 | This article has multiple issues. Please helpimprove it or discuss these issues on thetalk page.(Learn how and when to remove these messages) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
|
| Special Period Periodo especial | |
|---|---|
 Cuban citizens resorting to horse-drawn carriage for transportation (1994) | |
| Country | Cuba |
| Period | 1991–2000 |
| Refugees | Around 30,000 |
| Effect on demographics |
|
| Consequences |
|
Part ofa series on the |
|---|
| History ofCuba |
._LOC_2003623399.jpg) |
| Governorate of Cuba(1511–1519) |
| Viceroyalty of New Spain(1535–1821) |
|
| Captaincy General of Cuba(1607–1898) |
|
| US Military Government(1898–1902) |
|
| Republic of Cuba(1902–1959) |
|
| Republic of Cuba(1959–) |
|
| Timeline |
 Cuba portal |
TheSpecial Period (Spanish:Período especial), officially theSpecial Period in the Time of Peace (Período especial en tiempos de paz), was an extended period ofeconomic crisis inCuba that began in 1991[1] primarily due to thedissolution of the Soviet Union and theComecon. Theeconomic depression of the Special Period was at its most severe in the early to mid-1990s. Things improved towards the end of the decade onceHugo Chávez'sVenezuela emerged as Cuba's primary trading partner and diplomatic ally, and especially after the year 2000 onceCuba–Russia relations improved under the presidency ofVladimir Putin.
Privations during the Special Period included extreme reductions of rationed foods at state-subsidized prices, severe energy shortages, and the shrinking of an economy forcibly overdependent on Soviet imports.[2] The period radically transformed Cuban society and the economy, as it necessitated the introduction oforganic agriculture, decreased use of automobiles, and overhauled industry, health, and diet countrywide. People were forced to live without many goods and services that had been available since the beginning of the 20th century.
Beginning in 1986, Cuba underwent a series of economic reforms known as the "Rectification process", that aimed at heavily regulating private businesses, and ending free markets in Cuba. The reforms were conducted in reaction against reforms in the Soviet Union, likePerestroika. The Cuban economy faced a decline in production after the implementation of the reforms.[3][4][5]
The idea of a "special period" became a concept in Cuban political discourse in the 1980s.[6]: 83 It was first used in the context of national defense planning to describe a scenario in which an invasion by the United States might force Cuba into a state of emergency and national siege.[6]: 83 In 1990, Fidel Castro delivered a speech to theFederation of Cuban Women in which he stated that the "special period in times of war" had been studied in the event of a total U.S. blockade of Cuba, and that if serious problems in theSoviet Union led to a disruption of oil supplies, it would lead to a "special period in times of peace".[6]: 83–84 As instability increased in the Soviet Union, later in 1990 Castro stated that Cuba was now entering that special period in time of peace.[6]: 84
In 1991, the Soviet Unioncollapsed, resulting in a large-scale economic collapse throughout the newly independent states which once comprised it.[7] During its existence, the Soviet Union provided Cuba with large amounts ofoil, food, and machinery.[7] In the years following the Soviet Union's collapse, Cuba'sgross domestic product shrank 35%, imports and exports both fell over 80%, and many domestic industries shrank considerably.[7] Food and weapon imports stopped or severely slowed.[8] The largest immediate impact was the loss of nearly all of thepetroleum imports from the Soviet Union;[9] Cuba's oil imports dropped to 10% of pre-1990 amounts.[10][better source needed] Before this, Cuba had been re-exporting any Soviet petroleum it did not consume to other nations for profit, meaning that petroleum had been Cuba's second largest export product before 1990.[citation needed] Once the restoredRussian Federation emerged from the former Soviet Union, its administration immediately made clear that it had no intention of delivering petroleum that had been guaranteed to the island by the USSR; this resulted in a decrease in Cuban consumption by 20% of its previous level within two years.[9][11] The effect of this was severe, with many Cuban industries being unable to run without petroleum.[7] Entirely dependent onfossil fuels to operate, the major underpinnings of Cuban society—its transport, industrial and agricultural systems—were paralyzed.[citation needed] There were extensive losses of productivity in bothCuban agriculture,[7] which was dominated by petroleum-fuelledtractors,combines, andharvesters,[citation needed] and in Cuban industrial capacity.[7]
The early stages of the Special Period were defined by a general breakdown in transportation and agricultural sectors, fertilizer and pesticide stocks (both of those being manufactured primarily from petroleum derivatives), and widespread food shortages.[citation needed] Australian and otherpermaculturists arriving in Cuba at the time began to distribute aid and taught their techniques to locals, who soon implemented them in fields, raised beds, and urban rooftops across the nation.[citation needed]Organic agriculture soon developed, supplanting the old industrialized form of agriculture Cubans had grown accustomed to.[12]Relocalization,permaculture, and innovative modes ofmass transit had to be rapidly developed.[citation needed] For a time, waiting for a bus could take three hours, power outages could last up to sixteen hours, food consumption was cut back to one-fifth of its previous level and the average Cuban lost about nine kilograms, or 20 pounds.[13] The average daily dietary energy consumption of Cuban citizens during the periods of 1990–92 and 1995–97 were 2720 and 2440 kcal/person/day respectively. By 2003, average caloric intake had risen to 3280 kcal/person/day.[14] According to the FAO, the average minimum daily energy requirement is about 1,800 kilocalories (7,500 kJ) per person.[15]
Thousands of Cubans protested in Havana on 5 August 1994, some chanting "Libertad!" ("Freedom!"). The protest, in which some protesters threw rocks at police, was dispersed by the police after a few hours.[16] A paper published in theJournal of Democracy argued that this was the closest that the Cuban opposition could come to asserting itself decisively.[16]
In response to the Maleconazo, Raúl Castro reinstated farmers markets. In these markets, farmers could sell surplus produce to the state to fulfill quotas. Though farmers were now incentivized to turn a profit on their crops, the markets they participated in were still heavily regulated and taxed. This, along with the price restrictions, ensured that the cost of goods would not escalate as it did in the 1980s.[17]
During the early years of the crisis, United States law allowedhumanitarian aid in the form of food and medicine by private groups.[citation needed] Then in March 1996, theHelms–Burton Act imposed further penalties on foreign companies doing business in Cuba, and allowed U.S. citizens to sue foreign investors who use American-owned property seized by theCuban government.[18]
The Cuban government was also forced to contract out more lucrative economic and tourism deals with various Western European and South American nations in an attempt to earn the foreign currency necessary to replace the lost Soviet petroleum via the international markets.[citation needed] Additionally faced with a near-elimination of importedsteel and otherore-based supplies, Cuba closed refineries and factories across the country, eliminating the country's industrial arm and millions of jobs.[citation needed] The government then proceeded to replace these lost jobs with employment inindustrial agriculture and other homegrown initiatives, but these jobs often did not pay as well, and Cubans on the whole became economically poorer.[citation needed] Alternative transport, most notably the Cuban "camels", immense 18-wheeler tractor trailers retrofitted as passenger buses meant to carry hundreds of Cubans each, flourished.[citation needed] Food-wise, meat and dairy products, having been extremely fossil fuel dependent in their formerfactory farming methods, soon diminished in the Cuban diet.[citation needed] In a shift notable for being generally anathema to Latin American food habits, the people of the island by necessity adopted diets higher infiber, fresh produce, and ultimately morevegan in character.[citation needed] No longer needing sugar as desperately for acash crop—the oil-for-sugar program the Soviets had contracted with Cuba had, of course, dissipated—Cuba hurriedly diversified its agricultural production, utilizing formercane fields to grow consumables such asoranges and other fruit and vegetables.[citation needed] The Cuban government also focused more intensely on cooperation withVenezuela once thesocialistHugo Chávez was elected president in 1998.[citation needed]
From the start of the crisis to 1995, Cuba saw itsgross domestic product shrink 35%, and it took another five years for it to reach pre-crisis levels, comparable to the length seen during theGreat Recession in theUnited States, and five years shorter than the time it took inRussia following thecollapse of the Soviet Union.[19] Agricultural production fell 47%, construction fell by 75%, and manufacturing capacity fell 90%.[19] Much of this decline stemmed from a stoppage in oil exports from the formerEastern Bloc.[19]
In response, the Cuban government implemented a series ofausterity policies.[7] The Cuban government eliminated 15 ministries, and cut defense spending by 86%.[7] During this time, the government maintained and increased spending on various forms ofwelfare, such ashealthcare and social services.[7] From 1990 to 1994, the share of gross domestic product spent on healthcare increased 13%, and the share spent on welfare increased 29%.[7] Such policy priorities have led to historian Helen Yaffe dubbing them "humanistic austerity".[7]
Colonial-era Cuba experienceddeforestation and overuse of its agricultural land. Before the crisis, Cuba used morepesticides than the United States. Lack of fertilizer and agricultural machinery caused a shift towards organic farming and urban farming. Cuba still has food rationing for basic staples. Approximately 69% of these rationed basic staples (wheat, vegetable oils, rice, etc.) are imported.[20] Overall, however, approximately 16% of food is imported from abroad.[20]
Initially, this was a very difficult situation for Cubans to accept; many came home from studying abroad to find that there were no jobs in their fields. It was pure survival that motivated them to continue and contribute to survive through this crisis. The documentary,The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil, states that today, farmers make more money than most other occupations.[21]
Due to a poor economy, there were many crumbling buildings that could not be repaired. These were torn down and the empty lots lay idle for years until the food shortages forced Cuban citizens to make use of every piece of land. Initially, this was anad-hoc process where ordinary Cubans took the initiative to grow their own food in any available piece of land. The government encouraged this practice and later assisted in promoting it. Urban gardens sprang up throughout the capital of Havana and other urban centers on roof-tops, patios, and unused parking lots in raised beds as well as "squatting" on empty lots. These efforts were furthered by Australian specialists who were invited to the island in 1993 to teachpermaculture, a sustainable agricultural system, and to "train the trainers", establishing a long-runningNGO partnerships program ofcommunity engagement andcapacity building funded by theAustralian government.[22][23][24][25]
Downtown Havana kiosks provided advice and resources for individual residents. Widespreadfarmers' markets gave easy access to locally grown produce; less travel time required less energy use.[26]
During the Special Period, Cuba experienced a period of widespreadfood insecurity.[8] In academic circles, there is debate over whether such insecurity constitutes afamine.[7][27] The primary cause of this was thecollapse of the Soviet Union, who exported large quantities of cheap food to Cuba.[8] In the absence of such food imports, food prices in Cuba increased, while government-run institutions began offering less food, and food of lower quality.[8]
ACanadian Medical Association Journal paper notes that Cuba's famine was the result of circumstances similar to the contemporaryfamine in North Korea. Both societies depended on a governmental food-distribution system; once this collapsed, the military and civilian elites continued to be fed, but common civilians were left hungry.[28] Other reports painted an equally dismal picture, describing Cubans having to resort to eating anything they could find, from Havana Zoo animals to domestic cats.[29]
A plethora of research shows that the Special Period resulted in a decrease incaloric intake among Cuban citizens. One study estimates that caloric intake fell by 27% from 1990 to 1996.[8] A report by theUnited States Department of Agriculture estimates that daily nutritional intake fell from 3,052 calories (12,770 kJ) per day in 1989 to 2,099 calories (8,780 kJ) per day in 1993. Other reports indicate even lower figures, 1,863 calories (7,790 kJ) per day. Some estimates indicate that the very old and children consumed only 1,450 calories (6,100 kJ) per day.[30] FAO statistics show that the average daily dietary energy consumption of Cuban citizens during the periods of 1990–92 and 1995–97 were 2720 and 2440 calories respectively. By 2003 average caloric intake had risen to 3280.[14] According to theUnited States Department of Agriculture, the recommended minimum ranges from 2,100 to 2,300.[30]
Immediate actions taken by the government included televising an announcement of the expectedenergy crisis a week before theUSSR notified theCuban government that they would not be delivering the expected quota ofcrude oil.Citizens were asked to reduce theirconsumption in all areas and to usepublic transport andcarpooling. As time went on, the administration developed more structured strategies to manage the long-term energy/economic crisis as it stretched into the 21st century.[21]
Power cuts were scheduled evenly during the Special Period, reflecting the Cuban government's view that electricity should be evenly distributed across the population.[6]: 74
During the Special Period, indicators of Cuban health showed a mixed impact. The Cuban health system was impaired.[6]: 71 However, unlike Russia, which saw a significant drop in life expectancy during the 1990s, Cuba actually saw an increase, from 75.0 years in 1990 to 75.6 years in 1999.[19] During the Special Period, child mortality rates also dropped.[19] One researcher fromJohns Hopkins described the Special Period as "the first, and probably the only, natural experiment, born of unfortunate circumstances, where large effects on diabetes, cardiovascular disease and all-cause mortality have been related to sustained population-wide weight loss as a result of increased physical activity and reduced caloric intake".[31] The changes to travel patterns and food consumption during the Special Period resulted in increased levels of physical activity and decreased obesity levels.[6]: 71
A paper in theAmerican Journal of Epidemiology, says that "during 1997–2002, there were declines in deaths attributed to diabetes (51%), coronary heart disease (35%), stroke (20%), and all causes (18%). An outbreak of neuropathy and a modest increase in the all-cause death rate among the elderly were also observed."[32] This was caused by how the population tried to reduce the energy store without reducing the nutritional value of the food.[32]
A letter published in theCanadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ) criticized theAmerican Journal of Epidemiology for not taking all factors into account and says that "the famine in Cuba during the Special Period was caused by political and economic factors similar to the ones that caused afamine in North Korea in the mid-1990s. Both countries were run by authoritarian regimes that denied ordinary people the food to which they were entitled when the public food distribution collapsed; priority was given to the elite classes and the military. In North Korea, 3%–5% of the population died; in Cuba the death rate among the elderly increased by 20% from 1982 to 1993".[33]
The cost of producingcement and the scarcity of tools and of building materials increased the pressure on already overcrowded housing. Even before theenergy crisis, extended families lived in small apartments (many of which were in very poor condition) to be closer to an urban area. To help alleviate this situation, the government engaged in land-distribution where they supplemented larger government-owned farms with privately owned ones. Small homes were built in rural areas and land was provided to encourage families to move, to assist in food production for themselves, and to sell in local farmers' markets. As the filmThe Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil discusses,co-ops developed which were owned and managed by groups, as well as creating opportunities for allowing them to form "service co-ops" where credit was exchanged and group purchasing-power was used to buy seeds and other scarce items.[21]
Many Cubans from outside Havana began migrating to Havana in search of tourism jobs which provided American dollars. This rush to Havana resulted in the development of squatters camps in the city.[34] These squatters, offensively termed "Palestinos" in homage toPalestinian refugees, were officially denied welfare rights because they had no formal home address.[35]
Cubans were accustomed to cars as a convenient mode of transport. It was a difficult shift during the Special Period to adjust to a new way of managing the transport of thousands of people to school, to work and to other daily activities. With the realization that food was the key to survival, transport became a secondary worry and walking,hitch-hiking, and carpooling became the norm. Privately owned vehicles are not common; ownership is not seen as a right but as a privilege awarded for performance.Public transport is creative and takes on the following forms:
Popular disillusionment in the economy inspired the Cuban government to revitalize the population's enthusiasm for socialism. The effort for ideological revitalization began afterElián González's return, because his return was seen as a breakthrough diplomatic success, after years of crisis and internal decline. Castro announced a "Battle of Ideas" that attempted to emphasize human development, deemphasize economic growth, and return to the ideological spirit of the 1960s. This meant a focus on education, healthcare, centralized economic planning, and the mass mobilization of the population.[36][37]
The ideological changes of the Special Period had effects on Cuban society and culture, beyond those on the country. A comprehensive review of these effects concerning ideology, art and popular culture can be found inAriana Hernandez-Reguant'sCuba in the Special Period. As a result of increased travel andtourism, popular culture developed in new ways.Lisa Knauer, in that volume, describes the circulation ofrumba between New York and Havana, and their mutual influences.Antonio Eligio Tonel has described the contemporary art networks that shaped the Cuban art market, andEsther Whitfield the channels through whichCuban literature accessed the wider Spanish-speaking world during that period. Elsewhere,Deborah Pacini,Marc Perry, Geoffrey Baker andSujatha Fernandes extensively wrote about Cuban rap music as a result of these transnational exchanges.[38] In recent years, that is, not in the 1990s which is the period identified with the Special Period,reggaeton has replacedtimba as the genre of choice among youth, taking on the explicitly sexual dance moves that originated with timba.[39][40]
Whereas timba music was a Cuban genre that evolved out of traditional song and jazz, emphasizing blackness and sexuality through sensual dancing and lyrics that reflected the socio-cultural situation of the period with humor [Hernandez-Reguant 2006],Cuban hip hop evolved as a socially conscious movement influenced heavily by its kin genre American hip-hop. Thus it was not so much a product of the Special Period—as timba was—as one of globalization [Fernandes 2004]. The Revolution and the blockage of all imports from the US had made the dissemination of American music difficult during the sixties and seventies, as it was often "tainted as music of the enemy and began to disappear from the public view." But all of that changed in the 1990s, when American rappers flocked regularly to Cuba, tourists brought CDs, and North American stations, perfectly audible in Cuba, brought its sounds. Nonetheless, hip hop circulated through informal networks, thus creating a small underground scene of rap enthusiasts located mostly in Havana's Eastern neighborhoods that called the attention of foreign scholars and journalists. Eventually, rappers were offered a space within state cultural networks. The lack of resources to purchase the electronic equipment to produce beats and tracks gives Cuban rap a raw feel that paralleled that of "old school" music in the US.[41]
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)| History |
| ||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Geography | |||||||||||
| Politics |
| ||||||||||
| Economy | |||||||||||
| Culture |
| ||||||||||
