kienast/Sommerfeld, FAOS 8, 310 s.v.
  16. With Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 373 ill, 376 ii22 (= 69) who follow Edzard, AfO 24, 76: 24 and against Frayne, RIME 4, 713 ii24 who reconstructs [ALAM]-am. The verb nasa- kum S normally refers to written words (tuppum or sumum), not to salmum (cf. Kie- nast/Sommerfeld, FAOS 8, 255ff. s.v. nasakum).
  17. Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 280:19. 63 Note that the CAD article sitirtu omits the reference from Sar-kali-sarrf s inscription, and refers to the Iddi(n)-Sin inscription as "OAJck.".
  18. These formulae are attested also in OB roya! inscriptions (Yasmah-Addu -cf. Frayne, RIME 4, 616:22-25).
  19. For OAkk. curse formulae cf. S. Franke, Konigsinschriften und Konigsideologie: Die Konige von Akkade zwischen Tradition und Neuerung. Altorientalistik Bd. 1 (Miin- ster, Hamburg 1995) 216-230.
  20. Cf. Kienast/Sommerfeld, FAOS 8, 2161". s.v. isdum; 319 f. s.v. zerum.
  21. Cf. Kienast/Sommerfeld, FAOS 8, 181 f. s.v. aplum.
  22. Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 381 ad 11. 60f.
  23. Gelb/Kienast, FAOS 7, 381: 62-66 (with note to these lines). We read with Gelb/Kie- nast kl-ma sa-ma, and do not emend the text to ki-ma sa la', as suggested by Frayne, RIME 4, 709.
  24. Cf. A!-Fouadi, Sumer 34, 124, and Franke, Konigsinschriften und Konigsideologie, 230f. Walker's translation (The Tigris Frontier 174) "Instead of (fair) summer skies may it (the weather) be ill for his troops", cannot be sustained.
  25. Cf. e. g. S. Parpola/K. Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths. SAAS 2 (Helsinki 1988), 5 r.13, 11 iv!3, 51: 530f.
  26. Cf. e.g. Parpola/Watanabe, SAAS 2, 5 r. 13, 46: 442. See further K. Watanabe, Die ade-Vereidigung anlaBlich der Thronfolgeregelung Asarhaddons. BaM Beih. 3 (Berlin 1987) 193 f. ad §47.
  27. See BWL 114: 40 (with von Soden, TUAT III/l 173): A Adad iharrup, "Adad will be (too) early" (The Babylonian Fiirstenspiegel). See also Prov. 26:1.
  28. See H. Hunger, Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings. SAA 8 (Helsinki 1992), no. 504: 8 and no. 543: 4: Jfomw(A.AN) u mtlu(\.KAL) ina mari(KUR) iharrupu, "rain and flood will be early" (followed by locust attack).
  29. genden Zeit wurde dieser Bildtypus auf Stelen und Felsreliefs wieder- holt, so z. B. auf einer nicht erhaltenen Stele des Su-Sin von Ur, deren Beischriften in altbabylonischer Abschrift iiberliefert sind; dort wird Su-Sin beschrieben, ,,der den FuB auf den vom Konig gefangenen In- dasu setzt" 131 . Im Unterschied zu Naram-Sin, der auf anonyme Leichen tritt, und gleichermaBen wie Iddin-Sin tritt Su-Sin auf ein lebendes In- dividuum. Das ist die Ausformung, die in der altbabylonischen Zeit weiterlebt. Zur Naram-Sin-Variante mit gefallenen Leichen gehort das unbeschriftete Felsreiief von Darband-i Gawr, was J. Boeses Datierung in die Zeit Sulgis 132 untermauert. Der Sieger, der seinen FuB auf einen am Boden liegenden, bittflehenden Feind setzt, ist auf den Felsreliefs in Sar-i Pol 133 und Shaikhan 134 , einer Stele des Dadusa 135 , einigen Sie- geln 136 und wenigen Terrakottareliefs 137 dargestellt. Dadusa erhebt im Unterschied zu den Herrschern der Felsreliefs seinen rechten Arm hin- ter seinem Kopf, eine Geste, die aucfa auf altbabylonischen Siegeln (s. Anm. 136) haufig ist. Moglicherweise ist dies die jiingere Variante des Siegertypus, wobei die Geste selbst schon friifaer ausgebildet wurde, z. B. innerhalb eines Kampfes auf einem akkadischen Relief 138 . Der Besiegte wird durch seine Haar-und Barttracht charakterisiert. AuBer der einzigartigen Nackenflechte, finden wir sowohl die kalotten- formige Frisur wie den kurzen, spitzen Bart bei der Mehrzahl der Ge- M. Rutten, Encyclopedic photographique de 1'art (Paris 1935) Taf. 214. 215; P. O. Harper u.a. (Hg.), The Royal City of Susa (New York 1992) 166-168 Nr. 109.
  30. D. O. Edzard, AfO 19 (1959-60) 11-13 VII 1-13; IX 13-15; F. R. Kraus, AfO 20 (1963) 154f.; RIME 3/2 (Toronto 1997) 1.4.5 Colophon 2 (p. 311).
  31. J. Boese, Stir. 2 (1973) 3-48.
  32. Hrouda(Anm.l28).
  33. J. N. Postgate / M. Roaf, The Shaikhan Relief, Al-Rafidan 18 (1997) 143-156.
  34. B. Khali! Ismail, Eine Siegesstele des Konigs Dadusa von Esmmna, in: W. Meid/H. Trenkwalder (Hg.), Im Bannkreis des Alien Orients. Fs. K. Oberhuber (1986) 105- 106;
  35. J. N. Postgate, Early Mesopotamia (London 1992) 248 Abb. 13:3. P. Miglus danke ich vielmals fiir Kopien von Aufnahmen der Stelenbekronung.
  36. W. Nagel, AfO 18 (1957-58) 97-103; 322f. Abb.3 (Silulu von Assur);
  37. E. Sollberger, AnSt. 30 (1980) 63-65 Taf. IVunten (Zardamu, Konig von Harhar);
  38. D. Collon, Wes- tern Asiatic Seals in the Brit. Mus., Cylinder Seals HI (1986) Nr.425; haufig ist der Sieger, wie auf der Dadusa-Stele, mit nach oben geschwungenem rechtem Arm ge- zeigt: Collon op.cit S. 165-170 Nr.418-424; CT47 Nr.22. Die Siegerpose ist auch zur Darstellung von Gottern verwendet: A. Parrot, MAM II 3 (Paris 1959) Taf. 48; ders., Glyptique mesopotamienne (Paris 1954) Nr.260; O. Weber, Altorientalische Siegel- bilder (Leipzig 1920) Nr.243.
  39. Barrelet(Anm.l29)Nr.531.
  40. W. Orthmann, PKG XIV (Berlin 1975) Taf. 102 a. Ursula Seid! fangenen des ANnubanini in Sar-i Pol wieder 139 . DaB es sich hier nicht um das Aussehen verachtlicher Bergbewohner handelt, sondern daB sich auch Standespersonen im nordostlichen Babylonian entsprechend abbilden lieBen, zeigt das Audienzsiegel des Irrabani, Sohnes des Ur- Ningiszida, Ensis von Esnunna 140 . Die kalottenfb'rmige Frisur (oder Kappe), ohne erkennbaren Bart, wurde auch von Ili-dannum, einem Untergebenen des Iddin-Sin (s. oben S.32f.; Figs. 4 und 5) und Usa- sum, einem Schwiegersohn des Nur-ahum, Ensis von Esnunna getra- gen 141 . Die Frisur war aber wohl nicht regional beschrankt, sondem wurde, wie D. Coilon beobachtet hat, auf Siegeln der Isin/Larsa-und friihaltbabylonischen Zeit von Nichtbabyloniern getragen, seien es die Siegelbesitzer selbst oder Besiegte in Kampfszenen 142 . In den Texten, die einige der Steinreliefs begleiten, wird die ausge- fiihrte Darstellung des Herrschers angesprochen. Im Iddin-Sin-Relief als ,,mein Bild" (oben v 4". 7"), in Sar-i Pol I (= ANnubanini 2) 143 als ,,Bild", in Sar-i Pol II (= ANnubanini I) 144 ,,sein Bild", also ohne wei- tere Epitheta. Sehr viel ausfiihrlicher beschreibt aber Dadusa die Dar- stellung seiner Stele 145 . Die folgenden Bemerkungen stiitzen sich auf eine Bearbeitung der Inschrift, die D. O. Edzard mir freundlicherweise zur Verfiigung gestellt hat. Das ganze Relief und wohl gleichzeitig das Bild des Konigs sind ein ,,Bild meiner Kriegerhaftigkeit" (salam qarra- dutid) mit weiteren kriegerischen Epitheta; es folgt eine sachliche Be- schreibung des Siegerbildes: ,,Bunu-Istar, Konig von Arbela, den er (= Dadusa) von oben her tritt, indem er gebieterisch dasteht (etel{l]is izzazzu)". Hrouda (Anm. 128) Taf. 5.
  41. A. Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel (Berlin 1940) Nr.254. J. Franke, in: M. Gibson/R. D. Biggs (Hg.), Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East (Malibu 1977) 61-66; microfiche C8; zur Siegellegende: R. M. Whiting, Old Ba- bylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. AS 22 (1987) 26 Taf. 27 Suppl. I. Coilon, WASCS III (Anm. 136) 21 f.; 37f. B.7.b (,,cap or hair").
  42. D. O. Edzard, AfO 24 (1973) 75-77; ders., in: Hrouda (Anm. 128) 6 (dieses Relief wird von Archiiologen, Hroudas Zahlung folgend, gewohniich Sar-i Pol I genannt, von Philologen aber, Edzard, AfO 24, folgend, Anubanini 2; entsprechend verhalt es sich mit dem anderen beschrifteten Relief); RIME 4.19.1.1001; zur Zuweisung an Id- din-Sin s. oben Wassermann S. 21 f. Edzard, AfO 24, 73-75; ders., in: Hrouda (Anm. 128) 10.
  43. D. 0. Edzard danke ich vielmals fur die Uberlassung seiner Bearbeitung der Inschrift, die demnachst erscheinen wird in: P. Attinger/M. Wafler (Hg.), Annaherungen 4: Mesopotamien. Die altbabylonische Zeit. OBO 160/4.
  44. Iddi(n)-Sm, King of Simurrum 47
  45. In Anatolien, Nordsyrien und Palastina: O. Keel, Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Palastina/Israel!!. OBO 88 (1989) 39-87; R. M. Boehmer, Glyptik aus dem Stadtge- biet von Bogazkoy (Berlin 1987) 40-42 Abb. 27 a-u.
  46. U. Seidl, BaM 4 (1968) 199-203; s. auch Muttergottin A. I (M. Krebernik) in: R1A 8 (1997) 502-516; B. I (U. Seidl) ib. 519.
  47. W. Heimpel, R1A IX (2001) 487 f. s.v. Ninsiana.
  48. M. Krebernik, R1A VIII (1997) 505 s.v. Muttergottin AI § 3.20.
  49. Hrouda(Anm. 128) 11-13, Relief III: Taf. 7; Relief IV: Taf. 8. Relief IV, das von der StraBe her zuganglich ist, miBt ca. 1,70 in der Hohe und 1,80 in der Breite, ist also un- gefahr doppelt so groB wie das Relief Iddin-Sins.
  50. B. Hrouda (Anm. 128) 12 glaubt anstelle des Stabs eine Leine zu erkennen, die zu dem Besiegten ffihrt, doch bei Rel. IV ist es eindeutig ein Stab und bei III erkennt man bei Streiflicht, daB der Grat nicht bis zum Besiegten fiihrt.
  51. Angesichts der Vergottlichung der Zagros-Herrscher d !ddin-Sin von Simurrum und d Zardamu von Harahar schlage ich vor, daB auch d Nubanini von Lullubum vergott- licht war; der Falbelstoff seines Schurzes konnte in dieselbe Richtung weisen.
  52. Hrouda (Anm. 128) 7-10 Taf.5; PKG XIV (1975) Taf. 183.
  53. Hrouda (Anm. 128) 1-6 Taf. 1-4. Iddi(n)-Sin, King of Simurrum 51
  54. Su-Sin 160 , hatte dann der bartige ANnubanini von Lullubum sein Bild und das Bild seiner Gottin Istar anbringen lassen (Sar-i Pol II). Bei dem Versuch einer zeitlichen Eingrenzung konnte vielleicht eine modische Eigenheit, die Bartlosigkeit des Herrschers 161 , helfen. Iddin- Sin zeigt sich sowohl auf dem Relief als auch auf einem Audienz-Siegel (Figs. 4 und 5) ebenso wie sein Sohn ANzabazuna auf einem weiteren Audienz-Siegel 162 unbartig. Wahrend der meisten Perioden lassen sich mesopotamische Souverane bartig darstellen. Der bekannteste bartlose Herrscher ist Gudea, doch schon sein Sohn und auch die ersten Herrscher der III. Dynastie von Ur, Urnammu, Sulgi und Amar-Sin, sind wieder mit Bart zu sehen, wahrend Su-Sin gelegentlich 163 , Ibbi- Sin aber haufig glatt rasiert wiedergegeben sind. Bei Ibbi-Sin fallt auf, daB das auBer auf einigen IR ir zM-Siegeln 164 besonders auf fast alien z«na6a-Siegeln 165 der Fall ist, also auf den Siegeln, die in koniglicher Werkstatt gefertigt wurden, um hochstehenden Untergebenen vom K6- nig selbst iiberreicht zu werden. Soweit ersichtlich, lassen sich die Herrscher der Isin/Larsa-Zeit und der altbabylonischen Zeit wieder bartig darstellen 166 . Man konnte sich gut vorstellen, daB die beiden K6- nige von Simurrum die hofische Mode von Ur kopierten, als sie sich von ihrem Oberherrn Ibbi-Sin befreit hatten. Die Siegel von Iddin-Sin (Figs. 4 und 5) und seinem Sohn ANzaba- zuna 167 stehen einander besonders in der Korperbehandlung sehr nahe.
  55. Edzard, AfO 19, 11 f.; auBer dem niedergetretenen Indasu sind 10 weitere Gefangene dargestellt gewesen.
  56. Die Bedeutung der Bartlosigkeit ist schwer zu fassen; keineswegs weist sie in der Ur IH-Zeit, wie etwa in der neuassyrischen Kunst, auf Jugend oder Eunuchentum hin, denn die Untertanen, die dem JConig gegeniiberstehen, sind fast ausnahmslos bartlos (und kahlkopfig), und es handelt sich bei ihnen um hochste Vertreter der Verwaltung, die ihr Amt iange bekleideten und Sohne hatten.
  57. E. Sollberger, AnSt. 30 (1980) 63-65 Taf 4 oben; D. Collon, Western Asiatic Seals, Cylinder Seals II (London 1982) Nr.451; dies., First Impressions (London 1987) Nr.l21;dies., RA 84 (1990) 129-136111. 1.
  58. R. H. Mayr, The Seal Impressions of Ur III Umma (Diss. Leiden 1997) Mr.4.2; 5; 667.
  59. Mayr (Anm. 163) Nr. 163.2; Collon, WACS II (Anm. 162) Nr.446.
  60. E. Soilberger, JCS 19 (1965) 29 Nr. c. d. e. m; J. Franke, in: M. Gibson/R, D. Biggs (Hg.), Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East (Malibu 1977) 61-66 C-4a (= Soll- berger c);
  61. C-4b (= S.d);
  62. C-7 (= S.m; gute Abb.: PKG XIV [1975] Taf. 139g)
  63. Z.B. R. Mayr, ASJ 14 (1992) 125-133 (Lipit-Istar von Isin);
  64. A. Moortgat (Anm. 140) Nr. 254 (Ur-Ningiszida von Esnunna); 255 (Bur-Sin von Isin). 167 s. Anm. 162.

Related papers

The Royal Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal (668–631 BC), Aššur-etel-ilāni (630–627 BC) and Sîn-šarra-iškun (626–612 BC), Kings of Assyria, Part 1. Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period, Vol. 5. University Park: Eisenbrauns.

The Royal Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal (668–631 BC), Aššur-etel-ilāni (630–627 BC) and Sîn-šarra-iškun (626–612 BC), Kings of Assyria, Part 1, 2018

http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/rinap/rinap5/index.html In this book, Jamie Novotny and Joshua Jeffers provide updated, reliable editions of seventy-one historical inscriptions of Ashurbanipal, including all historical inscriptions on clay prisms, clay cylinders, wall slabs, and other stone objects from Nineveh, Assur, and Kalhu. Each text edition is accompanied by an English translation, a catalog of all exemplars, a comprehensive bibliography, and commentary containing notes and technical information. This volume also contains a general introduction to the reign of Ashurbanipal, his military campaigns, the corpus of inscriptions, previous studies, and chronology; translations of the relevant passages of several Mesopotamian chronicles and king lists; photographs of objects inscribed with texts of Ashurbanipal; indexes of museum and excavation numbers, selected publications, and proper names.

Review of The Raging Torrent: Historical Inscriptions from Assyria and Babylonia Relating to Ancient Israel by Mordechai Cogan

Review of Biblical Literature, 2018

The Royal Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal (668–631 BC), Aššur-etel-ilāni (630–627 BC) and Sîn-šarra-iškun (626–612 BC), Kings of Assyria, Part 2. Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period, Vol. 5. University Park: Eisenbrauns.

The Royal Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal (668–631 BC), Aššur-etel-ilāni (630–627 BC) and Sîn-šarra-iškun (626–612 BC), Kings of Assyria, Part 2, 2023

A web version of the book at http://oracc.org/rinap/rinap5/index.html and http://oracc.org/rinap/rinap5/pager. This second volume of Joshua Jeffers and Jamie Novotny’s new and updated editio princeps of the inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian king Ashurbanipal provides reliable, up-to-date editions of 169 historical inscriptions of this seventh-century BC ruler, including all such texts known from clay tablets and presumed from Kuyunjik, the citadel mound of the Assyrian capital Nineveh. Each text edition is presented with an English translation, a brief introduction, a catalogue of basic information about all attested exemplars, a commentary on further technical information and notes, and a comprehensive bibliography. This volume includes a general introduction to sources edited in the volume, a study of Ashurbanipal’s building activities in Assyria, photographs of tablets inscribed with texts of Ashurbanipal, indices of museum and excavation numbers and selected publications, and indices of proper names.

Y. Tchekhanovets and K. Vach. On the Provenance of the Jerusalem Inscription of King Uzziah. Eretz Israel 35 (2024), pp. 155*-161*.

Eretz-Israel, Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies is a peer-reviewed journal of the Israel Exploration Society, founded in 1913 as a scholarly society dedicated to the promotion of research concerning the Land of Israel. The journal has been published since 1951. Each volume of the series is dedicated to a living or deceased key figure in research, with articles in Hebrew, English and other languages, focusing upon areas of interest to the honoree. Every effort has been made to locate rights-holders and obtain necessary permissions to reproduce all of the illustrations taken from external sources. We apologize for any oversight, which we shall endeavor to correct if brought to our attention.

An Inscribed Metal Bowl of Iddin-Sîn King of Simurrum, IOS Annual 25 (2025), 56–64.

This paper examines an unpublished Akkadian dedicatory inscription by Iddin-Sîn, king of Simurrum, found on a metal bowl. The inscription reveals the name of Kubbutum, another son of Iddin-Sîn, who did not ascend to the throne after his father. The shape of the bowl-a shallow, round-sided metal bowl with a short, outward-turned rim and ring base-is similar to a bowl dedicated by the Elamite king Idattu i of Simaški, whose reign was probably close to that of Iddin-Sîn.

Abraham and Zilberg The Southern Babylonian Countryside in the Late 5th Century BCE- A View from Šāṭir

The Southern Babylonian Countryside in the Late 5th Century BCE- A View from Šāṭir, 2024

“The Present in Our Past: The Assyrian Rock Reliefs at Nahr el-Kalb and the Lessons of Tradition”, Proceedings of the 57th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Rome 4-8 July 2011. Eds. A. Archi, M. G. Biga, and L. Verderame; pp. 491-499. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2015.

This paper re-examines the Assyrian rock reliefs at the Nahr el Kelb in Lebanon, especially in comparison with more recent monuments there. Since Ramsses II of Egypt, the site has been an important symbolic zone for royal and military inscriptions and images, with each successive monument producing both a statement for contemporaneous audiences as well as a dialogue with the past. The five Assyrian reliefs contributed to that cross-cultural and cross–temporal conversation, but also belonged to a long-standing tradition of their own – a tradition that still remains to be fully understood. Using the more recent Nahr el Kelb monuments as a point of departure, this paper asks whether the present can illuminate the intentions and symbolic meanings of the ancient Assyrian reliefs, here and elsewhere.

A Royal Seal from Ebla (17th cent. B.C.) with Hittite Hieroglyphic Symbols, Orientalia 84 (215) 18-28,
Hidden in Plain Sight ―The Hebrew Inscription on Ardashir I's Rock Relief at Naqsh-i Rustam - 2011

Iranica antiqua, 2011

The relief of Ardashir I at Naqsh-i Rustam is the first Sasanian investiture scene with the two protagonists on horseback. They are identified by a prominent trilingual inscription on the horses as Ardashir I and Ahura Mazda. A Hebrew inscription remained unobserved since the 19th century, however. It is chiselled on the folds of Ahura Mazda’s tunic.

Three notes on the Aramaic inscription from Tel Dan, Israel Exploration Journal 50 (2000), pp. 92-104.

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