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| Timucua | |
|---|---|
| Pronunciation | [tiˈmuːkwa] |
| Native to | United States |
| Region | Florida, Southeastern Georgia, Eastern Texas |
| Ethnicity | Timucua |
| Extinct | late 18th century |
| Dialects |
|
| Latin (Spanish alphabet) | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | tjm |
tjm | |
| Glottolog | timu1245 |
 Pre-contact distribution of the Timucua language. The Tawasa dialect, if it was Timucua, would have been geographically isolated in Alabama | |
| This article containsIPA phonetic symbols. Without properrendering support, you may seequestion marks, boxes, or other symbols instead ofUnicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, seeHelp:IPA. | |
Timucua is alanguage isolate formerly spoken in northern and centralFlorida and southernGeorgia by theTimucua peoples. Timucua was the primary language used in the area at the time ofSpanish colonization in Florida. Differences among the nine or ten Timucuadialects were slight, and appeared to serve mostly to delineate band ortribal boundaries. Some linguists suggest that theTawasa of what is now northernAlabama may have spoken Timucua, but this is disputed.
Most of what is known of the language comes from the works ofFrancisco Pareja, aFranciscan missionary who came toSt. Augustine in 1595. During his 31 years living with the Timucua, he developed a writing system for the language. From 1612 to 1628, he published several Spanish–Timucuacatechisms, as well as agrammar of the Timucua language. Including his seven surviving works, only ten primary sources of information about the Timucua language survive, including two catechisms written in Timucua and Spanish by Gregorio de Movilla in 1635, and aSpanish-translated Timucuan letter to the SpanishCrown dated 1688.
In 1763 the British took over Florida from Spain following theSeven Years' War, in exchange for ceding Cuba to them. Most Spanish colonists and mission Indians, including the few remaining Timucua speakers, left forCuba, nearHavana. The language group is nowextinct.
Timucua is an isolate, not demonstrably relatedgenetically to any of the languages spoken in North America, nor does it show evidence of large amounts of lexical borrowings from them. The primary published hypotheses for relationships are with theMuskogean languages (Swanton (1929), Crawford (1988), and Broadwell (2015), and with various South American families (includingCariban,Arawakan,Chibchan languages, andWarao) Granberry (1993). These hypotheses have not been widely accepted.
Father Pareja named nine or ten dialects, each spoken by one or moretribes in northeast Florida and southeastGeorgia:
All of the linguistic documentation is from the Mocama and Potano dialects.
Scholars do not agree as to the number of dialects. Some scholars, includingJerald T. Milanich andEdgar H. Sturtevant, have taken Pareja'sAgua Salada (saltwater) as an alternate name for the well-attestedMocama dialect (mocama is Timucua for "ocean"). As such, Mocama is often referred to as Agua Salada in the literature. This suggestion would put the number of dialects attested by Pareja at nine. Others, including Julian Granberry, argue that the two names referred to separate dialects, with Agua Salada being spoken in an unknown area of coastal Florida.[2]
Additionally,John R. Swanton identified the language spoken by theTawasa ofAlabama as a dialect of Timucua. This identification was based on a 60-word vocabulary list compiled from a man named Lamhatty, who was recorded in Virginia in 1708. Lamhatty did not speak any language known in Virginia, but was said to have related that he had been kidnapped by theTuscarora nine months earlier from a town called Towasa, and sold to colonists in Virginia. Lamhatty has been identified as a Timucua speaker, but John Hann calls the evidence of his origin as a Tawasa "tenuous".[3]
Timucua was written by Franciscan missionaries in the 17th century based on Spanish orthography. The reconstruction of the sounds is thus based on interpreting Spanish orthography. The charts below give the reconstituted phonemic units inIPA (in brackets) and their general orthography (in plain text).
Timucua had 14consonants:
| Bilabial | Alveolar | Palato- alveolar | Velar | Glottal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| plain | labial | |||||
| Stop | p[p] | t[t] ([d]) | c,q[k] | qu[kʷ] | ||
| Affricate | ch[tʃ] | |||||
| Fricative | f[ɸ] b[β] | s[s] | h[h] | |||
| Nasal | m[m] | n[n] | ||||
| Rhotic | r[r] | |||||
| Approximant | l[l] | y[j] | ||||
Timucua had 5vowels, which could be long or short:
| Front | Back | |
|---|---|---|
| High | i[i] | u[u] |
| Mid | e[e]~[æ] | o[o]~[ɔ] |
| Low | a[a] | |
Syllables in Timucua were of the form CV, V, and occasionally VC (which never occurred in word-final position).
Words of one, two, or three syllables have primary stress on the first syllable. In words of more than three syllables, the first syllable receives a primary stress while every syllable after receives a secondary stress, unless there was anenclitic present, which normally took the primary stress.
Examples:
There are two phonological processes in Timucua: automatic alteration and reduplication.
There are two types of alteration, both of which only involve vowels: assimilation and substitution.
These can in turn be either regressive or non-regressive. In regressive alterations, the first vowel of the second morpheme changes the last vowel of the first morpheme. Regressive assimilations are only conditioned by phonological factors while substitutions take into account semantic information.
Non-regressive alterations are all substitutions, and involve both phonological and semantic factors.
Reduplication repeats entire morphemes or lexemes to indicate the intensity of an action or to place emphasis on the word.
Example:noro 'devotion' +mo 'do' +-ta 'durative' →noronoromota 'do it with great devotion.'
Timucua was asynthetic language.
These morphemes contained bothsemantic andsemiological information (non-base morphemes only contained semiological information). They could occur as either free bases, which did not needaffixes, and bound bases, whichonly occurred with affixes. However, free bases could be designated different parts of speech (verbs, nouns, etc.) based on the affixes attached, and sometimes can be used indifferently as any one with no change.
Timucua had three types ofbound affix morphemes: prefixes, suffixes, andenclitics.
Timucua only had five prefixes:ni- andho-, '1st person,'ho- 'pronoun,'chi- '2nd person,' andna- 'instrumental noun'
Timucua used suffixes far more often, and it is the primary affix used for derivation, part-of-speech designation, and inflection. Most Timucua suffixes were attached to verbs.
Enclitics were also used often in Timucua. Unlike suffixes and prefixes, they were not required to fill a specific slot, and enclitics usually bore the primary stress of a word.
Only the 1st and 2nd person singular are independent pronouns—all other pronominal information is given in particles or nouns. There is no gender distinction or grammatical case. The wordoqe, for example, can be 'she, her, to her, he, him, to him, it, to it,' etc. without the aid of context.
There are nine morphemic slots within the "noun matrix":
Only slot 1 and 4Amust be filled in order for thelexeme to be a noun.
Timucua verbs contain many subtleties not present in English or even in other indigenous languages of the United States. However, there is no temporal aspect to Timucua verbs – there is no past tense, no future tense, etc. Verbs have 13 morphemic slots, but it is rare to find a verb with all 13 filled, although those with 8 or 9 are frequently used.
Particles are the small number of free bases that occur with either no affixes or only with the pluralizer-ca. They function as nominals, adverbials, prepositions, and demonstratives. They are frequently added onto one another, onto enclitics, and onto other bases. A few examples are the following:
According to Granberry, "Without fuller data ... it is of course difficult to provide a thorough statement on Timucua syntax."[4]
Timucua was an SOV language; that is, the phrasal word order was subject–object–verb, unlike the English order of subject–verb–object. There are six parts of speech:verbs,nouns,pronouns,modifiers (there is no difference betweenadjectives andadverbs in Timucua),demonstratives, andconjunctions. As these are not usually specifically marked, a word's part of speech is generally determined by its relationship with and location within the phrase.
Phrases typically consist of twolexemes, with one acting as the "head-word," defining the function, and the other performing asyntactic operation. The most frequently-occurring lexeme, or in some cases just the lexeme that occurs first, is the "head-word." All phrases are either verb phrases (e.g. Noun + Finite Verb, Pronoun + Non-Finite Verb, etc.) or noun phrases (e.g. Noun + Modifier, Determiner + Noun, etc.). If the non-head lexeme occursafter the "head-word," then it modifies the "head-word." If it occursbefore, different operations occur depending on the lexeme's part of speech and whether it is located in a verb or noun phrase. For example, a particle occurring before the "head-word" in a noun phrase becomes a demonstrative, and a non-finite verb in a verb phrase becomes a modifier.
Clauses in Timucua are:subjects,complements (direct or indirect object),predicates, and clausemodifiers.
Timucua sentences typically contained a single independent clause, although they occasionally occurred with subordinate clauses acting as modifiers.
| English | Timucua |
|---|---|
| one | yaha |
| two | yucha |
| three | hapu |
| man | biro |
| woman | nia |
| dog | efa |
| sun | ela |
| moon | acu |
| water | ibi |
| door | ucuchua |
| fire | taca |
| tobacco | hinino |
| bread | pesolo |
| drink | ucu |
Here is a sample from Fr. Pareja'sConfessionario, featuring a priest's interview of Timucua speakers preparing for conversion. It is given below in Timucua and early modernCastilian Spanish from the original, as well as an English translation.[7]
