Attempts to associate the Xiongnu with the nearbySakas andSarmatians were once controversial. However,archaeogenetics has confirmed their interaction with the Xiongnu, and also possibly their relation to theHuns. The identity of the ethnic core of Xiongnu has been a subject of varied hypotheses, because only a few words, mainly titles and personal names, were preserved in the Chinese sources. The nameXiongnu may becognate with that of the Huns or theHuna,[13][14][15] although this is disputed.[16][17] Other linguistic links—all of them also controversial—proposed by scholars includeTurkic,[18][19][20][21][22][23]Iranian,[24][25][26]Mongolic,[27]Uralic,[28]Yeniseian,[16][29][30][31] or multi-ethnic.[32]
Name
The word "Xiōngnú" means "fierce slave."[33] They were identified by the Han Chinese as invaders from the North who rode on horseback.[34] The pronunciation of 匈奴 as Xiōngnú[ɕjʊ́ŋnǔ] is the modernMandarin Chinese pronunciation, from the Mandarin dialect spoken now in Beijing, which came into existence less than 1,000 years ago. "TheOld Chinese pronunciation has been reconstructed as *xiuoŋ-na or *qhoŋna.[35] Sinologist Axel Schuessler (2014) reconstructs the pronunciations of 匈奴 as *hoŋ-nâ in LateOld Chinese (c. 318 BCE) and as *hɨoŋ-nɑ inEastern Han Chinese; citing other Chinese transcriptions wherein the velar nasal medial-ŋ-, after a short vowel, seemingly played the role of a general nasal – sometimes equivalent ton orm –, Schuessler proposes that 匈奴 Xiongnu < *hɨoŋ-nɑ < *hoŋ-nâ might be a Chinese rendition, Han or even pre-Han, of foreign *Hŏna or *Hŭna, which Schuessler compares toHuns and SanskritHūṇā.[15] However, the same medial-ŋ- prompts Christopher P. Atwood (2015) to reconstruct *Xoŋai, which he derives from theOngi River (Mongolian:Онги гол) inMongolia and suggests that it was originally a dynastic name rather than an ethnic name.[36]
The territories associated with the Xiongnu in central/east Mongolia were previously inhabited by theSlab Grave Culture (Ancient Northeast Asian origin), which persisted until the 3rd century BC.[38] Genetic research indicates that the Slab Grave people were the primary ancestors of the Xiongnu, and that the Xiongnu formed through substantial and complex admixture with West Eurasians.[39]
During theWestern Zhou (1045–771 BC), there were numerous conflicts with nomadic tribes from the north and the northwest, variously known as theXianyun,Guifang, or various "Rong" tribes, such as theXirong,Shanrong orQuanrong.[40] These tribes are recorded as harassing Zhou territory, but at the time the Zhou were expanding northwards, encroaching on their traditional lands, especially into theWei River valley. Archaeologically, the Zhou expanded to the north and the northwest at the expense of theSiwa culture.[40] The Quanrong put an end to the Western Zhou in 771 BC, sacking the Zhou capital ofHaojing and killing the last Western Zhou kingYou.[40] Thereafter the task of dealing with the northern tribes was left to their vassal, theQin state.[40]
A nomad horseman spearing a boar, discovered inSaksanokhur,South Tajikistan, 1st-2nd century CE.[49][50] According toFrancfort,this decorative belt buckle may have been made for a patron related to the Xiongnu, and may be dated to the 2nd-1st century BC. The rider wears the steppe dress, his hair is tied into a hairbun characteristic of the oriental steppes, and his horse has characteristically Xiongnuhorse trappings.[51]
Western Han historianSima Qian composed an early yet detailed exposition on the Xiongnu in oneliezhuan (arrayed account) of hisRecords of the Grand Historian (c. 100 BC), wherein the Xiongnu were alleged to be descendants of a certainChunwei, who in turn descended from the "lineage of Lord Xia", a.k.a.Yu the Great.[52][53] Even so, Sima Qian also drew a distinct line between the settledHuaxia people (Han) to the pastoral nomads (Xiongnu), characterizing them as two polar groups in the sense of a civilization versus an uncivilized society: theHua–Yi distinction.[54] Sima Qian also mentioned Xiongnu's early appearance north ofWild Goose Gate andDai commanderies before 265 BCE, just before theZhao-Xiongnu War;[55][56] however,sinologistEdwin Pulleyblank (1994) contends that pre-241-BCE references to the Xiongnu are anachronistic substitutions for theHu people instead.[57][58] Sometimes the Xiongnu were distinguished from other nomadic peoples; namely, theHu people;[59] yet on other occasions, Chinese sources often just classified the Xiongnu as aHu people, which was a blanket term fornomadic people.[57][60] Even Sima Qian was inconsistent: in the chapter "Hereditary House of Zhao", he considered the Donghu to be the Hu proper,[61][62] yet elsewhere he considered Xiongnu to be also Hu.[63][57]
Ancient China often came in contact with theXianyun and theXirong nomadic peoples. In later Chinese historiography, some groups of these peoples were believed to be the possible progenitors of the Xiongnu people.[64] These nomadic people often had repeated military confrontations with theShang and especially theZhou, who often conquered and enslaved the nomads in an expansion drift.[64] During theWarring States period, the armies from theQin,Zhao andYan states were encroaching and conquering various nomadic territories that were inhabited by the Xiongnu and other Hu peoples.[65] TheZhao–Xiongnu War is a notable example of these campaigns.
Pulleyblank argued that the Xiongnu were part of aXirong group calledYiqu, who had lived inShaanbei and had been influenced by China for centuries, before they were driven out by theQin ty.[66][67]Qin's campaign against the Xiongnu expanded Qin's territory at the expense of the Xiongnu.[68] After the unification of Qin dynasty, Xiongnu was a threat to the northern border of Qin. They were likely to attack the Qin dynasty when they suffered natural disasters.[69]
State formation
The first known Xiongnu leader wasTouman, who reigned between 220-209 BC. In 215 BC, Chinese EmperorQin Shi Huang sent GeneralMeng Tian on amilitary campaign against the Xiongnu. Meng Tian defeated the Xiongnu and expelled them from theOrdos loop, forcingTouman and the Xiongnu to flee north into theMongolian Plateau.[70] In 210 BC, Meng Tian died, and in 209 BC, Touman's sonModu became the XiongnuChanyu.
In order to protect the Xiongnu from the threat of theQin dynasty,Modu Chanyu united the Xiongnu into a powerfulconfederation.[68] This transformed the Xiongnu into a more formidable polity, able to form larger armies and exercise improved strategic coordination. Two years later, in 207 BC, the Qin dynasty fell, and after a period ofinternal conflict, it was replaced by theWestern Han dynasty in 202 BC. This period of Chinese instability was a time of prosperity for the Xiongnu, who adopted manyHan agriculture techniques such as slaves for heavy labor and lived in Han-style homes.[71]
A gold crown belonging to a Xiongnu king, from the early Xiongnu period. Seen at the top of a crown is an eagle with a turquoise head.[72]
After forging internal unity,Modu Chanyu expanded the Xiongnu empire in all directions. To the north he conquered a number of nomadic peoples, including theDingling of southern Siberia. He crushed the power of theDonghu people of eastern Mongolia and Manchuria as well as theYuezhi in theHexi Corridor ofGansu, where his son, Jizhu, made askull cup out of the Yuezhi king. Modu also retook the original homeland of Xiongnu on theYellow River, which had previously been taken by the Qin general Meng Tian.[73] Under Modu's leadership, the Xiongnu became so strong that they began to threaten the Han dynasty.
In 200 BC, Modu besieged the first Han dynasty emperorGaozu (Gao-Di) with his 320,000-strong army at Peteng Fortress in Baideng (present-day Datong, Shanxi).[74] After Gaozu (Gao-Di) agreed to all Modu's terms, such as ceding the northern provinces to the Xiongnu and paying annual taxes, he was allowed to leave the siege. Although Gaozu was able to return to his capital Chang'an (present-day Xi'an), Modu occasionally threatened the Han's northern frontier and finally in 198 BC, a peace treaty was settled.
Xiongnu in their expansion drove their western neighbour Yuezhi from the Hexi Corridor in year 176 BC, killing the Yuezhi king and asserting their presence in theWestern Regions.[13]
By the time of Modu's death in 174 BC, the Xiongnu were recognized as the most prominent of the nomads bordering the Chinese Han empire[74] According to theBook of Han, later quoted inDuan Chengshi's ninth-centuryMiscellaneous Morsels from Youyang:
Also, according to theHan shu, Wang Wu (王烏) and others were sent as envoys to pay a visit to the Xiongnu. According to the customs of the Xiongnu, if the Han envoys did not remove their tallies of authority, and if they did not allow their faces to be tattooed, they could not gain entrance into the yurts. Wang Wu and his company removed their tallies, submitted to tattoo, and thus gained entry. TheShanyu looked upon them very highly.[75]
The ruler of the Xiongnu was called theChanyu.[78] Under him were theTuqi Kings.[78] The Tuqi King of the Left was normally the heir presumptive.[78] Next lower in the hierarchy came more officials in pairs of left and right: theguli, the army commanders, the great governors, thedanghu and thegudu. Beneath them came the commanders of detachments of one thousand, of one hundred, and of ten men. This nation of nomads, a people on the march, was organized like an army.[79]
After Modu, later leaders formed a dualistic system of political organisation with the left and right branches of the Xiongnu divided on a regional basis. Thechanyu orshanyu, a ruler equivalent to theEmperor of China, exercised direct authority over the central territory. Longcheng (around theKhangai Mountains,Otuken)[80][81] (Chinese: 龍城;Mongolian: Luut; lit. "Dragon City") became the annual meeting place and served as the Xiongnu capital.[5] The ruins of Longcheng were found south ofUlziit District,Arkhangai Province in 2017.[82]
North ofShanxi with the Tuqi King of the Left was holding the area north of Beijing and the Tuqi King of the Right was holding theOrdos Loop area as far asGansu.[83]When the Xiongnu had been driven north, to today's Mongolia.
In the winter of 200 BC, following a Xiongnusiege ofTaiyuan,Emperor Gaozu of Han personally led a military campaign againstModu Chanyu. At theBattle of Baideng, he was ambushed, reputedly by Xiongnu cavalry. The emperor was cut off from supplies and reinforcements for seven days, only narrowly escaping capture.
The Han dynasty sent random unrelated commoner women falsely labeled as "princesses" and members of the Han imperial family multiple times when they were practicing Heqin marriage alliances with the Xiongnu in order to avoid sending the emperor's daughters.[84][85][86][87][88] The Han sent these "princesses" to marry Xiongnu leaders in their efforts to stop the border raids. Along with arranged marriages, the Han sent gifts to bribe the Xiongnu to stop attacking.[74] After the defeat atPingcheng in 200 BC, the Han emperor abandoned a military solution to the Xiongnu threat. Instead, in 198 BC, the courtierLiu Jing [zh] was dispatched for negotiations. The peace settlement eventually reached between the parties included a Han princess given in marriage to thechanyu (calledheqin) (Chinese:和親;lit. 'harmonious kinship'); periodic gifts to the Xiongnu ofsilk,distilled beverages andrice; equal status between the states; and aboundary wall as mutual border.
A traveling nomad family led by a man in belted jacket and trousers, pulling a nomadic cart.[89] Belt Buckle, Mongolia or southern Siberia, dated to 2nd-1st century BC (Xiongnu period).[90][91]Belt plaque with design of wrestling men,Ordos region and western part of North China, 2nd century BC, bronze - Ethnological Museum, Berlin.[92] According toFrankfort, the wrestlers are Xiongnu, and their horses have Xiongnu-typehorse trappings.[93]
This first treaty set the pattern for relations between theHan and the Xiongnu for sixty years. Up to 135 BC, the treaty was renewed nine times, each time with an increase in the "gifts" to the Xiongnu Empire. In 192 BC,Modun even asked for the hand ofEmperor Gaozu of Han widowEmpress Lü Zhi. His son and successor, the energetic Jiyu, known as theLaoshang Chanyu, continued his father's expansionist policies. Laoshang succeeded in negotiating withEmperor Wen terms for the maintenance of a large scale government sponsored market system.
While the Xiongnu benefited handsomely, from the Chinese perspective marriage treaties were costly, very humiliating and ineffective.Laoshang Chanyu showed that he did not take the peace treaty seriously. On one occasion his scouts penetrated to a point nearChang'an. In 166 BC he personally led 140,000 cavalry to invadeAnding, reaching as far as the imperial retreat at Yong. In 158 BC, his successor sent 30,000 cavalry to attackShangdang and another 30,000 toYunzhong.[citation needed]
TheYenisei Kyrgyzkhagans of theYenisei Kyrgyz Khaganate claimed descent from the Chinese generalLi Ling, grandson of the famousHan dynasty generalLi Guang.[108][109][110][111] Li Ling was captured by the Xiongnu and defected in the first century BCE.[112][113] And since the Tang royal Li family also claimed descent from Li Guang, the Kirghiz Khagan was therefore recognized as a member of the Tang Imperial family. This relationship soothed the relationship when Kyrgyz khaganAre (阿熱) invadedUyghur Khaganate and put Qasar Qaghan to the sword. The news brought toChang'an by Kyrgyz ambassador Zhuwu Hesu (註吾合素).
TheHan dynasty made preparations for war when theHan Emperor Wu dispatched the Han Chinese explorerZhang Qian to explore the mysterious kingdoms to the west and to form an alliance with the Yuezhi people in order to combat the Xiongnu. During this time Zhang married a Xiongnu wife, who bore him a son, and gained the trust of the Xiongnu leader.[101][114][115][104][105][116][107] While Zhang Qian did not succeed in this mission,[117] his reports of the west provided even greater incentive to counter the Xiongnu hold on westward routes out of the Han Empire, and the Han prepared to mount a large scale attack using theNorthern Silk Road to move men and material.
While the Han dynasty was making preparations for a military confrontation since the reign ofEmperor Wen, the break did not come until 133 BC, followingan abortive trap to ambush thechanyu at Mayi. By that point the empire was consolidated politically, militarily and economically, and was led by an adventurous pro-war faction at court. In that year,Emperor Wu reversed the decision he had made the year before to renew the peace treaty.
Full-scale war broke out in autumn 129 BC, when 40,000 Hancavalry made a surprise attack on the Xiongnu at the border markets. In 127 BC, the Han generalWei Qing retook the Ordos. In 121 BC, the Xiongnu suffered another setback whenHuo Qubing led a force of light cavalry westward out of Longxi and within six days fought his way through five Xiongnu kingdoms. The Xiongnu Hunye king was forced to surrender with 40,000 men. In 119 BC both Huo and Wei, each leading 50,000 cavalrymen and 100,000 footsoldiers (in order to keep up with the mobility of the Xiongnu, many of the non-cavalry Han soldiers were mobile infantrymen who traveled on horseback but fought on foot), and advancing along different routes, forced the chanyu and his Xiongnu court to flee north of theGobi Desert.[118]
Horse trampling a Xiongnu warrior, with detail of the warrior's facial features. 2nd century BC statue from the tomb of Chinese generalHuo Qubing, who fought decisively against the Xiongnu (died 117 BC).[119][120][121]
Major logistical difficulties limited the duration and long-term continuation of these campaigns. According to the analysis of Yan You (嚴尤), the difficulties were twofold. Firstly there was the problem of supplying food across long distances. Secondly, the weather in the northern Xiongnu lands was difficult for Han soldiers, who could never carry enough fuel.[a] According to official reports, the Xiongnu lost 80,000 to 90,000 men, and out of the 140,000 horses the Han forces had brought into the desert, fewer than 30,000 returned to the Han Empire.
In 104 and 102 BC, the Han fought and won theWar of the Heavenly Horses against the Kingdom ofDayuan. As a result, the Han gained manyFerghana horses which further aided them in their battle against the Xiongnu. As a result of these battles, the Han Empire controlled the strategic region from theOrdos and Gansu corridor toLop Nor. They succeeded in separating the Xiongnu from theQiang peoples to the south, and also gained direct access to theWestern Regions. Because of strong Han control over the Xiongnu, the Xiongnu became unstable and were no longer a threat to the Han Empire.[123]
Ban Chao, Protector General (都護;Duhu) of the Han dynasty, embarked with an army of 70,000 soldiers in a campaign against the Xiongnu remnants who were harassing the trade route now known as theSilk Road. His successful military campaign saw the subjugation of one Xiongnu tribe after another. Ban Chao also sent an envoy namedGan Ying toDaqin (Rome). Ban Chao was created the Marquess of Dingyuan (定遠侯, i.e., "the Marquess who stabilized faraway places") for his services to the Han Empire and returned to the capitalLuoyang at the age of 70 years and died there in the year 102. Following his death, the power of the Xiongnu in the Western Regions increased again, and the emperors of subsequent dynasties did not reach as far west until theTang dynasty.[124]
Xiongnu Civil War (60–53 BC)
When a Chanyu died, power could pass to his younger brother if his son was not of age. This system, which can be compared to Gaelictanistry, normally kept an adult male on the throne, but could cause trouble in later generations when there were several lineages that might claim the throne. When the 12th Chanyu died in 60 BC, power was taken byWoyanqudi, a grandson of the 12th Chanyu's cousin. Being something of a usurper, he tried to put his own men in power, which only increased the number of his enemies. The 12th Chanyu's son fled east and, in 58 BC, revolted. Few would support Woyanqudi and he was driven to suicide, leaving the rebel son,Huhanye, as the 14th Chanyu. The Woyanqudi faction then set up his brother, Tuqi, as Chanyu (58 BC). In 57 BC three more men declared themselves Chanyu. Two dropped their claims in favor of the third who was defeated by Tuqi in that year and surrendered to Huhanye the following year. In 56 BC Tuqi was defeated by Huhanye and committed suicide, but two more claimants appeared: Runzhen and Huhanye's elder brotherZhizhi Chanyu. Runzhen was killed by Zhizhi in 54 BC, leaving only Zhizhi and Huhanye. Zhizhi grew in power, and, in 53 BC, Huhanye moved south and submitted to the Chinese. Huhanye used Chinese support to weaken Zhizhi, who gradually moved west. In 49 BC, a brother to Tuqi set himself up as Chanyu and was killed by Zhizhi. In 36 BC, Zhizhi was killed by a Chinese army while trying to establish a new kingdom in the far west nearLake Balkhash.
Tributary relations with the Han
Bronze seal of a Xiongnu chief, conferred by the Eastern Han government. Inscribed 漢匈奴/歸義親/漢長 ("The Chief of the Han Xiongnu, who have returned to righteousness and embraced the Han"). Seal, impression, and transcription in standard characters.[125]
In 53 BCHuhanye (呼韓邪) decided to enter into tributary relations withHan China.[126] The original terms insisted on by the Han court were that, first, theChanyu or his representatives should come to the capital to pay homage; secondly, theChanyu should send a hostage prince; and thirdly, theChanyu should present tribute to the Han emperor. The political status of the Xiongnu in the Chinese world order was reduced from that of a "brotherly state" to that of an "outer vassal" (外臣).
Huhanye sent his son, the "wise king of the right" Shuloujutang, to the Han court as hostage. In 51 BC he personally visited Chang'an to pay homage to the emperor on theLunar New Year. In the same year, another envoy Qijushan (稽居狦) was received at theGanquan Palace in the north-west of modernShanxi.[127] On the financial side, Huhanye was amply rewarded in large quantities of gold, cash, clothes, silk, horses and grain for his participation. Huhanye made two further homage trips, in 49 BC and 33 BC; with each one the imperial gifts were increased. On the last trip, Huhanye took the opportunity to ask to be allowed to become an imperial son-in-law. As a sign of the decline in the political status of the Xiongnu,Emperor Yuan refused, giving him instead five ladies-in-waiting. One of them wasWang Zhaojun, famed in Chinese folklore as one of theFour Beauties.
When Zhizhi learned of his brother's submission, he also sent a son to the Han court as hostage in 53 BC. Then twice, in 51 BC and 50 BC, he sent envoys to the Han court with tribute. But having failed to pay homage personally, he was never admitted to the tributary system. In 36 BC, a junior officer namedChen Tang, with the help of Gan Yanshou, protector-general of the Western Regions, assembled an expeditionary force that defeated him at theBattle of Zhizhi and sent his head as a trophy to Chang'an.
Tributary relations were discontinued during the reign of Huduershi (18 AD–48), corresponding to the political upheavals of theXin dynasty. The Xiongnu took the opportunity to regain control of the western regions, as well as neighboring peoples such as theWuhuan. In 24 AD, Hudershi even talked about reversing the tributary system.
Southern Xiongnu and Northern Xiongnu
Belt hook depicting an animal fight, Xiongnu, 200-100 BC, bronze. Östasiatiska museet,Stockholm.[128]
The Xiongnu's new power was met with a policy of appeasement byEmperor Guangwu. At the height of his power, Huduershi even compared himself to his illustrious ancestor, Modu. Due to growing regionalism among the Xiongnu, however, Huduershi was never able to establish unquestioned authority. In contravention of a principle offraternal succession established by Huhanye, Huduershi designated his son Punu asheir-apparent. However, as the eldest son of the precedingchanyu, Bi (Pi)—the Rizhu King of the Right—had a more legitimate claim. Consequently, Bi refused to attend the annual meeting at thechanyu's court. Nevertheless, in 46 AD, Punu ascended the throne.
In 48 AD, a confederation of eight Xiongnu tribes in Bi's power base in the south, with a military force totalling 40,000 to 50,000 men, seceded from Punu's kingdom and acclaimed Bi aschanyu. This kingdom became known as theSouthern Xiongnu.
The rump kingdom under Punu, around theOrkhon (modern north central Mongolia) became known as theNorthern Xiongnu, with Punu, becoming known as the NorthernChanyu. In 49 AD, the Northern Xiongnu was dealt a heavy defeat to the Southern Xiongnu. That same year,Zhai Tong, a Han governor ofLiaodong also enticed theWuhuan andXianbei into attacking the Northern Xiongnu.[129] Soon, Punu began sending envoys on several separate occasions to negotiate peace with the Han dynasty, but made little to no progress.
In the 60s, the Northern Xiongnu resumed hostilities as they attempted to expand their influence into theWestern Regions and launched raids on the Han borders. In 73, the Han responded by sendingDou Gu and Geng Chong to lead agreat expedition against the Northern Xiongnu in theTarim Basin. The expedition, which saw the exploits of the general,Ban Chao, was initially successful, but the Han soon had to temporarily withdraw due to matters back home in 75.[130]
For the next decade, the Northern Xiongnu had to endure famines largely in part due to locust plagues. In 87, they suffered a major defeat to the Xianbei, who killed their chanyuYouliu and took his skin as a trophy. With the Northern Xiongnu in disarray, the Han general,Dou Xian launched an expedition and crushed them at theBattle of Ikh Bayan in 89. After another Han attack in 91, theNorthern Chanyu fled with his followers to the northwest, never to be seen again, while the Northern Xiongnu that remained behind surrendered to the Han.[130]
In 94, dissatisfied with the newly appointed chanyu, the surrendered Northern Xiongnu rebelled and acclaimedFenghou as their chanyu, who led them to flee outside the border. However, the separatist regime continued to face famines and the growing threat of the Xianbei, prompting 10,000 of them to return to Han in 96. Fenghou later sent envoys to Han intending to submit as a vassal but was rejected. The Northern Xiongnu were scattered, with most of them being absorbed the Xianbei. In 118, a defeated Fenghou brought around a mere 100 followers to surrender to Han.[130]
Remnants of the Northern Xiongnu held out in the Tarim Basin as they allied themselves with theNearer Jushi Kingdom and capturedYiwu in 119. By 126, they were subjugated by the Han general,Ban Yong, while a branch led by a "Huyan King" (呼衍王) continued to resist. The Huyan King was last mentioned in 151 when he launched an attack on Yiwu but was driven away by Han forces. According to the fifth-centuryBook of Wei, the remnants of Northern Chanyu's tribe settled asYueban (悅般), nearKucha and subjugated theWusun; while the rest fled across theAltai mountains towardsKangju inTransoxania. It states that this group later became theHephthalites.[131][132][133]
Southern and Northern Xiongnu in 200 AD, before the collapse of theHan dynasty.
Coincidentally, the Southern Xiongnu were plagued by natural disasters and misfortunes—in addition to the threat posed by Punu. Consequently, in 50 AD, the Southern Xiongnu submitted to tributary relations with Han China. The system of tribute was considerably tightened by the Han, to keep the Southern Xiongnu under control. Thechanyu was ordered to establish his court in the Meiji district ofXihe Commandery and the Southern Xiongnu were resettled in eight frontier commanderies. At the same time, large numbers of Chinese were also resettled in these commanderies, in mixed Han-Xiongnu settlements. Economically, the Southern Xiongnu became reliant on trade with the Han and annual subsidies from the Chinese court.
The Southern Xiongnu served as Han auxiliaries to defend the northern borders from nomadic forces and even played a role in defeating the Northern Xiongnu. However, with the fall of their northern counterpart, the Southern Xiongnu continued to suffer the brunt of raids, this time by theXianbei people of the steppe. In addition to the poor climate and living conditions of the frontiers, the Chinese court would also interfere in the Southern Xiongnu's politics and installchanyus loyal to the Han. As a result, the Southern Xiongnu often rebelled, at times joining forces with theWuhuan and receiving support from the Xianbei.
During the late 2nd century AD, the Southern Xiongnu were drawn into the rebellions then plaguing the Han court. In 188, thechanyu sent troops to help the Han suppress a rebellion inHebei—many of the Xiongnu feared that it would set a precedent for unending military service to the Han court. At the time, another Han vassal, theXiuchuge people had revolted inBing province and killed the provincial inspector. Subsequently, a rebellious faction among the Southern Xiongnu allied with the Xiuchuge and killed thechanyu as well. The Han court appointed his son,Yufuluo, entitled Chizhi Shizhu (持至尸逐侯), to succeed him, but he was expelled from his territory by the rebels.
Yufuluo travelled toLuoyang to seek aid from the Han court, but at this time the court was in disorder from the clash between Grand GeneralHe Jin and theeunuchs, and the intervention of the warlordDong Zhuo. Thechanyu had no choice but to settle down with his followers aroundPingyang, east of theFen River inShanxi. In 195, he died and was succeeded aschanyu by his brotherHuchuquan. Meanwhile, the rebels initially elected their ownchanyu, but after he died just a year into his reign, they left the position vacant and had an elderly nominal king put in place. With the Southern Xiongnu in disarray, many of the tribes opted to distance themselves from the ongoingHan civil war. Yufuluo's group and the Xiuchuge remained on the offensive before they were all subjugated by the warlordCao Cao.[130]
Due to the Southern Xiongnu upheaval, several frontier commanderies such asShuofang andYunzhong were lost to hostile tribes, prompting Cao Cao to abolish and abandon them. In 216, he detainedHuchuquan in the city ofYe and reorganized the last vestiges of the Southern Xiongnu into the Five Divisions (五部; Left, Right, South, North and Centre) aroundTaiyuan Commandery in modern-dayShanxi, bringing them closer to the Chinese court's influence. The office ofchanyu remained with Huchuquan at Ye up to his death, after which it became vacant, while the Five Divisions were initially placed under the supervision of his uncle,Qubei. Each division was led by a local chief, who in turn was under the surveillance of a Chinese resident. This was aimed at preventing the tribes in Shanxi from engaging in rebellion, and also allowed Cao Cao to use them as auxiliaries in his cavalry.[134]
Descendants and later states in northern China
Fang Xuanling'sBook of Jin lists nineteen Xiongnu tribes that resettled within the Great Wall:Chuge (屠各),Xianzhi (鮮支), Koutou (寇頭), Wutan (烏譚),Chile (赤勒), Hanzhi (捍蛭), Heilang (黑狼),Chisha (赤沙), Yugang (鬱鞞), Weisuo (萎莎), Tutong (禿童), Bomie (勃蔑), Qiangqu (羌渠),Helai (賀賴), Zhongqin (鐘跂), Dalou (大樓), Yongqu (雍屈), Zhenshu (真樹) and Lijie (力羯). Among the nineteen tribes, the Chuge, also known as the Xiuchuge, were the most honored and prestigious.[135]
With the fall of the Southern Xiongnu state, the Xiongnu name gradually lost its unifying influence among its descendants, only ever invoked for political and symbolic purposes or as a generic label for tribes that did not belong to one of the major ethnic groups at the time. InBing province, the Chuge identity held more weight than that of the Xiongnu among the Five Divisions, while those excluded from the group mingled with tribes from various ethnicities and were referred to as "hu" or other vague terms for the non-Chinese. Many of them began adopting Chinese family names such as Liu (劉), which was prevalent among the Five Divisions.[136]
Nonetheless, the Xiongnu are classified as one of the "Five Barbarians" of theSixteen Kingdoms period. TheHan-Zhao andHelian Xia dynasties were both founded by rulers on the basis of their Xiongnu ancestry. TheNorthern Liang, established by theLushuihu, is sometimes categorized as a Xiongnu state in recent historiographies.Shi Le, the founder of theLater Zhao dynasty, was a descendant of the Xiongnu Qiangqu tribe, although by his time, he and his people had become a separate ethnic group known as theJie.
Despite Cao Cao's intentions, the Five Divisions eventually grew weary of subservience and attempted to assert their own power. The Commander of the Left Division,Liu Bao briefly unified them during the mid-3rd century before theCao Wei andWestern Jin courts intervened and forced them back into five. To further ensure their loyalty, nobles of the Five Divisions had to send their children to the Chinese capital as hostages, where they became accustomed to ChineseConfucian teachings and culture. They were even allowed to hold government offices under the Jin, but their status remained low compared to their Chinese peers. Amidst theWar of the Eight Princes in 304, as Jin authority was collapsing in northern China, the Five Divisions took the opportunity to rebel.
Liu Yuan, the son of Liu Bao and a general serving under one of the Jin princes, was offered by the Five Divisions to lead their rebellion. After deceiving his prince, Liu Yuan returned to Bing province and was acclaimed as the Grand Chanyu. Later that year, he declared himself the King of Han. Liu Yuan and his family members were Chuge people, but he also claimed to be a direct descendant of the Southern Xiongnuchanyus and depicted his state as a continuation of theHan dynasty, citing that his alleged ancestors were married to Han princesses throughheqin.[130][136]He adopted the Chinese ruling system and allowed the Han Chinese and non-Chinese tribes to serve under him. In 308, he elevated his title to Emperor of Han, and in 309, he settled his capital atPingyang.
The Western Jin, devastated by war and natural disasters, was unable to stop the growing threat of Han. A few months afterLiu Cong took the Han throne, the Jin imperial army was annihilated by his forces in 311. Soon, the Han descended upon the Jin capitalLuoyang, sacking the city and capturingEmperor Huai of Jin in an event known as theDisaster of Yongjia. In 316, the Jin restoration inChang'an, headed byEmperor Min, was also crushed by Han. After the fall of Chang'an, the remnants of Jin south of theYangtze river atJiankang re-established themselves as theEastern Jin dynasty in 318.[137]
Although Han enjoyed military success, imperial authority was highly limited, and they suffered from internal strife under Liu Cong. Throughout his reign, Liu Cong faced strong opposition from his own ministers, and so he empowered hisconsort kins andeunuchs to counter them. The Han court thus fell into a lengthy power struggle which ended in a brutal purge of the government. Liu Cong also failed to constrainShi Le, a general ofJie ethnicity who effectively held the eastern parts of the empire. After Liu Cong's death in 318, his consort kin,Jin Zhun massacred the emperor and a large portion of the aristocracy before being defeated by a combined force led by Liu Cong's cousin,Liu Yao, and Shi Le.
Former Zhao (319–329)
During Jin Zhun's rebellion, the Han loyalists that escaped the massacre acclaimedLiu Yao as the new emperor. In 319, he moved the capital from Pingyang to Chang'an and renamed the dynasty as Zhao. Unlike his predecessors, Liu Yao appealed more to his Xiongnu ancestry by honouringModu Chanyu and distancing himself from the state's initial positioning of restoring the Han dynasty. However, this was not a break from Liu Yuan, as he continued to honor Liu Yuan andLiu Cong posthumously; it is hence known to historians collectively asHan-Zhao. That same year, Shi Le proclaimed independence and formed his own state of Zhao, challenging Liu Yao for hegemony over northern China. For this reason, Han-Zhao is also known to historians as theFormer Zhao to distinguish it from Shi Le'sLater Zhao.
Liu Yao retained control over theGuanzhong region and expanded his domain westward by campaigning against remnants of the Jin,Former Liang andChouchi. Eventually, Liu Yao led his army to fight Later Zhao for control overLuoyang but was captured by Shi Le's forces in battle and executed in 329. Chang'an soon fell to Later Zhao and the last of Former Zhao's forces were destroyed. Thus ended the Han-Zhao dynasty; northern China would be dominated by the Later Zhao for the next 20 years.[138] Despite the Han-Zhao's defeat, the Chuge survived and remained a prominent ethnic group in northern China for the next two centuries.
The chieftains of theTiefu tribe were descendants ofQubei and were related to another tribe, theDugu. Based on their name, which meant a person whose father was a Xiongnu and mother was aXianbei, the Tiefu had mingled with the Xianbei, and records refer to them as "Wuhuan", which by the 4th-century had become a generic term for miscellaneoushu tribes withDonghu elements.[139] In 309, their chieftain,Liu Hu rebelled against the Western Jin in Shanxi but was driven out toShuofang Commandery in theOrdos Loop. The Tiefu resided there for most of their existence, often as a vassal to their stronger neighbours before their power was destroyed by theNorthern Wei dynasty in 392.
Liu Bobo, a surviving member of the Tiefu, went into exile and eventually offered his services to theQiang-ledLater Qin. He was assigned to guard Shuofang, but in 407, angered by Qin holding peace talks with the Northern Wei, he rebelled and founded a state known as theHelian Xia dynasty. Bobo strongly affirmed his Xiongnu lineage; his state name of "Xia" was based on the claim that the Xiongnu were descendants of theXia dynasty, and he later changed his family name from "Liu" (劉) to the more Xiongnu-like "Helian" (赫連), believing it inappropriate to follow his matrilineal line from the Han. Helian Bobo placed the Later Qin in a perpetual state of warfare and greatly contributed to its decline. In 418, he conquered theGuanzhong region from theEastern Jin dynasty afterJin destroyed Qin the previous year.
After Helian Bobo's death in 425, the Xia quickly declined due to pressure from the Northern Wei. In 428, the emperor,Helian Chang and capital were both captured by Wei forces. His brother,Helian Ding succeeded him and conquered theWestern Qin in 431, but that same year, he was ambushed and imprisoned by theTuyuhun while attempting a campaign againstNorthern Liang. The Xia was at its end, and the following year, Helian Ding was sent to Wei where he was executed.
Tongwancheng (meaning "Unite All Nations"), was one of the capitals of the Xia that was built during the reign of Helian Bobo. The ruined city was discovered in 1996[140] and the State Council designated it as a cultural relic under top state protection. The repair of the Yong'an Platform, where Helian Bobo reviewed parading troops, has been finished and restoration on the 31-meter-tall turret follows.[141][142]
The Juqu clan were aLushuihu family that founded theNorthern Liang dynasty in modern-dayGansu in 397. Recent historiographies often classify the Northern Liang as a "Xiongnu" state, but there is still ongoing debate on the exact origin of the Lushuihu. A leading theory is that the Lushuihu were descendants of theLesser Yuezhi that had intermingled with theQiang people, but based on the fact that the Juqu's ancestors once served the Xiongnu empire, the Lushuihu could still be considered a branch of the Xiongnu. Regardless, contemporaneous records treat the Lushuihu as a distinct ethnic group.[143][144] The Northern Liang was known for its propagation ofBuddhism in Gansu through their construction of Buddhist sites such as theTiantishan andMogao caves, and for being the last of the so-called Sixteen Kingdoms after it was conquered by theNorthern Wei dynasty in 439.[145][146] There was also the Northern Liang ofGaochang, which existed between 442 and 460.
Significance
The Xiongnu confederation was unusually long-lived for a steppe empire. The purpose of raiding theCentral Plain was not simply for goods, but to force the Central Plain polity to pay regular tribute. The power of the Xiongnu ruler was based on his control of Han tribute which he used to reward his supporters. The Han and Xiongnu empires rose at the same time because the Xiongnu state depended on Han tribute. A major Xiongnu weakness was the custom of lateral succession. If a dead ruler's son was not old enough to take command, power passed to the late ruler's brother. This worked in the first generation but could lead to civil war in the second generation. The first time this happened, in 60 BC, the weaker party adopted what Barfield calls the 'inner frontier strategy.' They moved south and submitted to the dominant Central Plain regime and then used the resources obtained from their overlord to defeat the Northern Xiongnu and re-establish the empire. The second time this happened, about 47 AD, the strategy failed. The southern ruler was unable to defeat the northern ruler and the Xiongnu remained divided.[147]
Ethnolinguistic origins
The Xiongnu empire is widely thought to have been multiethnic.[148] There are several theories on the ethnolinguistic identity of the Xiongnu, though there is no consensus among scholars as to what language was spoken by the Xiongnu elite.[149]
The Xiongnu-Hun hypothesis was originally proposed by the 18th-century French historianJoseph de Guignes, who noticed that ancient Chinese scholars had referred to members of tribes which were associated with the Xiongnu by names which were similar to the name "Hun", albeit with varying Chinese characters.Étienne de la Vaissière has shown that, in theSogdian script used in the so-called "Sogdian Ancient Letters", both the Xiongnu and the Huns were referred to as the γwn (xwn), which indicates that the two names were synonymous.[17] Although the theory that the Xiongnu were the precursors of the Huns as they were later known in Europe is now accepted by many scholars, it has yet to become a consensus view. The identification with the Huns may either be incorrect or it may be an oversimplification (as would appear to be the case with aproto-Mongol people, theRouran, who have sometimes been linked to theAvars of Central Europe).
Most scholars agree that the Xiongnu elite may have been initially ofSogdian origin, while later switching to a Turkic language.[154]Harold Walter Bailey proposed anIranian origin of the Xiongnu, recognizing all of the earliest Xiongnu names of the 2nd century BC as being of theIranian type.[25] Central Asian scholarChristopher I. Beckwith notes that the Xiongnu name could be a cognate ofScythian,Saka andSogdia, corresponding to a name forEastern Iranian Scythians.[70][155] According to Beckwith the Xiongnu could have contained a leading Iranian component when they started out, but more likely they had earlier been subjects of an Iranian people and learned the Iranian nomadic model from them.[70]
In the 1994UNESCO-publishedHistory of Civilizations of Central Asia, its editorJános Harmatta claims that the royal tribes and kings of the Xiongnu bore Iranian names, that all Xiongnu words noted by the Chinese can be explained from aScythian language, and that it is therefore clear that the majority of Xiongnu tribes spoke an Eastern Iranian language.[24]
According to a study by Alexander Savelyev and Choongwon Jeong, published in 2020 in the journal Evolutionary Human Sciences by Cambridge University Press, "The predominant part of the Xiongnu population is likely to have spoken Turkic". However, important cultural, technological and political elements may have been transmitted by Eastern Iranian-speaking Steppe nomads: "Arguably, these Iranian-speaking groups were assimilated over time by the predominant Turkic-speaking part of the Xiongnu population".[156]
Belt plaque in the shape of a kneeling horse, 3rd-1st century BCE, gilded silver, made in North China for Xiongnu patrons.[157][158]
Lajos Ligeti was the first to suggest that the Xiongnu spoke a Yeniseian language. In the early 1960sEdwin Pulleyblank was the first to expand upon this idea with credible evidence. The Yeniseian theory proposes that theJie, a western Xiongnu people, spoke a Yeniseian language.Hyun Jin Kim notes that the 7th AD Chinese conpendium,Jin Shu, contains a transliterated song of Jie origin, which appears to be Yeniseian. This song has led researchers Pulleyblank andVovin to argue for a Yeniseian Jie dominant minority, that ruled over the other Xiongnu ethnicities, like Iranian and Turkic people. Kim has stated that the dominant Xiongnu language was likely Turkic or Yeniseian, but has cautioned that the Xiongnu were definitely a multi-ethnic society.[159]
Pulleybank and D. N. Keightley asserted that the Xiongnu titles "were originally Siberian words but were later borrowed by the Turkic and Mongolic peoples".[160] Titles such astarqan,tegin andkaghan were also inherited from the Xiongnu language and are possibly of Yeniseian origin. For example, the Xiongnu word for "heaven" is theorized to come from Proto-Yeniseian *tɨŋVr.[161][162]
Vocabulary from Xiongnu inscriptions sometimes appears to have Yeniseian cognates which were used by Vovin to support his theory that the Xiongnu has a large Yeniseian component, examples of proposed cognates include words such as Xiongnu kʷala 'son' and Ket qalek 'younger son', Xiongnu sakdak 'boot' and Ket sagdi 'boot', Xiongnu gʷawa "prince" and Ket gij "prince", Xiongnu "attij" 'wife' and proto-Yeniseian "alrit", Ket "alit" and Xiongnu dar "north" compared to Yugh tɨr "north".[161][163] Pulleyblank also argued that because Xiongnu words appear to have clusters with r and l, in the beginning of the word it is unlikely to be of Turkic origin, and instead believed that most vocabulary we have mostly resemble Yeniseian languages.[164]
Alexander Vovin also wrote, that some names of horses in the Xiongnu language appear to be Turkic words with Yeniseian prefixes.[161]
An analysis by Savelyev and Jeong (2020) has cast doubt on the Yeniseian theory. If assuming that the ancient Yeniseians were represented by modernKet people, who are more genetically similar toSamoyedic speakers, the Xiongnu do not display a genetic affinity for Yeniseian peoples.[156] A review by Wilson (2023) argues that the presence of Yeniseian-speakers among the multi-ethnic Xiongnu should not be rejected, and that "Yeniseian-speaking peoples must have played a more prominent (than heretofore recognized) role in the history of Eurasia during the first millennium of the Common Era".[165]
Plaque in the shape of a grazingkulan (wild ass), 2nd–1st century BC, Northwest China, Xiongnu culture.[166][167]
According to a study by Alexander Savelyev and Choongwon Jeong, published in 2020 in the journal Evolutionary Human Sciences by Cambridge University Press, "The predominant part of the Xiongnu population is likely to have spoken Turkic". However, genetic studies found a mixture of haplogroups from western and eastern Eurasian origins that suggested a large genetic diversity within, and possibly multiple origins of Xiongnu elites. The Turkic-related component may be brought by eastern Eurasian genetic substratum.[156]
However, the Ashina-surnamed Göktürks were also stated to be they were "mixed barbarians" (雜胡;záhú) who fled fromPingliang (now in modernGansu province,China).[175][173] or from an obscure Suo state (索國), north of the Xiongnu.[176][177]
Uyghur Khagans claimed descent from the Xiongnu (according to Chinese historyWeishu, the founder of theUyghur Khaganate was descended from a Xiongnu ruler).[178][179][180]
Book of Wei states that the Yueban descended from remnants of theNorthern Xiongnu chanyu's tribe and that Yueban's language and customs resembled Gaoche (高車),[181] another name of the Tiele.
Book of Jin lists 19 southern Xiongnu tribes who enteredFormer Yan's borders, the 14th being theAlat (Ch. 賀賴Helai ~ 賀蘭Helan ~ 曷剌Hela);Alat being glossed "piebald horse" (Ch. 駁馬 ~ 駮馬Boma) inOld Turkic.[182][183][184]
However, Chinese sources also ascribe Xiongnu origins to the Para-Mongolic-speakingKumo Xi andKhitans.[185]
Belt Buckle, 2nd-1st century BCE, Xiongnu. Another naturalistic belt buckle made to the Xiongnu taste, showing a mounted warrior frontally, holding a dagger and grabbing the hair of a demon who is also attacked by a dog. Also appears a nomadic cart pulled byreindeers, and another dog on top of the cart.[186][187][91][188]
Mongolian and other scholars have suggested that the Xiongnu spoke a language related to theMongolic languages.[189][190] Mongolian archaeologists proposed that theSlab Grave Culture people were the ancestors of the Xiongnu, and some scholars have suggested that the Xiongnu may have been the ancestors of theMongols.[27]Nikita Bichurin considered Xiongnu andXianbei to be two subgroups (ordynasties) of but one sameethnicity.[191]
Genghis Khan refers to the time of Modu Chanyu as "the remote times of our Chanyu" in his letter to DaoistQiu Chuji.[205] Sun and moon symbol of Xiongnu that discovered by archaeologists is similar to MongolianSoyombo symbol.[206][207][208]
Multiple ethnicities
Pastoralist expansion into Mongolia ca. 1000 BCE (Early Iron Age), and schematic formation of the Xiongnu Empire in the 3rd century BCE.[209]
Since the early 19th century, a number of Western scholars have proposed a connection between various language families or subfamilies and the language or languages of the Xiongnu.Albert Terrien de Lacouperie considered them to be multi-component groups.[32] Many scholars believe the Xiongnu confederation was a mixture of different ethno-linguistic groups, and that their main language (as represented in the Chinese sources) and its relationships have not yet been satisfactorily determined.[210] Kim rejects "old racial theories or even ethnic affiliations" in favour of the "historical reality of these extensive, multiethnic, polyglot steppe empires".[211]
SomeUyghurs claimed descent from the Xiongnu (according to Chinese historyWeishu, the founder of theUyghur Khaganate was descended from a Xiongnu ruler),[178] but many contemporary scholars do not consider the modern Uyghurs to be of direct linear descent from the old Uyghur Khaganate because modernUyghur language andOld Uyghur languages are different.[222] Rather, they consider them to be descendants of a number of people, one of them the ancient Uyghurs.[223][224][225]
In various kinds of ancient inscriptions on monuments ofMunmu of Silla, it is recorded that King Munmu had Xiongnu ancestry. According to several historians, it is possible that there were tribes ofKoreanic origin. There are also some Korean researchers that point out that the grave goods of Silla and of the eastern Xiongnu are alike.[226][227][228][229][230]
Language isolate theories
TurkologistGerhard Doerfer has denied any possibility of a relationship between the Xiongnu language and any other known language, even any connection with Turkic or Mongolian.[160]
Geographic origins
The original geographic location of the Xiongnu is disputed among steppe archaeologists. Since the 1960s, the geographic origin of the Xiongnu has attempted to be traced through an analysis ofEarly Iron Age burial constructions. No region has been proven to havemortuary practices that clearly match those of the Xiongnu.[231]
Archaeology
Xiongnu Leather Robe, Han period, Henan Provincial Museum, Zhengzhou
In the 1920s,Pyotr Kozlov oversaw the excavation of royal tombs at theNoin-Ula burial site in northern Mongolia, dated to around the first century CE. Other Xiongnu sites have been unearthed inInner Mongolia, such as theOrdos culture.Sinologist Otto Maenchen-Helfen has said that depictions of the Xiongnu ofTransbaikalia and the Ordos commonly show individuals with West Eurasian features.[232] Iaroslav Lebedynsky said that West Eurasian depictions in the Ordos region should be attributed to a "Scythian affinity".[233]
Portraits found in theNoin-Ula excavations demonstrate other cultural evidences and influences, showing that Chinese and Xiongnu art have influenced each other mutually. Some of these embroidered portraits in the Noin-Ulakurgans also depict the Xiongnu with long braided hair with wide ribbons, which is seen to be identical with theAshina clan hair-style.[234] Well-preserved bodies in Xiongnu and pre-Xiongnu tombs in theMongolian Republic and southernSiberia show both East Asian and West Eurasian features.[235]
Analysis of cranial remains from some sites attributed to the Xiongnu have revealed that they haddolichocephalic skulls with East Asian craniometrical features, setting them apart from neighboring populations in present-day Mongolia.[236] Russian and Chinese anthropological and craniofacial studies show that the Xiongnu were physically very heterogenous, with six different population clusters showing different degrees of West Eurasian and East Asian physical traits.[27]
Presently, there exist four fully excavated and well documented cemeteries:Ivolga,[238] Dyrestui,[239] Burkhan Tolgoi,[240][241] and Daodunzi.[242][243] Additionally thousands of tombs have been recorded inTransbaikalia and Mongolia.
The archaeologists have chosen to, for the most part, refrain from positing anything about Han-Xiongnu relations based on the material excavated. However, they were willing to mention the following:
"There is no clear indication of the ethnicity of this tomb occupant, but in a similar brick-chambered tomb of the late Eastern Han period at the same cemetery, archaeologists discovered a bronze seal with the official title that the Han government bestowed upon the leader of the Xiongnu. The excavators suggested that these brick chamber tombs all belong to the Xiongnu (Qinghai 1993)."[244]
Classifications of these burial sites make distinction between two prevailing type of burials: "(1) monumental ramped terrace tombs which are often flanked by smaller "satellite" burials and (2) 'circular' or 'ring' burials."[245] Some scholars consider this a division between "elite" graves and "commoner" graves. Other scholars, find this division too simplistic and not evocative of a true distinction because it shows "ignorance of the nature of the mortuary investments and typically luxuriant burial assemblages [and does not account for] the discovery of other lesser interments that do not qualify as either of these types."[246]
Uniparental haplogroup assignments by group and sex-bias "z" scores of Xiongnu.[209]
A 2003 study found that 89% of Xiongnu maternal lineages are of East Asian origin, while 11% were of West Eurasian origin. However, a 2016 study found that 37.5% of Xiongnu maternal lineages were West Eurasian, in a central Mongolian sample.[247]
According to Rogers & Kaestle (2022), these studies make clear that the Xiongnu population is extremely similar to the precedingSlab Grave population, which had a similar frequency of Eastern and Western maternal haplogroups, supporting a hypothesis of continuity from the Slab Grave period to the Xiongnu. They wrote that the bulk of the genetics research indicates that roughly 27% of Xiongnu maternal haplogroups were of West Eurasian origin, while the rest were East Asian.[248]
According to Rogers & Kaestle (2022), roughly 47% of Xiongnu period remains belonged to paternal haplogroups associated with modern West Eurasians, while the rest (53%) belonged to East Asian haplogroups. They observed that this contrasts strongly with the precedingSlab Grave period, which was dominated by East Asian patrilineages. They suggest that this may reflect an aggressive expansion of people with West Eurasian paternal haplogroups, or perhaps the practice of marriage alliances or cultural networks favoring people with Western patrilines.[251]
According to Lee & Kuang, the main paternal lineages of 62 Xiongnu Elite remains in theEgiin Gol valley belonged to the paternalhaplogroups N1c1,Q-M242, andC-M217. One sample from Duurlig Nars belonged toR1a1 and another to C-M217. Xiongnu remains fromBarkol belonged exclusively to haplogroup Q. They argue that the haplogroups C2, Q and N likely formed the major paternal haplogroups of the Xiongnu tribes, while R1a was the most common paternal haplogroup (44.5%) among neighbouring nomads from the Altai mountain, who were probably incorporated into the Xiongnu confederation and may be associated with theJie people.[258]
Autosomal ancestry
A study published in theAmerican Journal of Physical Anthropology in October 2006 detected significant genetic continuity between the examined individuals at Egyin Gol and modern Mongolians.[259]
A genetic study published inNature in May 2018 examined the remains of five Xiongnu.[260] The study concluded that Xiongnu confederation was genetically heterogeneous, and Xiongnu individuals belonging to two distinct groups, one being of primarilyEast Asian origin (associated with the earlierSlab-grave culture) and the other presenting considerable admixture levels with West Eurasian (possibly from Central Saka) sources. The evidence suggested that theHuns probably emerged through minor male-driven geneflow into the Saka through westward migrations of the Xiongnu.[261]
A study published in November 2020 examined 60 early and late Xiongnu individuals from across Mongolia. The study found that the Xiongnu resulted from the admixture of three different clusters from the Mongolian region. The two early genetic clusters are "early Xiongnu_west" from theAltai Mountains (formed at 92% by the hybrid EurasianChandman ancestry, and 8%BMAC ancestry), and "early Xiongnu_rest" from theMongolian Plateau (individuals with primarilyUlaanzuukh-Slab Grave ancestry, or mixed with "early Xiongnu_west"). The later third cluster named "late Xiongnu" has even higher heterogenity, with the continued combination ofChandman andUlaanzuukh-Slab Grave ancestry, and additional geneflow fromSarmatian andHan Chinese sources. Their uniparental haplogroup assignments also showed heterogenetic influence on their ethnogenesis as well as their connection with Huns.[209][262] In contrast, the laterMongols had a much higher eastern Eurasian ancestry as a whole, similar to that of modern-day Mongolic-speaking populations.[263]
A Xiongnu remain (GD1-4) analysed in a 2024 study was found to be entirely derived fromAncient Northeast Asians without any West Eurasian-associated ancestry. The sample clustered closely with aGöktürk remain (GD1-1) from the later Turkic period.[264]
Relationship between ethnicity and status among the Xiongnu
Although the Xiongnu were ethnically heterogeneous as a whole, it appears that variability was highly related to social status. Genetic heterogeneity was highest among retainers of low status, as identified by their smaller and peripheral tombs. These retainers mainly displayed ancestry related to theChandman/Uyuk culture (characterized by a hybrid Eurasian gene pool combining the genetic profile of theSintashta culture and Baikal hunter-gatherers (Baikal EBA)), or various combinations ofChandman/Uyuk and Ancient Northeast AsianUlaanzuukh/Slab Grave profiles.[148]
On the contrary, high status Xiongnu individuals tended to have less genetic diversity, and their ancestry was essentially derived from the Eastern EurasianUlaanzuukh/Slab Grave culture, or alternatively from theXianbei, suggesting multiple sources for their Eastern ancestry. High Eastern ancestry was more common among high status female samples, while low status male samples tended to be more diverse and having higher Western ancestry.[148] A likelychanyu, a male ruler of the Empire identified by his prestigious tomb, was shown to have had similar ancestry as a high status female in the "western frontiers", deriving about 39.3%Slab Grave (orAncient Northeast Asian) genetic ancestry, 51.9%Han (or Yellow River farmers) ancestry, with the rest (8.8%) beingSaka (Chandman) ancestry.[148]
Culture
Art
Belt buckle with threeIbexes, 2nd-1st century BC, Xiongnu.[265][266][267]Belt buckle with animal combat scene, 2nd-1st century BCE, made in North China for the Xiongnu.[268][158]Belt Buckle withnomadic-inspiredzoomorphic design, manufactured in China for the Xiongnu.[269][157]
Within the Xiongnu culture more variety is visible from site to site than from "era" to "era," in terms of the Chinese chronology, yet all form a whole that is distinct from that of the Han and other peoples of the non-Chinese north.[270] In some instances, the iconography cannot be used as the main cultural identifier, because art depicting animal predation is common among the steppe peoples. An example of animal predation associated with Xiongnu culture is that of a tiger carrying dead prey.[270] A similar motif appears in work fromMaoqinggou, a site which is presumed to have been under Xiongnu political control but is still clearly non-Xiongnu. In the Maoqinggou example, the prey is replaced with an extension of the tiger's foot. The work also depicts a cruder level of execution; Maoqinggou work was executed in a rounder, less detailed style.[270] In its broadest sense, Xiongnu iconography of animal predation includes examples such as the gold headdress from Aluchaideng and gold earrings with a turquoise and jade inlay discovered inXigoupan, Inner Mongolia.[270]
Xiongnu art is harder to distinguish fromSaka orScythian art. There is a similarity present in stylistic execution, but Xiongnu art and Saka art often differ in terms of iconography. Saka art does not appear to have included predation scenes, especially with dead prey, or same-animal combat. Additionally, Saka art included elements not common to Xiongnu iconography, such as winged, horned horses.[270] The two cultures also used two different kinds of bird heads. Xiongnu depictions of birds tend to have a medium-sized eye and beak, and they are also depicted with ears, while Saka birds have a pronounced eye and beak, and no ears.[271] Some scholars[who?] claim these differences are indicative of cultural differences. Scholar Sophia-Karin Psarras suggests that Xiongnu images of animal predation, specifically tiger-and-prey, are spiritual, representative of death and rebirth, and that same-animal combat is representative of the acquisition or maintenance of power.[271]
Rock art and writing
2nd century BC – 2nd century AD characters of Xiongnu-Xianbei script (Mongolia and Inner Mongolia).[272]
The rock art of theYin andHelan Mountains is dated from the 9th millennium BC to the 19th century AD. It consists mainly of engraved signs (petroglyphs) and only minimally of painted images.[273]
Chinese sources indicate that the Xiongnu did not have an ideographic form of writing like Chinese, but in the 2nd century BC, a renegade Chinese dignitary Yue "taught theShanyu to write official letters to the Chinese court on a wooden tablet 31 cm long, and to use a seal and large-sized folder." The same sources tell that when the Xiongnu noted down something or transmitted a message, they made cuts on a piece of wood ('ke-mu'), and they also mention a "Hu script" (vol.110). At Noin-Ula and other Xiongnu burial sites in Mongolia and the region north of Lake Baikal, among the objects discovered during excavations conducted between 1924 and 1925 were over 20 carved characters. Most of these characters are either identical or very similar to letters of theOld Turkic alphabet of the Early Middle Ages found on the Eurasian steppes. From this, some specialists conclude that the Xiongnu used a script similar to the ancientEurasian runiform, and that this alphabet was a basis for later Turkic writing.[274]
Religion and diet
According to theBook of Han, "the Xiongnu called Heaven (天) 'Chēnglí,' (撐犁)[275] a Chinese transcription ofTengri. The Xiongnu were a nomadic people. From their lifestyle of herding flocks and their horse-trade with China, it can be concluded that their diet consisted mainly ofmutton,horse meat and wild geese that were shot down. Historical evidence gives reason to believe that, from the 2nd century BC, proto-Mongol peoples (the Xiongnu,Xianbei, andKhitans) were familiar with Buddhism. On the territory of the Ivolginsk Settlement, remains of Buddhistprayer beads were found in a Xiongnu grave.[276]
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^Shufen, Liu (2002). "Ethnicity and the Suppression of Buddhism in Fifth-century North China: The Background and Significance of the Gaiwu Rebellion".Asia Major.15 (1):1–21.ISSN0004-4482.JSTOR41649858.
^abZheng Zhang (Chinese: 鄭張), Shang-fang (Chinese: 尚芳).匈 – 上古音系第一三千八百九十字 [匈 - The 13890th word of the Ancient Phonological System].ytenx.org [韻典網] (in Chinese). Rearranged by BYVoid.
^abZheng Zhang (Chinese: 鄭張), Shang-fang (Chinese: 尚芳).奴 – 上古音系第九千六百字 [奴 – The 9600th word of the Ancient Phonological System].ytenx.org [韻典網] (in Chinese). Rearranged by BYVoid.
^Chase-Dunn, C.; Anderson, E. (18 February 2005).The Historical Evolution of World-Systems. Springer. pp. 36–37.ISBN978-1-4039-8052-6. "The primary focus of the new threat became the Xiongnu who emerged rather abruptly in the late 4th century BC. Initially subordinated to the Yuezhi, the Xiongnu overthrew the nomadic hierarchy while also escalating its attacks on Chinese areas."
^Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt (2019), "Northern Dynasties and Southern Dynasties",Chinese Architecture, Princeton University Press, pp. 72–103,doi:10.2307/j.ctvc77f7s.11,S2CID243720017"Turcs ou Turks".Larousse Rncyclopedie (in French). Larousse Éditions. Retrieved2023-04-01.
^Sims-Williams 2004.Pritsak 1959.Hucker 1975, p. 136.Jinshu vol. 97 Four Barbarians - Xiongnu".Weishu. Vol. 102: Wusun, Shule, & Yueban.悅般國，... 其先，匈奴北單于之部落也。... 其風俗言語與高車同Yuanhe Maps and Records of Prefectures and Counties vol. 4 quote: "北人呼駮馬為賀蘭.Kim, Hyun Jin (18 April 2013).The Huns, Rome and the Birth of Europe. Cambridge University Press.doi:10.1017/cbo9780511920493.ISBN978-0-511-92049-3.Du You. Tongdian. Vol. 200: 突厥謂駮馬為曷剌,亦名曷剌國。.Wink 2002, pp. 60–61.
^abHarmatta 1994, p. 488: "Their royal tribes and kings (shan-yü) bore Iranian names and all the Hsiung-nu words noted by the Chinese can be explained from an Iranian language of Saka type. It is therefore clear that the majority of Hsiung-nu tribes spoke an Eastern Iranian language."
^Vovin, Alexander (2000). "Did the Xiongnu speak a Yeniseian language?".Central Asiatic Journal.44 (1):87–104.JSTOR41928223.
^高晶一, Jingyi Gao (2017). "Quèdìng xià guó jí kǎitè rén de yǔyán wéi shǔyú hànyǔ zú hé yè ní sāi yǔxì gòngtóng cí yuán"確定夏國及凱特人的語言為屬於漢語族和葉尼塞語系共同詞源 [Xia and Ket Identified by Sinitic and Yeniseian Shared Etymologies].Central Asiatic Journal.60 (1–2):51–58.doi:10.13173/centasiaj.60.1-2.0051.JSTOR10.13173/centasiaj.60.1-2.0051.S2CID165893686.
^Khenzykhenova, Fedora I.; Kradin, Nikolai N.; Danukalova, Guzel A.; Shchetnikov, Alexander A.; Osipova, Eugenia M.; Matveev, Arkady N.; Yuriev, Anatoly L.; Namzalova, Oyuna D. -Ts; Prokopets, Stanislav D.; Lyashchevskaya, Marina A.; Schepina, Natalia A.; Namsaraeva, Solonga B.; Martynovich, Nikolai V. (30 April 2020)."The human environment of the Xiongnu Ivolga Fortress (West Trans-Baikal area, Russia): Initial data".Quaternary International.546:216–228.Bibcode:2020QuInt.546..216K.doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2019.09.041.ISSN1040-6182.S2CID210787385. "The slab graves culture existed in this territory prior to the Xiongnu empire. Sites of this culture dating back to approximately 1100-400/300 BC are common in Mongolia and the Trans-Baikal area. The earliest calibrated dates are prior to 1500 BC (Miyamoto et al., 2016). Later dates are usually 100–200 years earlier than the Xiongnu culture. Therefore, it is customarily considered that the slab grave culture preceded the Xiongnu culture. There is only one case, reported by Miyamoto et al. (2016), in which the date of the slab grave corresponds to the time of the making of the Xiongnu Empire."
^Linduff, Katheryn M.; Rubinson, Karen S. (2021).Pazyryk Culture Up in the Altai. Routledge. p. 69.ISBN978-0-429-85153-7.The rise of the confederation of the Xiongnu, in addition, clearly affected this region as it did most regions of the Altai
^Whitehouse 2016, p. 369: "From that time until the HAN dynasty the Ordos steppe was the home of semi-nomadic Indo-European peoples whose culture can be regarded as an eastern province of a vast Eurasian continuum of Scytho-Siberian cultures."
^Harmatta 1992, p. 348: "From the first millennium b.c., we have abundant historical, archaeological and linguistic sources for the location of the territory inhabited by the Iranian peoples. In this period the territory of the northern Iranians, they being equestrian nomads, extended over the whole zone of the steppes and the wooded steppes and even the semi-deserts from the Great Hungarian Plain to the Ordos in northern China."
^Ilyasov, Jangar Ya.; Rusanov, Dmitriy V. (1997)."A Study on the Bone Plates from Orlat".Silk Road Art and Archaeology.5 (1997/98). Kamakura, Japan: The Institute of Silk Road Studies:107–159.ISSN0917-1614. p. 127:The image on this belt-buckle represents a rider striking a wild boar with a spear.
^Francfort, Henri-Paul (2020)."Sur quelques vestiges et indices nouveaux de l'hellénisme dans les arts entre la Bactriane et le Gandhāra (130 av. J.-C.-100 apr. J.-C. environ)" [On some vestiges and new indications of Hellenism in the arts between Bactria and Gandhāra (130 BC-100 AD approximately)].Journal des Savants:35–39.Page 36: "A renowned openwork gold plate found on the surface of the site depicts a wild boar hunt at the spear by a rider in steppe dress, in a frame of ovals arranged in cells intended to receive inlays (fig. 14). We can today attribute it to a local craft whose intention was to satisfy a horserider patron originating from the distant steppes and related to the Xiongnu" (French: "On peut aujourd'hui l'attribuer à un art local dont l'intention était de satisfaire un patron cavalier originaire des steppes lointaines et apparenté aux Xiongnu.")p. 36: "We can also clearly distinguish the crupper adorned with three rings forming a chain, as well as, on the shoulder of the mount, a very recognizable clip-shaped pendant, suspended from a chain passing in front of the chest and going up to the pommel of the saddle, whose known parallels are not to be found among the Scythians but in the realm of the Xiongnu, on bronze plaques from Mongolia and China" (French: "les parallèles connus ne se trouvent pas chez les Scythes mais dans le domaine des Xiongnu").p. 38: "The hairstyle of the hunter, with long hair pulled back and gathered in a bun, is also found atTakht-i Sangin; it is that of the eastern steppes, which can be seen onthe wild boar hunting plaque "des Iyrques" (fig. 15)" (French: La coiffure du chasseur, aux longs cheveux tirés en arrière et rassemblés en chignon, se retrouve àTakht-i Sangin; C'est celle des steppes orientales, que l'on remarque sur les plaques de la chasse au sanglier «des Iyrques» (fig. 15)
^abShiji,"Hereditary House of Zhao" quote: "今中山在我腹心，北有燕，東有胡，西有林胡、樓煩、秦、韓之邊，而無彊兵之救，是亡社稷，柰何？" translation: "(King Wuling of Zhao toLou Huan:) NowZhongshan is at our heart and belly [note: Zhao surrounded Zhongshan, except on Zhongshan's north-eastern side],Yan to the north,Hu to the east, Forest Hu,Loufan,Qin,Han at our borders to the west. Yet we have no strong army to help us, surely we will lose our country. What is to be done?"
^abCompare a parallel passage inStratagems of the Warring States, "King Wuling spends his day in idleness", quote: "自常山以至代、上黨，東有燕、東胡之境，西有樓煩、秦、韓之邊，而無騎射之備。"Jennifer Dodgson's translation: "FromMount Chang toDai andShangdang, our lands border Yan and theDonghu in the east, and to the west we have the Loufan and shared borders with Qin and Han. Nevertheless, we have no mounted archers ready for action."
^abShiji,Vol. 110 "Account of the Xiongnu". quote: "後秦滅六國，而始皇帝使蒙恬將十萬之眾北擊胡，悉收河南地。……匈奴單于曰頭曼，頭曼不勝秦，北徙。" translation: "Later on, Qin conquered the six other states, and theFirst Emperor dispatched generalMeng Tian to lead a multitude of 100,000 north to attack theHu; and he took all lands south the Yellow River. [...] TheXiongnu chanyu was Touman; Touman could not win against Qin, so [they] fled north."
^又《漢書》："使王烏等窺匈奴。法，漢使不去節，不以墨黥面，不得入穹盧。王烏等去節、黥面，得入穹盧，單於愛之。" fromMiscellaneous Morsels from Youyang,Scroll 8 Translation fromReed, Carrie E. (2000). "Tattoo in Early China".Journal of the American Oriental Society.120 (3):360–376.doi:10.2307/606008.JSTOR606008.
^Kradin, Nikolay N. (23 January 2020).Competing Narratives between Nomadic People and their Sedentary Neighbours. 7th International Conference on the Medieval History of the Eurasian Steppe. Competing Narratives between Nomadic People and their Sedentary Neighbours. Vol. 53. pp. 149–165.doi:10.14232/sua.2019.53.149-165.ISBN978-963-306-708-6.Nonetheless, among archaeologists, there are many supporters of the Xiongnu migration to the West. In recent years, S. Botalov (2009) constructed a broad picture of the migration of the Xiongnu to the Urals, and then Europe. In Kazakhstan, A. N. Podushkin discovered the Arysskaya culture with a distinct stage of Xiongnu influence (2009). Russian archaeologists are actively studying the Hun sites in the Caucasus (Gmyrya 1993; 1995) Citing:
Botalov, S. G. (2009).Гунны и туркиGunny i tiurki [Huns and Turks].(in Russian) Chelyabinsk: Рифей
Gmyrya, L. B. (1993).Prikaspiiskiy Dagestan v epokhu velikogo pereseleniia narodov. Mogilniki [Caspian Dagestan in the Period of the Great Migration of the Peoples. Burial Places].(in Russian) Mahachkala: Dagestan Scientific Center, RAS Press.
Podushkin, A. N. (2009). "Xiongnu v Yuznom Kazakhstane". ["Xiongnu in Southern Kazakhstan"]. In: Z. Samashev (ed.)Nomady kazakhstanskikh stepey: etnosociokulturnye protsessy i kontakty v Evrazii skifo sakskoy epokhi [Nomads of the Kazakh Steppes: Ethno-socio-cultural Processes and Contacts in Eurasia of the Scythian-Saka Era].(in Russian). Astana: Ministry of Culture and Information of the Kazakhstan Republic pp. 47‒154
^Mosol, Lee (2013).Ancient History of the Manchuria. X libris Corporation. p. 77.ISBN978-1-4836-6767-6 – viaGoogle Books.... 孝文皇帝 sent a girl as a new wife for the Chanyu as a 'fake princess of Royal family' with a eunuch named '中行 ... The Han lured the Xiongnu chief deep into the China proper town called "馬邑," but Gunchen Chanyu realized the trap ...
^Veit, Veronika (2007).The role of women in the Altaic world: Permanent International Altaistic Conference, 44th meeting, Walberberg, 26-31 August 2001. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. p. 61.ISBN978-3-447-05537-6.OCLC182731462.
^Drompp, Michael R. (1999). "Breaking the Orkhon Tradition: Kirghiz Adherence to the Yenisei Region after A. D. 840".Journal of the American Oriental Society.119 (3):394–395.doi:10.2307/605932.JSTOR605932.
^abcdeDe Crespigny, Rafe (1984).Northern frontier: the policies and strategy of the later Han Empire. Faculty of Asian Studies monographs. Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University.ISBN978-0-86784-410-8.
^Obrusánszky, Borbála (10 October 2006)."Hunok Kínában" [Huns in China](PDF).Amsterdam Studies (in Hungarian) (3).ISSN1873-3042.Archived(PDF) from the original on 2013-07-18. Retrieved2008-08-18.
^abcdLee, Juhyeon; Miller, Bryan K.; Bayarsaikhan, Jamsranjav; Johannesson, Erik; Ventresca Miller, Alicia; Warinner, Christina; Jeong, Choongwon (14 April 2023)."Genetic population structure of the Xiongnu Empire at imperial and local scales".Science Advances.9 (15): eadf3904.Bibcode:2023SciA....9F3904L.doi:10.1126/sciadv.adf3904.ISSN2375-2548.PMC10104459.PMID37058560."In this genome-wide archaeogenetic study, we find high genetic heterogeneity among late Xiongnu-era individuals at two cemeteries located along the far western frontier of the Xiongnu empire and describe patterns of genetic diversity related to social status. Overall, we find that genetic heterogeneity is highest among lower-status individuals. In particular, the satellite graves surrounding the elite square tombs at TAK show extreme levels of genetic heterogeneity, suggesting that these individuals, who were likely low-ranking retainers, were drawn from diverse parts of the empire. In contrast, the highest-status individuals at the two sites tended to have lower genetic diversity and a high proportion of ancestry deriving from EIA Slab Grave groups, suggesting that these groups may have disproportionately contributed to the ruling elite during the formation of the Xiongnu empire." (...) "a chanyu, or ruler of the empire. Like the elite women at the western frontier, he also had very high eastern Eurasian ancestry (deriving 39.3 and 51.9% from SlabGrave1 and Han_2000BP, respectively, and the rest from Chandman_IA; data file S2C)" (...) "Chandman_IA was representative of people in far western Mongolia associated with Sagly/Uyuk (ca. 500 to 200 BCE), Saka (ca. 900 to 200 BCE), and Pazyryk (ca. 500 to 200 BCE) groups in Siberia and Kazakhstan." (...) "This further suggests the existence of an aristocracy in the Xiongnu empire, that elite status and power was concentrated within specific subsets of the broader population."... Although not conclusive, this suggests that the ANA ancestry source of the Xiongnu-period individuals may not be exclusively traced back to the Slab Grave culture but may also include nearby groups with a similar ANA genetic profile, such as the Xianbei. ... Last, our findings also confirm that the highest-status individuals in this study were females, supporting previous observations that Xiongnu women played an especially prominent role in the expansion and integration of new territories along the empire's frontier.
^Betts, Alison; Vicziany, Marika; Jia, Peter Weiming; Castro, Angelo Andrea Di (19 December 2019).The Cultures of Ancient Xinjiang, Western China: Crossroads of the Silk Roads. Archaeopress Publishing Ltd. p. 104.ISBN978-1-78969-407-9.In Noin-Ula (Noyon Uul), Mongolia, the remarkable elite Xiongnu tombs have revealed textiles that are linked to the pictorial tradition of the Yuezhi: the decorative faces closely resemble theKhalchayan portraits, while the local ornaments have integrated elements of Graeco-Roman design. These artifacts were most probably manufactured in Bactria
^Polos'mak, Natalia V.; Francfort, Henri-Paul; Tsepova, Olga (2015). "Nouvelles découvertes de tentures polychromes brodées du début de notre ère dans les "tumuli" n o 20 et n o 31 de Noin-Ula (République de Mongolie)".Arts Asiatiques.70:3–32.doi:10.3406/arasi.2015.1881.ISSN0004-3958.JSTOR26358181.Considered as Yuezhi-Saka or simply Yuezhi, and p.3: "These tapestries were apparently manufactured in Bactria or in Gandhara at the time of the Saka-Yuezhi rule, when these countries were connected with the Parthian empire and the "Hellenized East." They represent groups of men, warriors of high status, and kings and/ or princes, performing rituals of drinking, fighting or taking part in a religious ceremony, a procession leading to an altar with a fire burning on it, and two men engaged in a ritual."
^Nehru, Lolita (14 December 2020)."KHALCHAYAN".Encyclopaedia Iranica Online. Brill.About "Khalchayan", "site of a settlement and palace of the nomad Yuezhi": "Representations of figures with faces closely akin to those of the ruling clan at Khalchayan (PLATE I) have been found in recent times on woollen fragments recovered from a nomad burial site near Lake Baikal in Siberia, Noin Ula, supplementing an earlier discovery at the same site), the pieces dating from the time of Yuezhi/Kushan control of Bactria. Similar faces appeared on woollen fragments found recently in a nomad burial in south-eastern Xinjiang (Sampula), of about the same date, manufactured probably in Bactria, as were probably also the examples from Noin Ula."
^Beckwith 2009, p. 405: "Accordingly, the transcription now read as Hsiung- nu may have been pronounced * Soγdâ, * Soγlâ, * Sak(a)dâ, or even * Skla(C)da, etc."
^abcdSavelyev, Alexander; Jeong, Choongwoon (7 May 2020)."Early nomads of the Eastern Steppe and their tentative connections in the West".Evolutionary Human Sciences.2 (E20).doi:10.1017/ehs.2020.18.hdl:21.11116/0000-0007-772B-4.PMC7612788.PMID35663512.S2CID218935871. Text was copied from this source, which is available under aCreative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. "Such a distribution of Xiongnu words may be an indication that both Turkic and Eastern Iranian-speaking groups were present among the Xiongnu in the earlier period of their history. Etymological analysis shows that some crucial components in the Xiongnu political, economic and cultural package, including dairy pastoralism and elements of state organization, may have been imported by the Eastern Iranians. Arguably, these Iranian-speaking groups were assimilated over time by the predominant Turkic-speaking part of the Xiongnu population. ... The genetic profile of published Xiongnu individuals speaks against the Yeniseian hypothesis, assuming that modern Yeniseian speakers (i.e. Kets) are representative of the ancestry components in the historical Yeniseian speaking groups in southern Siberia. In contrast to the Iron Age populations listed in Table 2, Kets do not have the Iranian-related ancestry component but harbour a strong genetic affinity with Samoyedic-speaking neighbours, such as Selkups (Jeong et al., 2018, 2019)."
^Beishi"vol. 99 - section Tujue" quote: "突厥者，其先居西海之右，獨為部落，蓋匈奴之別種也。" translation: "The Tujue, their ancestors dwelt on the right bank of the Western Sea; a lone tribe, probably a separate branch of the Xiongnu"
^Golden, Peter B. (August 2018)."The Ethnogonic Tales of the Türks".The Medieval History Journal, 21 (2): p. 298 of 291–327, fn. 36. quote: "'Western Sea' (xi hai 西海) has many possible meanings designating different bodies of water from theMediterranean,Caspian andAral Seas toKuku-nor. In the Sui era (581–618) it was viewed as being nearByzantium (Sinor, 'Legendary Origin': 226). Taşağıl,Gök-Türkler, vol. 1: 95, n. 553 identies it withEtsin-Gol, which is more likely."
^Xin Tangshu,vol. 215A. "突厥阿史那氏, 蓋古匈奴北部也." "The Ashina family of the Turk probably were the northern tribes of the ancient Xiongnu." quoted and translated in Xu (2005),Historical Development of the Pre-Dynastic Khitan, University of Helsinki, 2005
^Wei Shou et al.,Book of Weivol. 103 - section Gaoche quote: "高車，蓋古赤狄之餘種也，初號為狄歷，北方以為勑勒，諸夏以為高車、丁零。其語略與匈奴同而時有小異，或云其先匈奴之甥也。其種有狄氏、袁紇氏、斛律氏、解批氏、護骨氏、異奇斤氏。" translation: "The Gaoche are probably remnants of the ancient RedDi. Initially they had been called Dili. Northerners consider themChile. Thevarious Xia (aka Chinese) consider them GaocheDingling (High-Cart Dingling). Their language, in brief, and Xiongnu [language] are the same yet occasionally there are small differences. Some say that they [Gaoche] are the sororal nephews/sons-in-laws of the Xiongnu of yore. Their tribes (種) are Di, Yuanhe (akaUyghurs), Hulu, Jiepi, Hugu, Yiqijin."
^Xin Tangshuvol 217A - Huihu quote: "回紇，其先匈奴也，俗多乘高輪車，元魏時亦號高車部，或曰敕勒，訛為鐵勒。" translation: "Huihe, their ancestors were the Xiongnu; because they customarily drove carts with high-wheels and many spokes, inYuan Wei's they were also called Gaoche (High-Cart), or also called Chile, mistakenly rendered asTiele."
^abLee, Joo-Yup (2016). "The Historical Meaning of the Term Turk and the Nature of the Turkic Identity of the Chinggisid and Timurid Elites in Post-Mongol Central Asia".Central Asiatic Journal.59 (1–2): 105.
^abXu Elina-Qian (2005).Historical Development of the Pre-Dynastic Khitan. University of Helsinki. p. 173-178
^Xu Elina-Qian (2005).Historical Development of the Pre-Dynastic Khitan. University of Helsinki. p. 99. quote: "According to Gai Zhiyong's study, Jishou is identical with Qishou, the earliest ancestor of the Khitan; and Shihuai is identical to Tanshihuai, the Xianbei supreme chief in the period of the Eastern Han (25-220). Therefore, from the sentence "His ancestor was Jish[ou] who was derived from Shihuai" in the above inscription, it can be simply seen that the Khitan originated from the Xianbei. Since the excavated inscription on memorial tablet can be regarded as a firsthand historical source, this piece of information is quite reliable."
^Schönig, Claus. (27 January 2006) "Turko-Mongolic relations" in Janhunen (ed.)The Mongolic Languages. Routledge. p. 393.
^Shimunek, Andrew."Early Serbi-Mongolic-Tungusic lexical contact: Jurchen numerals from the 室韦 Shirwi (Shih-wei) in North China". Philology of the Grasslands: Essays in Mongolic, Turkic, and Tungusic Studies, Edited by Ákos Bertalan Apatóczky et al. (Leiden: Brill). Retrieved 22 September 2019. quote: "Asdemonstrated by Ratchnevsky (1966: 231), the Shirwi confederation was a multiethnic, multilingual confederation of Tungusic-speaking Mo-ho 靺鞨 people (i.e. ancestors of the Jurchen), the Meng-wa 蒙瓦 ~ Meng-wu 蒙兀, whom Pelliot (1928) and others have shown were Proto-Mongolic speakers, and other groups. The dominant group among the Shirwi undoubtedly were ethnolinguistic descendants of the Serbi (鮮卑 Hsien-pei), and spoke a language closely related to Kitan and more distantly related to Mongolic."
^Shiji"vol. 110: Account of the Xiongnu" quote: "東胡初輕冒頓，不爲備。及冒頓以兵至，擊，大破滅東胡王，而虜其民人及畜產。" translation: "Initially the Donghu despised Modun and were unprepared. So Modun arrived with his troops, attacked, routed [the Donghu] and killed Donghu king; then [Modun] captured his people as well as livestock."
^Book of Later Han."Vol. 90 section Xianbei". text: "鮮卑者, 亦東胡之支也, 别依鮮卑山, 故因為號焉. 漢初, 亦為冒頓所破, 遠竄遼東塞." Xu (2005:24)'s translation: "The Xianbei who were a branch of the Donghu, relied upon the Xianbei Mountains. Therefore, they were called the Xianbei. At the beginning of the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 220), (they) were defeated by Maodun, and then fled in disorder to Liaodong beyond the northern border of China Proper"
^Xu Elina-Qian (2005).Historical Development of the Pre-Dynastic Khitan. University of Helsinki. p. 24-25
^Honeychurch, William. "Thinking Political Communities: The State and Social Stratification among Ancient Nomads of Mongolia".The Anthropological Study of Class and Consciousness: 47.
^A. V. Davydova, Ivolginskii arkheologicheskii kompleks II. Ivolginskii mogil'nik. Arkheologicheskie pamiatniki Siunnu 2 (Sankt-Peterburg 1996). А. В. Давыдова, Иволгинский археологи-ческий комплекс II. Иволгинский могильник. Археологические памятники Сюнну 2 (Санкт-Петербург 1996).
^S. S. Miniaev, Dyrestuiskii mogil'nik. Arkheologicheskie pamiatniki Siunnu 3 (Sankt-Peterburg 1998). С. С. Миняев, Дырестуйский могильник. Археологические памятники Сюнну 3 (Санкт-Петербург 1998).
^Ningxia Cultural Relics and Archaeology Research Institute (寧夏文物考古研究所);Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Archaeology Institute Ningxia Archaeology Group;Tongxin County Cultural Relics Administration (同心縣文物管理所) (1988).寧夏同心倒墩子匈奴墓地.考古學報 [Archaeology Journal] (in Chinese) (3):333–356.
^Miller, Bryan (2011). Bemmann, Jan (ed.).Xiongnu Archaeology. Bonn: Vor- und Fruhgeschichtliche Archaeologie Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat Bonn.ISBN978-3-936490-14-5. Archived fromthe original on 2013-07-29. Retrieved2012-12-13.
^Miller, Bryan (2011). Jan Bemmann (ed.).Xiongnu Archaeology. Bonn: Vor- und Fruhgeschichtliche Archaologie Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat Bonn. p. 23.ISBN978-3-936490-14-5. Archived fromthe original on 2013-07-29. Retrieved2012-12-13.
^Miller, Bryan (2011). Bemmann, Jan (ed.).Xiongnu Archaeology. Bonn: Vor- und Fruhgeschichtliche Archaologie Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat Bonn. p. 24.ISBN978-3-936490-14-5. Archived fromthe original on 2013-07-29. Retrieved2012-12-13.
^Lee, Joo-Yup; Kuang, Shuntu (2017)."A Comparative Analysis of Chinese Historical Sources and Y-DNA Studies with Regard to the Early and Medieval Turkic Peoples".Inner Asia.19 (2):197–239.doi:10.1163/22105018-12340089.ISSN1464-8172.S2CID165623743. "Analysis of the mitochondrial DNA, which is maternally inherited, shows that the Xiongnu remains from this Egyin Gol necropolis consist mainly of Asian lineages (89%). West Eurasian lineages makeup the rest (11%) (Keyser-Tracqui et al. (2003: 258). However, according to a more recent study of ancient human remains from central Mongolia, the Xiongnu population in cen- tral Mongolia possessed a higher frequency of western mitochondrial DNA haplotypes (37.5%) than the Xiongnu from the Egyin Gol necropolis (Rogers 2016: 78)."
^Rogers & Kaestle 2022:"While during the slab burial period (ca.1100–300 BCE) eastern patrilines seem to have been dominant, in the Xiongnu period about half of the population had western patrilines with virtually no change to the mtDNA gene pool in east–west terms. If sex bias migration patterns were similar with those found in Europe, this increase of western patrilines would be consistent with aggressive expansion of people with western male ancestry (Batini et al., 2017); however, such a pattern could also be due to a gradual nonaggressive assimilation, such as the practice of marriage alliances associated with an expansion of trade or cultural networks that favored people with western patrilines (Honeychurch, 2013)."
^Kang, L. L.; Jin, T.; Wu, F.; Ao, X.; Wen, S.; Wang, C.; Huang, Y.; Li, X.; Li, H. Y (2013).Y chromosomes of ancient Hunnu people and its implication on the phylogeny of East Asian linguistic families. ASHG 63rd Annual Meeting October 22–26, 2013: Boston. Vol. 2041. American Society of Human Genetics. (Poster abstractsp. 235; 2041F)
^Ren Meng; Wang Jian Xin (2011). "Knowing the Xiongnu Culture in Eastern Tianshan Mountain from Tomb Heigouliang and Dongheigou Site at the Beginning of Xihan Dynasty".Xibu Kaogu:252–290. (Journal:西部考古Xibu kaogu [Archaeology of the western regions])
^Keyser, C.; Zvénigorosky, V.; et al. (2020). "Genetic evidence suggests a sense of family, parity and conquest in the Xiongnu Iron Age nomads of Mongolia".Human Genetics.140 (2):349–359.doi:10.1007/s00439-020-02209-4.PMID32734383.S2CID220881540.
^Damgaard et al. 2018, pp. 371–374: "Principal Component Analyses and D-statistics suggest that the Xiongnu individuals belong to two distinct groups, one being of East Asian origin and the other presenting considerable admixture levels with West Eurasian sources... We find that Central Sakas are accepted as a source for these 'western-admixed' Xiongnu in a single-wave model. In line with this finding, no East Asian gene flow is detected compared to Central Sakas as these form a clade with respect to the East Asian Xiongnu in a D-statistic, and furthermore, cluster closely together in the PCA (Figure 2)... Overall, our data show that the Xiongnu confederation was genetically heterogeneous, and that the Huns emerged following minor male-driven East Asian gene flow into the preceding Sakas that they invaded... As such our results support the contention that the disappearance of the Inner Asian Scythians and Sakas around two thousand years ago was a cultural transition that coincided with the westward migration of the Xiongnu. This Xiongnu invasion also led to the displacement of isolated remnant groups—related to Late Bronze Age pastoralists—that had remained on the south-eastern side of the Tian Shan mountains."
^Book of Han, Vol. 94-I, 匈奴謂天為「撐犁」，謂子為「孤塗」，單于者，廣大之貌也.
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