This article is about the head of state of modern Ireland. For the president of the 1919–1922 revolutionary Irish Republic, seePresident of Dáil Éireann.
Thepresident of Ireland (Irish:Uachtarán na hÉireann) is thehead of state ofIreland and the supreme commander of theIrish Defence Forces.[2] The presidency is a predominantlyceremonial institution, serving as the representative of the Irish state both at home and abroad.[3] Nevertheless, the office of president is endowed with certain reserve powers which have constitutional importance.[4] When invoking these powers, the president acts as the guardian of theIrish constitution.[5][6] This representative and moderating role is in keeping with the president's solemn oath to "...maintain the Constitution of Ireland and uphold its laws..", to "...fulfil my duties faithfully and conscientiously in accordance with the Constitution and the law...", and to "...dedicate my abilities to the service and welfare of the people of Ireland."[7] The president's official residence and principal workplace isÁras an Uachtaráin inPhoenix Park,Dublin.
Unlike mostparliamentary republics, the president is not designated as thenominal chief executive. Rather, executive authority in Ireland is expressly vested in thegovernment (cabinet). The government is obliged, however, to keep the president generally informed on matters of policy both foreign and domestic. Most of the functions of the president may be performed only in accordance with the strict instructions of the Constitution, or the binding "advice" of the government. The president does, however, possess certain personal powers that may be exercised discretionally.
The main functions as prescribed by the Constitution:
Appoints the government
The president formally appoints thetaoiseach (that is, Ireland'shead of government) and other ministers, and accepts their resignations. The taoiseach is appointed upon the nomination of the Dáil, and the president is required to appoint whomever the Dáil designates without the right to refuse appointment. All otherministers are appointed upon the nomination of the taoiseach and approval of the Dáil; as with appointing the taoiseach, the president is required to make the appointment without the right to appoint someone else. The taoiseach and ministers altogether comprise theGovernment, Ireland'scentral executive authority. Ministers are dismissed by the advice of the taoiseach and the taoiseach must, unless there is a dissolution of the Dáil, resign uponlosing the confidence of the house.
Appoints the judiciary
The president appoints the judges to allcourts in Ireland, on the advice of the Government.[9]
Convenes and dissolves the Dáil
This power is exercised on the advice of the taoiseach; Government or Dáil approval is not needed. The president may only refuse adissolution when a taoiseach has lost the confidence of the Dáil.[9]
Signs bills into law
A ceremonial duty, as the president cannotveto abill that the Dáil and the Seanad have duly adopted. However, the president may refer it to the Supreme Court to test its constitutionality. If the Supreme Court upholds the bill, the president is obliged to sign it. If, however, it is found to be unconstitutional, the president may refuse to give assent.[9]
Represents the state in foreign affairs
This power is exercised only by the advice of the Government. The president accredits ambassadors and receives theletters of credence of foreign diplomats. Ministers sign international treaties in the president's name. This role was not exercised by the president prior to theRepublic of Ireland Act 1948.[9]
Serves as Supreme Commander of the Defence Forces
Supreme command and control over theDefence Forces vests in the president. This role is similar in status to that of acommander-in-chief. Anofficer'scommission is signed and sealed by the president. This is a nominal function, the powers of which are exercised by the advice of the Government. (SeeMinister for Defence.)[10]
The president isex officio patron ofClans of Ireland, including its Order of Merit, since he so agreed in January 2012.[28]
Awards the dignity of Saoi for life
The president confers the title ofSaoi for life on those so elected from among the existing membership ofAosdána, a state-supported association of Irish creative artists. The title is the highest honour bestowed by the organization. There are at most seven living Saoithe at any time;[29] a limit increased from five in 2007–08.[30]
Supports various charities
The president serves as a patron to myriad charities in Ireland. The charities ultimately supported vary from president to president and are in keeping with the president's vision and theme for their presidency.
The president may not leave the state without the consent of the government.[31]
Every formal address or message "to the nation" or to either or both Houses of the Oireachtas must have prior approval of the government.[32] Other than on these two (quite rare) occasions, there is no limitation on the president's right to speak. While earlier presidents were exceptionally cautious in delivering speeches and on almost every occasion submitted them for vetting,Mary Robinson andMary McAleese made much more use of their right to speak without government approval, with McAleese doing many live television and radio interviews. Nonetheless, by convention presidents refrain from direct criticism and commentary of the government.
The president possesses the following powers exercised "in his absolute discretion" according to the English version of the Constitution. The Irish version states that these powers are exercisedas a chomhairle féin which is usually translated as "under his own counsel". Lawyers have suggested that a conflict may exist in this case between the two versions of the constitution. In the event of a clash between the Irish and English versions of the constitution, the Irish one is given supremacy. While "absolute discretion" appears to leave some freedom for manoeuvre for a president in deciding whether to initiate contact with the opposition, "own counsel" has been interpreted by some lawyers as suggesting thatno contact whatsoever can take place. As a result, it is considered controversial for the president to be contacted by the leaders of any political parties in an effort to influence a decision made using the discretionary powers.
Ataoiseach who has "ceased to retain the support of a majority in Dáil Eireann" is required to resign, unless the taoiseach asks the president to dissolve the Dáil. The president has the right to refuse such a request, in which case the taoiseach must resign immediately.[33] This power has never been invoked. However, the necessary circumstances existed in 1944, 1982 and 1994. The apparent discrepancy, referred to above, between the Irish and English versions of the Constitution has discouraged presidents from contemplating the use of the power. On the three occasions when the necessary circumstances existed, presidents have adopted an ultra-strict policy of non-contact with the opposition. The most notable instance of this was in January 1982, whenPatrick Hillery instructed an aide, Captain Anthony Barber, to ensure that no telephone calls from the opposition were to be passed on to him. Nevertheless, three opposition figures, includingFianna Fáil leaderCharles Haughey, demanded to be connected to Hillery, with Haughey threatening to end Barber's career if the calls weren't put through. Hillery, as Supreme Commander of the Defence Forces, recorded the threat in Barber's military personnel file and recorded that Barber had been acting on his instructions in refusing the call.[34] Even without this consideration, refusing such a request would arguably create aconstitutional crisis, as it is considered a fairly strongconstitutional convention that the head of state always grants a parliamentary dissolution.
It is required that, before exercising certain reserve powers, the president consult theCouncil of State.[36] However, the president is not compelled to act in accordance with the Council's advice.[37] Indeed, the president may act contrary to its advice.[38]
The president may refer a bill, in whole or part, to theSupreme Court to test its constitutionality. If the Supreme Court finds any referred part unconstitutional, the entire bill falls.[39] This power may not be applied to amoney bill, a bill to amend the Constitution, or an urgent bill the time for the consideration of which has been abridged in the Seanad. This is the most widely used reserve power;[40] a full list is atCouncil of State (Ireland)#Referring of bills. In a 1982 judgment delivered under such a referral,Chief JusticeTom O'Higgins bemoaned the crude strictures of the prescribed process; especially the fact that, if the court finds that a bill does not violate the Constitution, this judgment can never subsequently be challenged.[41]
If requested to do so by a petition signed by a majority of the membership of the Seanad and one-third of the membership of the Dáil, the president may, after consultation with the Council of State, decline to sign into law a bill (other than a bill to amend the constitution) they consider to be of great "national importance" until it has been approved by either the people in a referendum or the Dáil reassembling after a general election, held within eighteen months.[42] This power has never been used, and no such petition has been invoked. Of the 60 senators,11 are nominated by the Taoiseach, so there is rarely a majority opposed to a government bill.
Abridge time for consideration of bills in the Seanad
The president may, at the request of the Dáil, impose a time-limit on the period during which the Seanad may consider a bill.[43] The effect of this power is to restrict the power of the Seanad to delay a bill that the government considers urgent.
The president may, if requested to do so by the Seanad, establish a Committee of Privileges to resolve a dispute between the two Houses of the Oireachtas as to whether or not a bill is a money bill.[44]
The president may address, or send a message to, either or both Houses of the Oireachtas.[45]Four such addresses have been made: one by de Valera, two by Robinson, and one by McAleese.[40] The approval of the government is needed for the message; in practice, the entire text is submitted.[46]
The president may "address a message to the Nation" subject to the same conditions as an address to the Oireachtas.[45] This power has never been used.[40] Commonplace messages, such as Christmas greetings, are not considered to qualify.[46]
The president may convene a meeting of either or both Houses of the Oireachtas.[47] This power would allow the president to step in if, in extraordinary circumstances, the ordinary procedures for convening the houses had broken down.
The president isdirectly elected bysecret ballot using theinstant-runoff voting, the single-winner analogue of thesingle transferable vote.[n 1] Under the Presidential Elections Act, 1993 a candidate's election formally takes place in the form of a 'declaration' by thereturning officer.[48] Where more than one candidate is nominated, the election is 'adjourned' so that a ballot can take place, allowing the electors to choose between candidates. A presidential election is held in time for the winner to take office the day after the end of the incumbent's seven-year term. In the event of premature vacancy, an election must be held within sixty days.[8]
Only residentIrish citizens aged eighteen or more may vote; a 1983 bill to extend the right to residentBritish citizens was ruled unconstitutional.[49]
Candidates must be Irish citizens and over 35 years old.[50][51] There is a discrepancy between the English- and Irish-language texts of Article 12.4.1°. According to the English text, an eligible candidate "has reached his thirty-fifth year of age", whereas the Irish text states "ag a bhfuil cúig bliana tríochad slán (has completed his thirty-five years)". Because a person's thirty-fifth year of life begins on their thirty-fourth birthday, this means there is a year's difference between the minimum ages as stated in the two texts. However, the Irish version of the subsection prevails in accordance with the rule stated in Article 25.5.4°. Various proposals have been made to amend the Constitution so as to eliminate this discrepancy.[52] The29th government introduced theThirty-fifth Amendment of the Constitution (Age of Eligibility for Election to the Office of President) Bill 2015 to reduce theage of candidacy from 35 to 21, which was put to referendum in May 2015;[53][54] the bill was heavily defeated, with approximately 73% of voters voting against.
Presidents can serve amaximum of two terms, consecutive or otherwise.[9] They must be nominated by one of the following:[9]
At least 20 members of the Houses of theOireachtas;[51] (there are 234 members)
Themselves (in the case of incumbent or former presidents who have served one term).[51]
Where only one candidate is nominated, the candidate is deemed elected without the need for a ballot.[51] For this reason, where there is a consensus among political parties not to have a contest, the president may be 'elected' without the occurrence of an actual ballot. Since the establishment of the office this has occurred on six occasions.
There is no office ofvice president of Ireland. In the event of a premature vacancy in the presidency, a successor must be elected within sixty days. In a vacancy or where the president is unavailable, the duties and functions of the office are carried out by a presidential commission, consisting of thechief justice, theceann comhairle (speaker) of the Dáil, and thecathaoirleach (chairperson) of the Seanad. Routine functions, such as signing bills into law, have often been fulfilled by the presidential commission when the president is abroad on astate visit. The government's power to prevent the president leaving the state is relevant in aligning the diplomatic and legislative calendars.
Technically each president's term of office expires at midnight on the day before the new president's inauguration.[55] Therefore, between midnight and the inauguration the following day the presidential duties and functions are carried out by the presidential commission. The constitution also empowers the Council of State, acting by a majority of its members, to "make such provision as to them may seem meet" for the exercise of the duties of the president in any contingency the constitution does not foresee. However, to date, it has never been necessary for the council to take up this role. Although an outgoing president who has been re-elected is usually described in the media as "president" before the taking of the Declaration of Office, that is actually incorrect. Technically, the outgoing president is aformer president and, if re-elected,president-elect.
The official residence of the president isÁras an Uachtaráin, located in thePhoenix Park in Dublin. The ninety-two-room building formerly served as the 'out-of-season' residence of the IrishLord Lieutenant and the residence of two of the three IrishGovernors-General:Tim Healy andJames McNeill. The president is normally referred to as 'President' or 'Uachtarán', rather than 'Mr/Madam President' or similar forms. Thestyle used is normallyHis Excellency/Her Excellency (Irish:A Shoilse/A Soilse); sometimes people may orally address the president as 'Your Excellency' (Irish:A Shoilse[əˈhəil̠ʲʃə]), or simply 'President' (Irish:A Uachtaráin[əˈuəxt̪ˠəɾˠaːnʲ] (vocative case)). ThePresidential Salute is taken from the National Anthem, "Amhrán na bhFiann". It consists of the first four bars followed by the last five,[56] without lyrics.
The inauguration ceremony takes place on the day following the expiry of the term of office of the preceding president.[57] No location is specified in the constitution, but all inaugurations have taken place inSaint Patrick's Hall in the State Apartments inDublin Castle. The ceremony is transmitted live by national broadcasterRTÉ on its principal television and radio channels, typically from around 11 am. To highlight the significance of the event, all key figures in the executive (thegovernment of Ireland), the legislature (Oireachtas) and the judiciary attend, as do members of thediplomatic corps and other invited guests.
The president can be removed from office in two ways, neither of which has ever been invoked. The Supreme Court, in a sitting of at least five judges, may find the president "permanently incapacitated",[8] while the Oireachtas may remove the president for "stated misbehaviour".[58] Either house of the Oireachtas may instigate the latter process by passing animpeachment resolution, provided at least thirty members move it and at least two-thirds support it. The other house will then either investigate the stated charges or commission a body to do so; following which at least two-thirds of members must agree both that the president is guilty and that the charges warrant removal.[58]
The Inauguration of Seán T. O'Kelly in 1945. The 2nd Cavalry Squadron of theBlue Hussars escort the president, who travelled in the lateQueen Alexandra'slandau. The Landau and the Hussars were later scrapped.
As head of state of Ireland, the president receives the highest level of protection in the state. Áras an Uachtaráin is protected by armed guards from theGarda Síochána andDefence Forces at all times, and is encircled by security fencing and intrusion detection systems. At all times the president travels with an armed security detail in Ireland and overseas, which is provided by theSpecial Detective Unit (SDU), an elite wing of the Irish police force. Protection is increased if there is a known threat. The presidential limousine is aMercedes-Benz S-Class LWB. The Presidential Limousine is dark navy blue and carries the presidential standard on the left front wing and thetricolour on the right front wing. When travelling the presidential limousine is always accompanied by support cars (normallyBMW 5 Series,Audi A6 andVolvo S60 driven by trained drivers from the SDU) and several Garda motorcycle outriders from theGarda Traffic Corps which form a protective convoy around the car.
The president-elect is usually escorted to and from the ceremony by the Presidential Motorcycle Escort ceremonial outriders. Until 1947 they were acavalry mounted escort, wearing light blue hussar-style uniforms. However to save money the first Inter-Party Government replaced the Irish horses by Japanese motorbikes, which the then Minister for Defence believed would be "much more impressive".[59]
At the presidential inauguration in 1945, alongside the mounted escort on horseback, president-electSeán T. O'Kelly rode in the old state landau ofQueen Alexandra. The use of thestate carriage was highly popular with crowds. However an accident with a later presidential carriage at theRoyal Dublin SocietyHorse show led to the abolition of the carriage and its replacement by aRolls-Royce Silver Wraith in 1947. The distinctive1947 Rolls-Royce is still used to bring the president to and from the inauguration today.
The office of president was established in 1937, in part as a replacement for the office ofgovernor-general that existed during the 1922–37Irish Free State. The seven-year term of office of the president was inspired by that of thepresidents of Weimar Germany.[60] At the time the office was established critics warned that the post might lead to the emergence of a dictatorship. However, these fears were not borne out as successive presidents played a limited, largely apolitical role in national affairs.
During the period of 1937 to 1949 it was unclear whether the Irish head of state was actually the president of Ireland orGeorge VI, theking of Ireland. This period of confusion ended in 1949 when the state was declared to be arepublic. The 1937 constitution did not mention the king, but neither did it state that the president was head of state, saying rather that the president "shall take precedence over all other persons in the State". The president exercised some powers that could be exercised by heads of state but which could also be exercised by governors or governors-general, such as appointing the government and promulgating the law.
However, upon his accession to the throne in 1936, George VI had been proclaimed, as previous monarchs had been, "King of Ireland"[61][62] and, under theExternal Relations Act of the same year, it was this king who represented the state in its foreign affairs. Treaties, therefore, were signed in the name of the King of Ireland, who also accredited ambassadors and received the letters of credence of foreign diplomats. This role meant, in any case, that George VI was the Irish head of state in the eyes of foreign nations. TheRepublic of Ireland Act 1948, which came into force in April 1949, proclaimed a republic and transferred the role of representing the state abroad from the monarch to the president. No change was made to the constitution.
After the inaugural presidency ofDouglas Hyde, who was an interparty nominee for the office, the nominees of theFianna Fáil political party won every presidential election until 1990. The party traditionally used the nomination as a reward for its most senior and prominent members, such as party founder and longtime TaoiseachÉamon de Valera andEuropean CommissionerPatrick Hillery. Most of its occupants to that time followed Hyde's precedent-setting conception of the presidency as a conservative, low-key institution that used its ceremonial prestige and few discretionary powers sparingly. In fact, the presidency was such a quiet position that Irish politicians sought to avoid contested presidential elections as often as possible, feeling that the attention such elections would bring to the office was an unnecessary distraction,[64] and office-seekers facing economic austerity would often suggest the elimination of the office as a money-saving measure.[65]
Despite the historical meekness of the presidency, however, it has been at the centre of some high-profile controversies. In particular, the fifth president,Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh, faced a contentious dispute with the government in 1976 over the signing of a bill declaring a state of emergency, which ended in Ó Dálaigh's resignation. His successor, Patrick Hillery, was also involved in a controversy in 1982, when then-TaoiseachGarret FitzGerald requested a dissolution of theDáil Éireann. Hillery was bombarded with phone calls from opposition members urging him to refuse the request, an action that Hillery saw as highly inappropriate interference with the president's constitutional role and resisted the political pressure.
The presidency began to be transformed in the 1990s. Hillery's conduct regarding the dissolution affair in 1982 came to light in 1990, imbuing the office with a new sense of dignity and stability. However, it was Hillery's successor, seventh presidentMary Robinson, who ultimately revolutionized the presidency. The winner of an upset victory in the highly controversial election of 1990, Robinson was theLabour nominee, the first president to defeat Fianna Fáil in an election and the first female president. Upon election, however, Robinson took steps to de-politicize the office. She also sought to widen the scope of the presidency, developing new economic, political and cultural links between the state and other countries and cultures, especially those of theIrish diaspora. Robinson used the prestige of the office to activist ends, placing emphasis during her presidency on the needs of developing countries, linking the history of theGreat Irish Famine to today's nutrition, poverty and policy issues, attempting to create a bridge of partnership between developed and developing countries.[65] Since 2019 the President has attended annual meetings of theArraiolos Group of European non-executive presidents.
After the2018 presidential election the official salary or "personal remuneration" of the president will be€249,014.[66] The incumbent, Michael D. Higgins, chooses to receive the same salary although he is entitled to a higher figure of €325,507.[67][66] The president's total "emoluments and allowances" includes an additional €317,434 for expenses.[68] The Office of the President's total budget estimate for 2017 was €3.9 million, of which €2.6 million was for pay and running costs, and the balance for the"President's Bounty" paid to centenarians on their hundredth birthday.[69]
The salary was fixed atIR£5000 from 1938 to 1973, since when it has been calculated as 10% greater than that of theChief Justice.[70] After thepost-2008 Irish economic downturn most public-sector workers took significant pay cuts, but the Constitution prohibited a reduction in the salary of the president and thejudiciary during their terms of office, in order to prevent such a reduction being used by the government to apply political pressure on them. Whilea 2011 Constitutional amendment allows judges' pay to be cut, it did not extend to the president, although incumbent Mary McAleese offered to take a voluntary cut in solidarity.[71][67]
The president's wreath (in green) laid at Ireland'sRemembrance Day ceremonies inSt. Patrick's Cathedral in 2005. Presidents have attended the ceremony since the 1990s.
The text of the Constitution of Ireland, as originally enacted in 1937, made reference in itsArticles 2 and 3 to two geopolitical entities: a thirty-two county 'national territory' (i.e., the island ofIreland), and a twenty-six county 'state' formerly known as theIrish Free State. The implication behind the title 'president of Ireland' was that the president would function as the head of all Ireland. However, this implication was challenged by theUlster Unionists and theUnited Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland which was the state internationally acknowledged as having sovereignty overNorthern Ireland. Articles 2 and 3 were substantially amended in consequence of the 1998Good Friday Agreement.
Ireland in turn challenged the proclamation in the United Kingdom ofQueen Elizabeth II in 1952 as '[Queen] of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland'. The Irish government refused to attend royal functions as a result; for example,Patrick Hillery declined on government advice to attend the wedding of thePrince of Wales toLady Diana Spencer in 1981, to which he had been invited by Queen Elizabeth, just asSeán T. O'Kelly had declined on government advice to attend the 1953 Coronation Garden Party at the British Embassy in Dublin. Britain in turn insisted on referring to the president as 'president of the Republic of Ireland' or 'president of the Irish Republic'.[n 2] Letters of Credence from Queen Elizabeth, on theBritish government's advice, appointing United Kingdom ambassadors to Ireland were not addressed to the 'president of Ireland' but to the president personally (for example: 'President Hillery').
The naming dispute and consequent avoidance of contact at head of state level has gradually thawed since 1990. President Robinson (1990–97) chose unilaterally to break the taboo by regularly visiting the United Kingdom for public functions, frequently in connection withAnglo-Irish Relations or to visit the Irish emigrant community in Great Britain. In another breaking of precedent, she accepted an invitation toBuckingham Palace by Queen Elizabeth II. Palace accreditation supplied to journalists referred to the "visit of the president of Ireland".[citation needed] Between 1990 and 2010, both Robinson and her successor President McAleese (1997–2011) visited the Palace on numerous occasions, while senior members of the British royal family – the then-Prince of Wales (nowCharles III);the Duke of York;Prince Edward, then Earl of Wessex; andPrince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh – all visited both presidents of Ireland atÁras an Uachtaráin. The presidents also attended functions withthe Princess Royal. President Robinson jointly hosted a reception with the queen atSt. James's Palace, London, in 1995, to commemorate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of the Queen's Colleges in 1845 (the Queen's Colleges are now known asQueen's University Belfast,University College Cork, and theUniversity of Galway). These contacts eventually led toa state visit ofElizabeth II to Ireland in 2011.
Though the president's title implicitly asserted authority in Northern Ireland, in reality the Irish president needed government permission to visit there. (The Constitution of Ireland in Article 3 explicitly stated that "[p]ending the re-integration of the national territory" the authority of the Irish state did not extend to Northern Ireland. Presidents prior to the presidency of Mary Robinson were regularly refused permission by the Irish government to visit Northern Ireland.)
However, since the 1990s and in particular since theGood Friday Agreement of 1998, the president has regularly visited Northern Ireland. President McAleese, who was the first president to have been born in Northern Ireland, continued on from President Robinson in this regard. In a sign of the warmth of modern British-Irish relations, she has even been warmly welcomed by most leadingunionists. At the funeral for a childmurdered by the Real IRA inOmagh she symbolically walked up the main aisle of thechurch hand-in-hand with theUlster Unionist Party leader and thenFirst Minister of Northern Ireland,David Trimble. But in other instances, Mary McAleese had been criticised for certain comments, such as a reference to the way in which Protestant children in Northern Ireland had been brought up to hate Catholics just as German children had been encouraged to hateJews under theNazi regime, on 27 January 2005, following her attendance at the ceremony commemorating the sixtieth anniversary of the liberation ofAuschwitz concentration camp.[72][73] These remarks caused outrage among Northern Ireland's unionist politicians, and McAleese later apologised[74] and conceded that her statement had been unbalanced.
There have been many suggestions for reforming the office of president over the years. In 1996, the Constitutional Review Group recommended that the office of President should remain largely unchanged. However, it suggested that the Constitution should be amended to explicitly declare the president to be head of state (at present that term does not appear in the text), and that consideration be given to the introduction of aconstructive vote of no confidence system in the Dáil, along the lines of that in Germany. If this system were introduced then the power of the president to refuse a Dáil dissolution would be largely redundant and could be taken away. The All-party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution's 1998 Report made similar recommendations.
In an October 2009 poll, concerning support for various potential candidates in the2011 presidential election conducted by theSunday Independent, a "significant number" of people were said to feel that the presidency is a waste of money and should be abolished.[75]
The functions of the president were exercised by thePresidential Commission from the coming into force of the Constitution on 29 December 1937 until the election of Douglas Hyde in 1938, and during the vacancies of 1974, 1976, and 1997.
^His name is sometimes given in the alternative spelling ofCarroll O'Daly.[76]
^While Article 12.2.3° specifies "proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote", the Constitution Review Group and the All-Party Oireachtas Committee both recommend deleting "proportional representation", which does not apply to a single-winner election.
^"Constitution of Ireland".Archived from the original on 26 June 2015. Retrieved13 May 2014.Article 12 of the Constitution of Ireland defines the exact duration of the president's term of office (date information italicised for the purpose of this footnote): 'Article 12.3.1: The president shall hold office for seven yearsfrom the date upon which he enters upon his office, unless before the expiration of that period he dies, or resigns, or is removed from office, or becomes permanently incapacitated, such incapacity being established to the satisfaction of the Supreme Court consisting of not less than five judges.' Also, 'Article 12.7: The first president shall enter upon his office as soon as may be after his election, and every subsequentpresident shall enter upon his office on the day following the expiration of the term of office of his predecessor or as soon as may be thereafter or, in the event of his predecessor's removal from office, death, resignation, or permanent incapacity established as provided by section 3 hereof, as soon as may be after the election.'
^Diarmaid Ferriter (2007).Uachtaráin – Mary McAleese (Television production) (in Irish). Dublin, Ireland: TG4. Archived fromthe original on 29 June 2011. Retrieved5 January 2011.
^abDiarmaid Ferriter (2007).Uachtaráin – Mary Robinson (Television production) (in Irish). Dublin, Ireland: TG4. Archived fromthe original on 29 June 2011. Retrieved5 January 2011.
Constitution Review Group (July 1996)."Article XII – XIV: The President"(PDF).Report. Dublin: Stationery Office. pp. 19–28. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 21 July 2011. Retrieved20 December 2010.
All-party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution (1998).The President(PDF). Progress Reports. Vol. 3. Dublin: Stationery Office.ISBN978-0-7076-6161-2. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 21 July 2011. Retrieved20 December 2010.
O'Keeffe, Jane (2013),Voices from the Great Houses of Ireland: Life in the Big House: Cork and Kerry, Mercier Press,ISBN978-1781171936.
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