The official andde jure flag of Northern Ireland is theUnion Jack.[11] TheUlster Banner was used by theParliament of Northern Ireland from 1953 until the latter was abolished in 1973. The Ulster Banner is still used by some organisations and entities and is used to represent Northern Ireland when it plays as a national sports team. SeeNorthern Ireland flags issue for more.
The creation of Northern Ireland was accompanied by violence both in defence of and against partition. Duringthe conflict of 1920–22, the capitalBelfast saw majorcommunal violence, mainly between Protestant unionist and Catholic nationalist civilians.[23] More than 500 were killed[24] and more than 10,000 became refugees, mostly Catholics.[25] For the next fifty years, Northern Ireland had an unbroken series ofUnionist Party governments.[26] There was informal mutualsegregation by both communities,[27] and the Unionist governments were accused of discrimination against the Irish nationalist and Catholic minority.[28] In the late 1960s, acampaign to end discrimination against Catholics and nationalists was opposed byloyalists, who saw it as arepublican front.[29] This unrest sparkedthe Troubles, a thirty-year conflict involving republican and loyalist paramilitaries and state forces, which claimed over 3,500 lives and injured 50,000 others.[30][31] The 1998Good Friday Agreement was a major step in thepeace process, includingparamilitary disarmament and security normalisation, althoughsectarianism and segregation remain major social problems, and sporadic violence has continued.[32]
Theeconomy of Northern Ireland was the most industrialised in Ireland at the time of partition, but soon began to decline, exacerbated by the political and social turmoil of the Troubles.[33] Its economy has grown significantly since the late 1990s. Unemployment in Northern Ireland peaked at 17.2% in 1986, but dropped back down to below 10% in the 2010s,[34] similar to the rate of the rest of the UK.[35] Cultural links between Northern Ireland, the rest of Ireland, and the rest of the UK are complex, with Northern Ireland sharing both theculture of Ireland and theculture of the United Kingdom. In many sports, there is anAll-Ireland governing body or team for the whole island; the most notable exception is association football. Northern Irelandcompetes separately at theCommonwealth Games, and people from Northern Ireland may compete for eitherGreat Britain orIreland at theOlympic Games.
The region now known as Northern Ireland was historically inhabited by Irish-speaking, predominantlyCatholic Gaels.[36] It consisted of several Gaelic kingdoms within the province ofUlster. In 1169, Ireland was invaded byAnglo-Norman forces under the English crown, initiating centuries of foreign dominance. While English authority spread across much of Ireland, Ulster's major Gaelic kingdoms largely retained their autonomy, with English control limited to parts of the eastern coast.
During theNine Years' War (1593–1603), an alliance of Gaelic chieftains led byHugh Roe O'Donnell andHugh O'Neill resisted English rule. Despite early successes and support from Spain, the alliance was ultimately defeated, culminating in theFlight of the Earls in 1607, when many Ulster nobles fled tomainland Europe. Their lands were confiscated and colonized by English-speaking Protestant settlers from Britain in thePlantation of Ulster, establishing a lasting Protestant community with ties to Britain.[37]
Following the Williamite victory, a series ofPenal Laws were enacted by the Anglican Protestant ruling class to suppress Catholicism and, to a lesser extent,Presbyterianism. These laws aimed to concentrate property and public office in the hands of those aligned with theChurch of Ireland.[39][40][41] Between 1717 and 1775, approximately 200,000Ulster Presbyterians emigrated to the American colonies, where their descendants are known asScotch-Irish Americans.[42][43]
The Irish Rebellion of 1798 was led by the Society of United Irishmen, a cross-community republican group founded by Belfast Presbyterians seeking Irish independence.[47] The rebellion was ultimately suppressed, but it highlighted the growing demand for reform.[48] In response, the British government enacted the Acts of Union 1800, merging the Kingdom of Ireland with Great Britain to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801. This legislative union aimed to quell sectarianism, remove discriminatory laws, and prevent the spread of revolutionary ideas.[49]
By the late 19th century, a large and disciplined cohort ofIrish Nationalist MPs at Westminster committed theLiberal Party to"Irish Home Rule"—self-government for Ireland, within the United Kingdom. This was bitterly opposed byIrish Unionists, most of whom were Protestants, who feared an Irish devolved government dominated by Irish nationalists and Catholics. TheGovernment of Ireland Bill 1886 andGovernment of Ireland Bill 1893 were defeated. However, Home Rule became a near-certainty in 1912 after theGovernment of Ireland Act 1914 was first introduced. The Liberal government was dependent on Nationalist support, and theParliament Act 1911 prevented the House of Lords from blocking the bill indefinitely.[50]
Unionists were in a minority in Ireland as a whole, but a majority in the province ofUlster, especially the countiesAntrim,Down,Armagh andLondonderry.[54] Unionists argued that if Home Rule could not be stopped then all or part of Ulster should be excluded from it.[55] In May 1914, the UK Government introduced an Amending Bill to allow for 'Ulster' to be excluded from Home Rule. There was then debate over how much of Ulster should be excluded and for how long. Some Ulster unionists were willing to tolerate the 'loss' of some mainly-Catholic areas of the province.[56] The crisis was interrupted by the outbreak of theFirst World War in August 1914, andIreland's involvement in it. The UK government abandoned the Amending Bill, and instead rushed through a new bill, theSuspensory Act 1914, suspending Home Rule for the duration of the war,[57] with the exclusion of Ulster still to be decided.[58]
By the end of the war (during which the 1916Easter Rising had taken place), most Irish nationalists now wanted full independence rather than home rule. In September 1919, British Prime MinisterDavid Lloyd George tasked a committee with planning another home rule bill. Headed byEnglish unionist politicianWalter Long, it was known as the 'Long Committee'. It decided that two devolved governments should be established—one for the nine counties of Ulster and one for the rest of Ireland—together with aCouncil of Ireland for the "encouragement of Irish unity".[59] Most Ulster unionists wanted the territory of the Ulster government to be reduced to six counties so that it would have a larger Protestant unionist majority, which they believed would guarantee its longevity. The six counties ofAntrim,Down,Armagh,Londonderry,Tyrone andFermanagh comprised the maximum area unionists believed they could dominate.[60] The area that was to become Northern Ireland included counties Fermanagh and Tyrone, even though they had nationalist majorities in the1918 Irish general election.[61]
Events overtook the government. In the 1918 Irish general election, the pro-independenceSinn Féin party won the overwhelming majority of Irish seats. Sinn Féin's elected members boycotted the British parliament and founded a separate Irish parliament (Dáil Éireann),declaring an independent Irish Republic covering the whole island. ManyIrish republicans blamed the British establishment for the sectarian divisions in Ireland, and believed that Ulster unionism would fade once British rule was ended.[62] The British authorities outlawed the Dáil in September 1919,[63] and a guerrilla conflict developed as theIrish Republican Army (IRA) began attacking British forces. This became known as theIrish War of Independence.[64]
Crowds in Belfast for the state opening of the Northern Ireland Parliament on 22 June 1921
Meanwhile, theGovernment of Ireland Act 1920 passed through the British parliament in 1920. It would divide Ireland into two self-governing UK territories: the six northeastern counties (Northern Ireland) being ruled fromBelfast, and the other twenty-six counties (Southern Ireland) being ruled fromDublin. Both would have a sharedLord Lieutenant of Ireland, who would appoint both governments and aCouncil of Ireland, which the UK government intended to evolve into an all-Ireland parliament.[65] The Act receivedroyal assent that December, becoming the Government of Ireland Act 1920. It came into force on 3 May 1921,[66][67]partitioning Ireland and creating Northern Ireland. the1921 Irish elections were held on 24 May, in which unionists won most seats in the Northern Ireland parliament. It first met on 7 June and formed itsfirst devolved government, headed by Ulster Unionist Party leaderJames Craig. Irish nationalist members refused to attend. King George V addressed the ceremonial opening of the Northern parliament on 22 June.[66]
During 1920–22, in what became Northern Ireland, partition was accompanied by violence "in defence or opposition to the new settlement"[23] duringThe Troubles (1920–1922). The IRA carried out attacks on British forces in the north-east but was less active than in the rest of Ireland. Protestant loyalists attacked Catholics in reprisal for IRA actions. In the summer of 1920, sectarian violence erupted in Belfast and Derry, and there were mass burnings of Catholic property inLisburn andBanbridge.[68] Conflict continued intermittently for two years, mostly inBelfast, which saw "savage and unprecedented"communal violence between Protestants and Catholics, including rioting, gun battles, and bombings. Homes, businesses, and churches were attacked and people were expelled from workplaces and mixed neighbourhoods.[23] More than 500 were killed[24] and more than 10,000 became refugees, most of them Catholics.[69] TheBritish Army was deployed and theUlster Special Constabulary (USC) was formed to help the regular police. The USC was almost wholly Protestant. Members of the USC and regular police were involved in reprisal attacks on Catholic civilians.[70] A truce between British forces and the IRA was established on 11 July 1921, ending the fighting in most of Ireland. However, communal violence continued in Belfast, and in 1922 the IRA launched a guerrilla offensive along the newIrish border.[71]
TheAnglo-Irish Treaty was signed between representatives of the governments of the UK and theIrish Republic on 6 December 1921, laying out the process for the creation of theIrish Free State. Under the terms of the treaty, Northern Ireland would become part of the Free State unless its government opted out by presenting an address to the king, although in practice partition remained in place.[72]
The Irish Free State came into existence on 6 December 1922, and on the following day, theParliament of Northern Ireland resolved to exercise its right to opt out of the Free State by making an address to KingGeorge V.[73] The text of the address was:
Most Gracious Sovereign, We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Senators and Commons of Northern Ireland in Parliament assembled, having learnt of the passing of theIrish Free State Constitution Act 1922, being the Act of Parliament for the ratification of the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland, do, by this humble Address, pray your Majesty that the powers of the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer extend to Northern Ireland.[74]
Shortly afterwards, theIrish Boundary Commission was established to decide on the border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Owing to the outbreak of theIrish Civil War, the work of the commission was delayed until 1925. The Free State government and Irish nationalists hoped for a large transfer of territory to the Free State, as many border areas had nationalist majorities. Many believed this would leave the remaining Northern Ireland territory too small to be viable.[75] However, the commission's final report recommended only small transfers of territory, and in both directions. The Free State, Northern Ireland, and UK governments agreed to suppress the report and accept thestatus quo, while the UK government agreed that the Free State would no longer have to pay a share of the UK national debt.[76]
1925–1965
James Craig (centre) with members of the first government of Northern IrelandOpening of the Northern Ireland parliament buildings (Stormont) in 1932
Northern Ireland's border was drawn to give it "a decisive Protestant majority". At the time of its creation, Northern Ireland's population was two-thirds Protestant and one-third Catholic.[20] Most Protestants were unionists/loyalists who sought to maintain Northern Ireland as a part of the United Kingdom, while most Catholics were Irish nationalists/republicans who sought an independentUnited Ireland. There was mutual self-imposedsegregation in Northern Ireland between Protestants and Catholics such as in education, housing, and often employment.[77]
For its first fifty years, Northern Ireland had an unbroken series ofUlster Unionist Party governments.[78] Every prime minister and almost every minister of these governments were members of theOrange Order, as were all but 11 of the 149Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MPs elected during this time.[79] Almost all judges and magistrates were Protestant, many of them closely associated with the UUP. Northern Ireland's new police force was theRoyal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), which succeeded theRoyal Irish Constabulary (RIC). It too was almost wholly Protestant and lacked operational independence, responding to directions from government ministers. The RUC and the reserveUlster Special Constabulary (USC) were militarized police forces due to the perceived threat of militant republicanism. In 1936 the British advocacy group - theNational Council for Civil Liberties characterised the USC as "nothing but the organised army of the Unionist party".[80] They "had at their disposal theSpecial Powers Act, a sweeping piece of legislation which allowed arrests without warrant, internment without trial, unlimited search powers, and bans on meetings and publications".[81] This 1922 Act was made permanent in 1933 and was not repealed until 1973.[82]
TheNationalist Party was the main political party in opposition to the UUP governments. However, its elected members often protested byabstaining from the Northern Ireland parliament, and many nationalists did not vote in parliamentary elections.[77] Other early nationalist groups which campaigned against partition included theNational League of the North (formed in 1928), theNorthern Council for Unity (formed in 1937) and theIrish Anti-Partition League (formed in 1945).[83]
The Local Government Act (Northern Ireland) of 1922 allowed for the altering of municipal and rural boundaries. This Act led to thegerrymandering of local election boundaries in the Nationalists majority cities of Derry City, Enniskillen, Omagh, Armagh and many other towns and rural districts. That action ensured Unionist control over local councils in areas where they were a minority.[84] The UUP governments, and some UUP-dominated local authorities, discriminated against the Catholic and Irish nationalist minority; especially by the gerrymandering of local electoral boundaries, the allocation of public housing, public sector employment, and policing, showing "a consistent and irrefutable pattern of deliberate discrimination against Catholics".[85] Many Catholics/Nationalists saw the gerrymandered local electoral boundaries and the abolishing ofproportional representation as proof of government-sponsored discrimination. Until 1969 a system was in place calledplural voting which was a practice whereby one person might be able to vote multiple times in an election. Property and business owners could vote both in the constituency where their property lay and that in which they lived, if the two were different. This system often resulted in one person being able to cast multiple votes.[86] Decades later, UUPFirst Minister of Northern Ireland,David Trimble, said that Northern Ireland under the UUP had been a "cold house" for Catholics.[87]
The Belfast Harbour Office has been the headquarters for the Harbour Commissioners for more than 150 years.
DuringWorld War II, recruitment to the British military was noticeably lower than the high levels reached during World War I. In June 1940, to encourage theneutral Irish state to join with theAllies, British Prime MinisterWinston Churchill indicated to TaoiseachÉamon de Valera that the British government would encourage Irish unity, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de Valera declined the offer.[88] The British did not inform the government of Northern Ireland that they had made the offer to the Dublin government, and de Valera's rejection was not publicised until 1970. Belfast was a key industrial city in the UK's war effort, producing ships, tanks, aircraft, and munitions. The unemployment that had been so persistent in the 1930s disappeared, and labour shortages appeared, prompting migration from the Free State. The city was thinly defended, and had only 24 anti-aircraft guns. RichardDawson Bates, the Minister for Home Affairs, had prepared too late, assuming that Belfast was far enough away to be safe. The city's fire brigade was inadequate, and as the Northern Ireland government had been reluctant to spend money on air raid shelters, it only started to build them afterthe Blitz in London during the autumn of 1940. There were no searchlights in the city, which made shooting down enemy bombers more difficult. In April–May 1941, theBelfast Blitz began when theLuftwaffe launched a series of raids that were the most deadly seen outside London. Working-class areas in the north and east of the city were particularly hard hit, and over 1,000 people were killed and hundreds were seriously injured. Tens of thousands of people fled the city in fear of future attacks. In the final raid,Luftwaffe bombs inflicted extensive damage to the docks and theHarland & Wolff shipyard, closing it for six months. Half of the city's houses had been destroyed, highlighting the terrible slum conditions in Belfast, and about £20 million worth of damage was caused. The Northern Ireland government was criticised heavily for its lack of preparation, and Northern Ireland Prime MinisterJ. M. Andrews resigned. There was a major munitions strike in 1944.[89]
From 1956 to 1962, theIrish Republican Army (IRA) carried out a limited guerrilla campaign in border areas of Northern Ireland, called theBorder Campaign. It aimed to destabilize Northern Ireland and bring about an end to partition but failed.[90]
In 1965, Northern Ireland's Prime MinisterTerence O'Neill met the Taoiseach,Seán Lemass. It was the first meeting between the two heads of government since partition.[91]
Responsibility for Troubles-related deaths between 1969 and 2001
The Troubles, which started in the late 1960s, consisted of about 30 years of recurring acts of intense violence during which 3,254 people were killed[92] with over 50,000 casualties.[93] From 1969 to 2003 there were over 36,900 shooting incidents and over 16,200 bombings or attempted bombings associated with The Troubles.[31] The conflict was caused by escalating tensions between theIrish nationalist minority and the dominantunionist majority; Irish nationalists object to Northern Ireland staying within the United Kingdom.[94] From 1967 to 1972 theNorthern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), which modelled itself on the US civil rights movement, led a campaign ofcivil resistance to anti-Catholic discrimination in housing, employment, policing, and electoral procedures. The franchise for local government elections included only rate-payers and their spouses, and so excluded over a quarter of the electorate. While the majority of disenfranchised electors were Protestant, Catholics were over-represented since they were poorer and had more adults still living in the family home.[95]
NICRA's campaign, seen by many unionists as anIrish republican front, and the violent reaction to it proved to be a precursor to a more violent period.[96] As early as 1969, armed campaigns of paramilitary groups began, including theProvisional IRA campaign of 1969–1997 which was aimed at the end of British rule in Northern Ireland and the creation of aUnited Ireland, and theUlster Volunteer Force, formed in 1966 in response to the perceived erosion of both the British character and unionist domination of Northern Ireland. The state security forces – theBritish Army and the police (theRoyal Ulster Constabulary) – were also involved in the violence. The UK Government's position is that its forces were neutral in the conflict, trying to uphold law and order in Northern Ireland and the right of the people of Northern Ireland to democratic self-determination. Republicans regarded the state forces ascombatants in the conflict, pointing to thecollusion between the state forces and the loyalist paramilitaries as proof of this. The "Ballast" investigation by thePolice Ombudsman for Northern Ireland has confirmed that British forces, and in particular the RUC, did collude with loyalist paramilitaries, were involved in murder, and did obstruct the course of justice when such claims had been investigated,[97] although the extent to which such collusion occurred is still disputed.
As a consequence of the worsening security situation, the autonomous regional government for Northern Ireland was suspended in 1972. Alongside the violence, there was a political deadlock between the major political parties in Northern Ireland, including those who condemned the violence, over the future status of Northern Ireland and the form of government there should be within Northern Ireland. In 1973,Northern Ireland held a referendum to determine if it should remain in the United Kingdom, or be part of a united Ireland. The vote went heavily in favour (98.9%) of maintaining the status quo. Approximately 57.5% of the total electorate voted in support, but only 1% of Catholics voted following a boycott organised by theSocial Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).[98] The deaths of 10 men during the1981 Irish hunger strike brought worldwide attention to the Republican prisoners being held in prison (HM Prison Maze) in Northern Ireland.[99]
The Troubles were brought to an uneasy end by a peace process that included the declaration of ceasefires by most paramilitary organisations and the complete decommissioning of their weapons, the reform of the police, and the corresponding withdrawal of army troops from the streets and sensitive border areas such as South Armagh andFermanagh, as agreed by the signatories to theGood Friday Agreement (also known as the "Belfast Agreement"). This reiterated the long-held British position, which had never before been fully acknowledged by successive Irish governments, that Northern Ireland will remain within the United Kingdom until a majority of voters in Northern Ireland decides otherwise. TheConstitution of Ireland was amended in 1999 to remove a claim of the "Irish nation" to sovereignty over the entire island (in Article 2).[100]
The newArticles 2 and 3, added to the Constitution to replace the earlier articles, implicitly acknowledge that the status of Northern Ireland, and its relationships within the rest of the United Kingdom and with the Republic of Ireland, would only be changed with the agreement of a majority of voters in each jurisdiction. This aspect was also central to the Belfast Agreement which was signed in 1998 and ratified by referendums held simultaneously in both Northern Ireland and the Republic. At the same time, the UK Government recognised for the first time, as part of the prospective, the so-called "Irish dimension": the principle that the people of the island of Ireland as a whole have the right, without any outside interference, to solve the issues between North and South by mutual consent.[101] The latter statement was key to winning support for the agreement from nationalists. It established a devolved power-sharing government, theNorthern Ireland Assembly, located on theStormont Estate, which must consist of both unionist and nationalist parties. These institutions were suspended by theUK Government in 2002 afterPolice Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) allegations of spying by people working for Sinn Féin at the Assembly (Stormontgate). The resulting case against the accused Sinn Féin member collapsed.[102]
On 28 July 2005, the Provisional IRA declared an end to its campaign and has since decommissioned what is thought to be all of itsarsenal. This final act of decommissioning was performed under the watch of theIndependent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) and two external church witnesses. Many unionists, however, remained sceptical. The IICD later confirmed that the main loyalist paramilitary groups, theUlster Defence Association, UVF, and theRed Hand Commando, had decommissioned what is thought to be all of their arsenals, witnessed by former archbishopRobin Eames and a former top civil servant.[103]
Following theelection on 7 March 2007, the devolved government returned on 8 May 2007 withDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP) leaderIan Paisley and Sinn Féin deputy leaderMartin McGuinness taking office as First Minister and deputy First Minister, respectively.[105] In itswhite paper onBrexit the United Kingdom government reiterated its commitment to the Belfast Agreement. Concerning Northern Ireland's status, it said that the UK Government's "clearly-stated preference is to retain Northern Ireland's current constitutional position: as part of the UK, but with strong links to Ireland".[106]
Executive crisis 2022–2024
On 3 February 2022,Paul Givan resigned as first minister, which automatically resignedMichelle O'Neill as deputy first minister and collapsed the executive of Northern Ireland.[107] On 30 January 2024, leader of the DUPJeffrey Donaldson announced that the DUP would restore an executive government on the condition that new legislation was passed by the UK House of Commons.[108]
A flowchart illustrating all the political parties that have existed throughout the history of Northern Ireland and leading up to its formation (covering 1889 to 2020)
The main political divide in Northern Ireland is between unionists, who wish to see Northern Ireland continue as part of the United Kingdom, and nationalists, who wish to see Northern Ireland unified with the Republic of Ireland, independent from the United Kingdom. These two opposing views are linked to deeper cultural divisions. Unionists are predominantlyUlster Protestant, descendants of mainlyScottish, English, andHuguenot settlers as well asGaels who converted to one of the Protestant denominations. Nationalists are overwhelmingly Catholic and descend from the population predating the settlement, with a minority from theScottish Highlands as well as some converts from Protestantism. Discrimination against nationalists under theStormont government (1921–1972) gave rise to thecivil rights movement in the 1960s.[109]
While some unionists argue that discrimination was not just due to religious or political bigotry, but also the result of more complex socio-economic, socio-political and geographical factors,[110] its existence, and the manner in which nationalist anger at it was handled, were a major contributing factor to the Troubles. The political unrest went through its most violent phase between 1968 and 1994.[111]
In 2007, 36% of the population defined themselves as unionist, 24% as nationalist, and 40% defined themselves as neither.[112] According to a 2015 opinion poll, 70% express a long-term preference of the maintenance of Northern Ireland's membership of the United Kingdom (eitherdirectly ruled or withdevolved government), while 14% express a preference for membership of a united Ireland.[113] This discrepancy can be explained by the overwhelming preference among Protestants to remain a part of the UK (93%), while Catholic preferences are spread across several solutions to the constitutional question including remaining a part of the UK (47%), a united Ireland (32%), Northern Ireland becoming an independent state (4%), and those who "don't know" (16%).[114]
Official voting figures, which reflect views on the "national question" along with issues of the candidate, geography, personal loyalty, and historic voting patterns, show 54% of Northern Ireland voters vote for unionist parties, 42% vote for nationalist parties, and 4% vote "other". Opinion polls consistently show that the election results are not necessarily an indication of the electorate's stance regarding the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. Most of the population of Northern Ireland is at least nominally Christian, mostly Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations. Many voters (regardless of religious affiliation) are attracted to unionism'sconservative policies, while other voters are instead attracted to the traditionally leftist Sinn Féin and SDLP and their respective party platforms fordemocratic socialism andsocial democracy.[115]
For the most part, Protestants feel a strong connection with Great Britain and wish for Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Many Catholics however, generally aspire to a United Ireland or are less certain about how to solve the constitutional question. Catholics have a slight majority in Northern Ireland, according to the latest Northern Ireland census. The make-up of theNorthern Ireland Assembly reflects the appeals of the various parties within the population. Of the 90 Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs), 37 are unionists and 35 are nationalists (the remaining 18 are classified as "other").[116]
Since 1998, Northern Ireland has haddevolved government within the United Kingdom, presided over by theNorthern Ireland Assembly and a cross-community government (theNorthern Ireland Executive). The UK Government and UK Parliament are responsible forreserved and excepted matters. Reserved matters comprise listed policy areas (such ascivil aviation,units of measurement, andhuman genetics) that Parliament may devolve to the Assembly some time in the future. Excepted matters (such asinternational relations, taxation and elections) are never expected to be considered for devolution. On all other governmental matters, the Executive together with the 90-member Assembly may legislate for and govern Northern Ireland. Devolution in Northern Ireland is dependent upon participation by members of the Northern Ireland executive in theNorth/South Ministerial Council, which coordinates areas of cooperation (such as agriculture, education, and health) between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Additionally, "in recognition of the Irish Government's special interest in Northern Ireland", theGovernment of Ireland andGovernment of the United Kingdom co-operate closely on non-devolved matters through theBritish–Irish Intergovernmental Conference.
TheNorthern Ireland Office represents the UK Government in Northern Ireland on reserved matters and represents Northern Ireland's interests within the UK Government. Additionally, the Republic's government also has the right to "put forward views and proposals" on non-devolved matters about Northern Ireland. The Northern Ireland Office is led by theSecretary of State for Northern Ireland, who sits in theCabinet of the United Kingdom.
Northern Ireland is a distinct legaljurisdiction, separate from the two other jurisdictions in the United Kingdom (England and Wales, andScotland). Northern Ireland law developed from Irish law that existed before thepartition of Ireland in 1921. Northern Ireland is acommon law jurisdiction and its common law is similar to that in England and Wales. However, there are important differences in law and procedure between Northern Ireland and England and Wales. The body ofstatute law affecting Northern Ireland reflects the history of Northern Ireland, including Acts of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, theNorthern Ireland Assembly, the formerParliament of Northern Ireland and theParliament of Ireland, along with some Acts of theParliament of England and of theParliament of Great Britain that were extended to Ireland underPoynings' Law between 1494 and 1782.
Descriptions
Northern Ireland coast
There is no generally accepted term to describe what Northern Ireland is. It has been described as a country, province, region, and other terms officially, by the press, and in common speech. The choice of term can be controversial and can reveal one's political preferences.[16] This has been noted as a problem by several writers on Northern Ireland, with no generally recommended solution.[15][16][17]
ISO 3166-2:GB defines Northern Ireland as a province.[14] The UK's submission to the 2007United Nations Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names defines the UK as being made up of two countries (England and Scotland), oneprincipality (Wales) and one province (Northern Ireland).[120] However, this term can be controversial, particularly for nationalists for whom the title province is properly reserved for the traditional province of Ulster, of which Northern Ireland comprises six out of nine counties.[121][16][122] Some authors have described the meaning of this term as being equivocal: referring to Northern Ireland as being a province both of the United Kingdom and the traditional country of Ireland.[123]
The UKOffice for National Statistics and the website of the Office of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom describe the United Kingdom as being made up of four countries, one of these being Northern Ireland.[13][124] Some newspaper style guides also consider country as an acceptable term for Northern Ireland.[121] However, some authors reject the term.[122][15][17][123]
"Region" has also been used by UK government agencies[125] and newspapers.[121] Some authors choose this word but note that it is "unsatisfactory".[16][17] Northern Ireland can also be simply described as "part of the UK", including by the UK government offices.[124]
Many people inside and outside Northern Ireland use other names for Northern Ireland, depending on their point of view. Disagreement on names, and the reading of political symbolism into the use or non-use of a word, also attaches itself to some urban centres. The most notable example is whether Northern Ireland's second-largest city should be called"Derry" or "Londonderry".
Choice of language andnomenclature in Northern Ireland often reveals the cultural, ethnic, and religious identity of the speaker. Those who do not belong to any group but lean towards one side often tend to use the language of that group. Supporters of unionism in the British media (notablyThe Daily Telegraph and theDaily Express) regularly call Northern Ireland "Ulster".[126] Many media outlets in the Republic use "North of Ireland" (or simply "the North"),[127][128][129][130][131] as well as the "Six Counties".[132]The New York Times has also used "the North".[133]
Although some news bulletins since the 1990s have opted to avoid all contentious terms and use the official name, Northern Ireland, the term "the North" remains commonly used by broadcast media in the Republic.[127][128][129]
Unionist
Ulster, strictly speaking, refers to the province ofUlster, of which six of nine historical counties are in Northern Ireland. The term "Ulster" is widely used by unionists and the British press as shorthand for Northern Ireland, and is also favoured byUlster nationalists.[d] In the past, calls have been made for Northern Ireland's name to be changed to Ulster. This proposal was formally considered by the Government of Northern Ireland in 1937 and by the UK Government in 1949 but no change was made.[134]
The Province refers to the historic Irish province of Ulster but today is used by some as shorthand for Northern Ireland. TheBBC, in its editorial guidance forReporting the United Kingdom, states that "the Province" is an appropriate secondary synonym for Northern Ireland, while "Ulster" is not. It also suggests that "people of Northern Ireland" is preferred to "British" or "Irish", and the term "mainland" should be avoided in reporting about Great Britain and Northern Ireland.[135]
Nationalist
North of Ireland – used to avoid using the name given by the British-enacted Government of Ireland Act 1920.
The Six Counties (na Sé Chontae) – the Republic of Ireland is similarly described as the Twenty-Six Counties.[136] Some of the users of these terms contend that using the official name of the region would imply acceptance of the legitimacy of the Government of Ireland Act.
The Occupied Six Counties – used by some republicans.[137] The Republic, whose legitimacy is similarly not recognised by republicans opposed to the Belfast Agreement, is described as the "Free State", referring to theIrish Free State, which gained independence (as aDominion) in 1922.[138]
British-Occupied Ireland – Similar in tone to the Occupied Six Counties,[139] this term is used by more dogmatic republicans, such asRepublican Sinn Féin,[140] who still hold that theSecond Dáil was the last legitimate government of Ireland and that all governments since have been foreign-imposed usurpations of Irish national self-determination.[141]
Other
Norn Iron or "Norniron" – is an informal and affectionate[142] local nickname used to refer to Northern Ireland, derived from the pronunciation of the words "Northern Ireland" in an exaggerated Ulster accent (particularly one from the greater Belfast area). The phrase is seen as a lighthearted way to refer to Northern Ireland, based as it is on regional pronunciation. It often refers to theNorthern Ireland national football team.[143]
The volcanic activity which created the Antrim Plateau also formed the geometric pillars of theGiant's Causeway on the north Antrim coast. Also in north Antrim are theCarrick-a-Rede Rope Bridge,Mussenden Temple and theGlens of Antrim. Northern Ireland was covered by anice sheet for most of thelast ice age and on numerous previous occasions, the legacy of which can be seen in the extensive coverage ofdrumlins in Counties Fermanagh, Armagh, Antrim and particularly Down.
The centrepiece of Northern Ireland's geography isLough Neagh, at 151 square miles (391 km2) the largest freshwater lake both on the island of Ireland and in theBritish Isles. A second extensive lake system is centred on Lower and UpperLough Erne in Fermanagh. The largest island of Northern Ireland isRathlin, off the north Antrim coast.Strangford Lough is the largest inlet in the British Isles, covering 150 km2 (58 sq mi).
According to the 2021 census, just over 50% of Northern Ireland's population lives in the highlighted red and yellow area. This area is concentrated around Belfast and nearby settlements (red), and features the greatest concentration of motorways, dual carriageways, railways and train stations (overlaid).
The Lower and UpperRiver Bann,River Foyle andRiver Blackwater form extensive fertile lowlands, with excellentarable land also found in North and East Down, although much of the hill country is marginal and suitable largely for animal husbandry. The valley of theRiver Lagan is dominated by Belfast, whose metropolitan area includes over a third of the population of Northern Ireland, with heavy urbanisation and industrialisation along the Lagan Valley and both shores ofBelfast Lough.
The vast majority of Northern Ireland has atemperate maritime climate, (Cfb in theKöppen climate classification) rather wetter in the west than the east, although cloud cover is very common across the region. The weather is unpredictable at all times of the year, and although the seasons are distinct, they are considerably less pronounced than in interior Europe or the eastern seaboard of North America. Average daytime maximums in Belfast are 6.5 °C (43.7 °F) in January and 17.5 °C (63.5 °F) in July. The highest maximum temperature recorded was 31.4 °C (88.5 °F), registered in July 2021 atArmagh Observatory's weather station.[144] The lowest minimum temperature recorded was −18.7 °C (−1.7 °F) atCastlederg,County Tyrone on 23 December 2010.[145]
As of the 21st century, Northern Ireland is the least forested part of the United Kingdom and Ireland, and one of the least forested countries in Europe.[148]
The only native reptile in Northern Ireland is theviviparous lizard, or common lizard, which is widely distributed, particularly in heaths, bogs and sand dunes. Thecommon frog is a very widespread species. Some lakes support internationally important bird populations,Lough Neagh andLough Beg hold up to 80,000 wintering waterfowl of some 20 species, includingducks,geese,swans andgulls. Theotter is the fourth largest land mammal in Northern Ireland. It can be found along the river systems, although it is seldom seen and will avoid contact with humans.[149] 356 species of marinealgae have been recorded in the northeast of Ireland; 77 species are considered rare.[150]
Northern Ireland is much less ethnically diverse than the rest of the UK. 3.4% of the population (65,600 people) in 2025 were from a minority ethnic group compared to 18.3% in England and Wales and 12.9% in Scotland.[151]
These counties are no longer used for local government purposes; instead, there are elevendistricts of Northern Ireland which have different geographical extents. These were created in 2015, replacing the twenty-six districts which previously existed.[152]
Although counties are no longer used for local governmental purposes, they remain a popular means of describing where places are. They are officially used while applying for anIrish passport, which requires one to state one's county of birth. The name of that county then appears in both Irish and English on the passport's information page, as opposed to the town or city of birth on the United Kingdom passport. TheGaelic Athletic Association still uses the counties as its primary means of organisation and fields representative teams of eachGAA county. The original system ofcar registration numbers largely based on counties remains in use. In 2000, thetelephone numbering system was restructured into an 8-digit scheme with (except for Belfast) the first digit approximately reflecting the county.
The county boundaries still appear on Ordnance Survey of Northern Ireland Maps and the Philip's Street Atlases, among others. With their decline in official use, there is often confusion surrounding towns and cities which lie near county boundaries, such as Belfast andLisburn, which are split between counties Down and Antrim (the majorities of both cities, however, are in Antrim).
In March 2018,The Sunday Times published its list of Best Places to Live in Britain, including the following places in Northern Ireland:Ballyhackamore near Belfast (overall best for Northern Ireland); Holywood, County Down; Newcastle, County Down; Portrush, County Antrim; Strangford, County Down.[153]
Cities and major towns
Detailed map of Northern Ireland showing not only cities and major towns but also many villages, and many geographical features.
2011 census: differences in proportions of those who are, or were brought up, either Catholic or Protestant/Other Christians
The population of Northern Ireland has risen yearly since 1978. The population at the time of the 2021 census was 1.9 million, having grown 5% over the previous decade.[156] The population in 2011 was 1.8 million, a rise of 7.5% over the previous decade.[157] The current population makes up 2.8% of the UK's population (67 million) and 27% of the island of Ireland's population (7.03 million). The population density is 135 inhabitants / km2.
As of the 2021 census, the population of Northern Ireland is almost entirelywhite (96.6%).[158] In 2021, 86.5% of the population were born in Northern Ireland, with 4.8% born in Great Britain, 2.1% born in the Republic of Ireland, and 6.5% born elsewhere (more than half of them in another European country).[159] In 2021 the largest non-white ethnic groups wereblack (0.6%),Indian (0.5%), andChinese (0.5%).[158] In 2011, 88.8% of the population were born in Northern Ireland, 4.5% in Great Britain, and 2.9% in the Republic of Ireland. 4.3% were born elsewhere; triple the amount there were in 2001.[160]
As of the 2021 Census 1,165,168 (61.2%) residents lived in an urban environment and 738,007 (38.8%) lived in a non-urban environment.[161]
Identity and citizenship
National Identity of Northern Ireland residents (2021)[162][163][164]
In Northern Ireland censuses, respondents can choose more than one national identity. In 2021:[165]
42.8% identified as British, solely or along with other national identities
33.3% identified as Irish, solely or along with other national identities
31.5% identified as Northern Irish, solely or along with other national identities
The main national identities given in recent censuses were:
National identity of Northern Ireland residents[166][165]
Identity
2011
2021
British only
39.9%
31.9%
Irish only
25.3%
29.1%
Northern Irish only
20.9%
19.8%
British & Northern Irish
6.2%
8.0%
Irish & Northern Irish
1.1%
1.8%
British, Irish & Northern Irish
1.0%
1.5%
British & Irish
0.7%
0.6%
English, Scottish, or Welsh
1.6%
1.5%
All other
3.4%
6.0%
As of the 2021 census, regarding national identity, four of the six traditional counties had an Irish plurality and two had a British plurality.[167][168][169][170]
National identity of Northern Ireland residents by county
At the 2021 census, 42.3% of the population identified asRoman Catholic, 37.3% as Protestant/other Christian, 1.3% as other religions, while 17.4% identified with no religion or did not state one.[171] The biggest of the Protestant/other Christian denominations were thePresbyterian Church (16.6%), theChurch of Ireland (11.5%) and theMethodist Church (2.3%).[171] At the2011 census, 41.5% of the population identified as Protestant/other Christian, 41% as Roman Catholic, 0.8% as other religions, while 17% identified with no religion or did not state one.[172] In terms of background (i.e. religion or religion brought up in), at the 2021 census 45.7% of the population came from a Catholic background, 43.5% from a Protestant background, 1.5% from other religious backgrounds, and 5.6% from non-religious backgrounds.[171] This was the first time since Northern Ireland's creation that there were more people from a Catholic background than Protestant.[173] At the 2011 census, 48% came from a Protestant background, 45% from a Catholic background, 0.9% from other religious backgrounds, and 5.6% from non-religious backgrounds.[172]
In recent censuses, respondents gave their religious identity or religious upbringing as follows:[174][166][171]
Religion or religious background of Northern Ireland residents
Religion / religion of upbringing
2001
2011
2021
Catholic
43.8%
45.1%
45.7%
Protestant and other Christian
53.1%
48.4%
43.5%
Other religions
0.4%
0.9%
1.5%
No religion nor religious upbringing
2.7%
5.6%
9.3%
As of the 2021 census, regarding religious background, four of the six traditional counties had a Catholic majority, one had a Protestant plurality, and one had a Protestant majority.[175]
Religion or religious background of Northern Ireland residents by county
Religion / religion of upbringing
Antrim
Armagh
Down
Fermanagh
Londonderry
Tyrone
Catholic
40.1%
58.2%
32.3%
58.8%
61.3%
66.5%
Protestant and other Christian
47.0%
34.0%
53.5%
35.5%
32.5%
28.9%
Other religions
2.1%
1.2%
1.5%
1.1%
0.9%
0.6%
No religion nor religious upbringing
10.8%
6.7%
12.7%
4.6%
5.3%
4.0%
Several studies and surveys carried out between 1971 and 2006 have indicated that, in general, most Protestants in Northern Ireland see themselves primarily as British, whereas most Catholics see themselves primarily as Irish.[176][177][178][179][180][181][182][183] This does not, however, account for thecomplex identities within Northern Ireland, given that many of the population regard themselves as "Ulster" or "Northern Irish", either as a primary or secondary identity.
A 2008 survey found that 57% of Protestants described themselves as British, while 32% identified as Northern Irish, 6% as Ulster, and 4% as Irish. Compared to a similar survey in 1998, this shows a fall in the percentage of Protestants identifying as British and Ulster and a rise in those identifying as Northern Irish. The 2008 survey found that 61% of Catholics described themselves as Irish, with 25% identifying as Northern Irish, 8% as British, and 1% as Ulster. These figures were largely unchanged from the 1998 results.[184][185]
People born in Northern Ireland are, with some exceptions, deemed by UK law to becitizens of the United Kingdom. They are also, with similar exceptions, entitled to becitizens of Ireland. This entitlement was reaffirmed in the 1998Good Friday Agreement between the British and Irish governments, which provides that:
...it is the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly [the two governments] confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.
2011: Map of most commonly held passport
As a result of the Agreement, theConstitution of the Republic of Ireland was amended. The current wording provides that people born in Northern Ireland are entitled to be Irish citizens on the same basis as people from any other part of the island.[186]
Neither government, however, extends its citizenship to all persons born in Northern Ireland. Both governments exclude some people born in Northern Ireland, in particular persons born without one parent who is a British or Irish citizen. The Irish restriction was given effect by thetwenty-seventh amendment to the Irish Constitution in 2004. The position in UK nationality law is that most of those born in Northern Ireland are UK nationals, whether or not they so choose. Renunciation of British citizenship requires the payment of a fee, currently £372.[187]
In recent censuses, residents said they held the following passports:[166][188]
Irish is an official language of Northern Ireland as of 6 December 2022 when the Irish Language Act (Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act 2022) became law. The Irish Language Act officially repealed legislation from 1737 that banned the use of Irish in courts.[1] English is ade facto official language.[citation needed] English is also spoken as a first language by 95.4% of the Northern Ireland population.[189]
Approximate boundaries of the current and historical English/Scots dialects inUlster. South to north, the colour bands representHiberno-English, South-Ulster English, Mid-Ulster English, and the three traditionalUlster Scots areas. The Irish-speakingGaeltacht is not shown.
Under theGood Friday Agreement, Irish andUlster Scots (an Ulster dialect of theScots language, sometimes known asUllans), are recognised as "part of the cultural wealth of Northern Ireland".[190] The Irish Language Act of 2022 also legislated commissioners for both Irish and Ulster Scots.[1]
TheUK Government in 2001 ratified theEuropean Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Irish (in Northern Ireland) was specified under Part III of the Charter, with a range of specific undertakings about education, translation of statutes, interaction with public authorities, the use of placenames, media access, support for cultural activities, and other matters. A lower level of recognition was accorded to Ulster-Scots, under Part II of the Charter.[191]
According to the 2021 census, in 94.74% of households, all people aged 16 and above spoke English as their main language.[192] The dialect of English spoken in Northern Ireland shows influence from the lowlandScots language.[193] There are supposedly some minute differences in pronunciation between Protestants and Catholics, for instance; the name of the letterh, which Protestants tend to pronounce as "aitch", as inBritish English, and Catholics tend to pronounce as "haitch", as inHiberno-English.[194] However, geography is a much more important determinant of dialect than religious background.
Irish
Percentage of people aged 3+ claiming to have some ability in Irish in the2011 census
The Irish language (Irish:an Ghaeilge), orGaelic, is the second most spoken language in Northern Ireland and is a native language of Ireland.[195] It was spoken predominantly throughout what is now Northern Ireland before theUlster Plantations in the 17th century and most place names in Northern Ireland areanglicised versions of a Gaelic name. Today, the language is often associated with Irish nationalism (and thus with Catholics). However, in the 19th century, the language was seen as a common heritage, with Ulster Protestants playing a leading role in theGaelic revival.[196]
In the 2021 census, 12.4% (compared with 10.7% in 2011) of the population of Northern Ireland claimed "some knowledge of Irish" and 3.9% (compared with 3.7% in 2011) reported being able to "speak, read, write and understand" Irish.[157][189] In another survey, from 1999, 1% of respondents said they spoke it as their main language at home.[197]
The dialect spoken in Northern Ireland, Ulster Irish, has two main types, East Ulster Irish and Donegal Irish (or West Ulster Irish),[198] is the one closest toScottish Gaelic (which developed into a separate language from Irish Gaelic in the 17th century). Some words and phrases are shared with Scots Gaelic, and the dialects of east Ulster – those ofRathlin Island and theGlens of Antrim – were very similar to the dialect ofArgyll, the part of Scotland nearest to Ireland. The dialects of Armagh and Down were also very similar to the dialects of Galloway.
The use of the Irish language in Northern Ireland today is politically sensitive. The erection by somedistrict councils of bilingual street names in both English and Irish,[199] invariably in predominantly nationalist districts, is resisted by unionists who claim that it creates a "chill factor" and thus harms community relationships. Efforts by members of theNorthern Ireland Assembly to legislate for some official uses of the language have failed to achieve the required cross-community support. In May 2022, the UK Government proposed a bill in the House of Lords to make Irish an official language (and support Ulster Scots) in Northern Ireland and to create an Irish Language Commissioner.[200][2] The bill has since been passed, and received royal assent in December 2022.[1] There has recently been an increase in interest in the language among unionists in East Belfast.[201]
Ulster Scots
Percentage of people aged 3+ claiming to have some ability in Ulster Scots in the 2011 census
Ulster Scots comprises varieties of theScots language spoken in Northern Ireland. For a native English speaker, "[Ulster Scots] is comparatively accessible, and even at its most intense can be understood fairly easily with the help of a glossary."[202]
Along with the Irish language, the Good Friday Agreement recognised the dialect as part of Northern Ireland's unique culture and theSt Andrews Agreement recognised the need to "enhance and develop the Ulster Scots language, heritage and culture".[203]
At the time of the 2021 census, approximately 1.1% (compared to 0.9% in 2011) of the population claimed to be able to speak, read, write and understand Ulster-Scots, while 10.4% (compared to 8.1% in 2011) professed to have "some ability".[157][189][197]
The most commonsign language in Northern Ireland isNorthern Ireland Sign Language (NISL). However, because in the past Catholic families tended to send their deaf children to schools in Dublin[citation needed] whereIrish Sign Language (ISL) is commonly used, ISL is still common among many older deaf people from Catholic families.
Irish Sign Language (ISL) has some influence from the French family of sign language, which includesAmerican Sign Language (ASL). NISL takes a large component from the British family of sign language (which also includesAuslan) with many borrowings from ASL. It is described as being related to Irish Sign Language at thesyntactic level while much of thelexicon is based onBritish Sign Language (BSL).[204]
As of March 2004[update] theUK Government recognises only British Sign Language and Irish Sign Language as the official sign languages used in Northern Ireland.[205][206]
Unlike most areas of the United Kingdom, in the last year of primary school, many children sit entrance examinations forgrammar schools.Integrated schools, which attempt to ensure a balance in enrolment between pupils of Protestant, Roman Catholic, and other faiths (or none), are becoming increasingly popular, although Northern Ireland still has a primarilyde facto religiously segregated education system. In the primary school sector, 40 schools (8.9% of the total number) are integrated schools and 32 (7.2% of the total number) areGaelscoileanna (Irish language-medium schools).
As with the island of Ireland as a whole, Northern Ireland has one of the youngest populations in Europe and, among the four UK nations, it has the highest proportion of children aged under 16 years (21% in mid-2019).[207]
In the most recent full academic year (2021–2022), the region's school education system comprised 1,124 schools (of all types) and around 346,000 pupils, including:
796 primary schools with 172,000 pupils;
192 post-primary schools with 152,000 pupils;
126 non-grammar post-primary schools with 86,000 pupils;
66 grammar schools with 65,000 pupils;
94 nursery schools with 5,800 pupils;
39 special schools with 6,600 pupils (specifically for children with special educational needs); and
Since 1948 Northern Ireland has a health care system similar to England, Scotland and Wales, though it provides not only health care, but also social care. Health care performance has been decreasing since the mid-2010s and reached crisis levels since 2022.[212]
Northern Ireland traditionally had an industrial economy, most notably featuring shipbuilding, rope manufacture, and textiles. In 2019, 53% of GVA was generated by services, 22% by the public sector, 15% by production, 8% by construction and 2% by agriculture.[213]
In the coal industry,John Kelly Limited was the largest coal firm in Northern Ireland, spanning 150 years.[214] It started inQueen's Quay, Belfast, bySamuel Kelly as a coal commissions and grocer. After his death, sonJohn Kelly took over and expanded the fleet of coasters. The business saw the most growth under John Kelly's son,Sir Samuel Kelly, who incorporated the business as alimited company in 1911. John Kelly Limited expanded along the docks, likewise with their offices, expansion to Ballymena and Carrickfergus took place, and coal boats would travel to Larne Harbour. The company was renamed to Kelly's Fuels in the 1990s, and quickly became one of the biggest oil distributors in the Northern Ireland.[215][216]
Belfast is the United Kingdom's second largest tech hub outside of London with more than 25% of their jobs being technology related. Many established multinational tech companies such as Fujitsu, SAP, IBM and Microsoft have a presence here. It is regarded an appealing place to live for tech professionals and has a low cost of living compared to other cities.[217][218]
In 2019 Northern Ireland welcomed 5.3m visitors, who spent over £1billion. A total of 167 cruise ships docked at Northern Ireland ports in 2019.[219] Tourism in recent years has been a major growth area with key attractions including the Giants Causeway and the many castles in the region with the historic towns and cities of Belfast, Derry, Armagh and Enniskillen being popular with tourists. Entertainment venues include the SSE Arena, Waterfront Hall, the Grand Opera House and Custom House Square. Tourists use various means of transport around Northern Ireland such as vehicle hire, guided tours, taxi tours, electric bikes, electric cars and public transport.[220]
Belfast currently has an 81-acre shipyard which was purposely developed to be able to take some of the world's largest vessels. It has the largest dry dock for ships in Europe measuring 556m x 93m and has 106m high cranes, it is ideally situated between the Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea.[221] The shipyard can build ships and complete maintenance contracts such as the contracts awarded by P&O and Cunard cruise ships in 2022.[222]
Northern Ireland feeds around 10 million people when their population is only 1.8 million.[223] The predominant activity on Northern Ireland farms in 2022 was cattle and sheep. 79 per cent of farms in Northern Ireland have some cattle, 38 per cent have some sheep. Over three-quarters of farms in Northern Ireland are very small, in 2022 there were 26,089 farms in Northern Ireland with approximately one million hectares of land farmed.[224]
Northern Ireland is in a unique position where it can sell goods to the rest of the United Kingdom and the European Union tariff-free, free from customs declarations, rules of origin certificates and non-tariff barriers on the sale of goods to both regions.[225][226]
Below is a comparison of the goods being sold and purchased between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom, compared with the goods being exported and imported between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland:
Northern Ireland has underdeveloped transport infrastructure, with most infrastructure concentrated around Greater Belfast, Greater Derry, and Craigavon. Northern Ireland is served by three airports—Belfast International nearAntrim,George Best Belfast City integrated into the railway network atSydenham in East Belfast, andCity of Derry in County Londonderry. There are upgrade plans to transform the railway network in Northern Ireland including new lines from Derry to Portadown and Belfast to Newry, though it will take the best part of 25 years to deliver.[228] There are major seaports atLarne andBelfast which carry passengers and freight between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
The Derry line is the busiest single-track railway line in the United Kingdom, carrying 3 million passengers per annum, the Derry-Londonderry Line has also been described by Michael Palin as "one of the most beautiful rail journeys in the world".[229]
Main motorways are:
M1 connecting Belfast to the south and west, ending inDungannon
M2 connecting Belfast to the north. An unconnected section of theM2 also by-passesBallymena
The cross-border road connecting the ports ofLarne in Northern Ireland andRosslare Harbour in the Republic of Ireland is being upgraded as part of an EU-funded scheme.European route E01 runs from Larne through the island of Ireland, Spain, and Portugal toSeville.
SSE Arena with 11,000 capacity on Belfast waterfront
Northern Ireland has witnessed rising numbers of tourists. Attractions include concert venues, cultural festivals, musical and artistic traditions, countryside and geographical sites of interest, public houses, welcoming hospitality, and sports (especially golf and fishing).[230] Since 1987 public houses have been allowed to open on Sundays, despite some opposition.
Parades are a prominent feature of Northern Ireland society,[231] more so than in the rest of Ireland or the United Kingdom. Most are held by Protestant fraternities such as theOrange Order, and Ulster loyalist marching bands. Each summer, during the "marching season", these groups have hundreds of parades,deck streets with British flags, bunting and specially-made arches, and light large towering bonfires in the"Eleventh Night" celebrations.[232] The biggest parades are held on 12 July (The Twelfth). There is often tension when these activities take place near Catholic neighbourhoods, which sometimes leads to violence.[233]
TheUlster Cycle is a large body of prose and verse centring on the traditional heroes of theUlaid in what is now eastern Ulster. This is one of the four major cycles ofIrish mythology. The cycle centres on the reign ofConchobar mac Nessa, who is said to have been the king of Ulster around the 1st century. He ruled fromEmain Macha (now Navan Fort near Armagh), and had a fierce rivalry with queenMedb and king Ailill of Connacht and their ally,Fergus mac Róich, former king of Ulster. The foremost hero of the cycle is Conchobar's nephewCúchulainn, who features in theepic prose/poemAnTáin Bó Cúailnge (The Cattle Raid of Cooley, acasus belli between Ulster andConnaught).
Northern Ireland comprises a patchwork of communities whose national loyalties are represented in some areas by flags flown from flagpoles or lamp posts. TheUnion Jack and the formerNorthern Ireland flag are flown in many loyalist areas, and the Tricolour, adopted by republicans as theflag of Ireland in 1916,[235] is flown in some republican areas. Even kerbstones in some areas are painted red-white-blue or green-white-orange, depending on whether local people express unionist/loyalist or nationalist/republican sympathies.[236]
The official flag is that of the state having sovereignty over the territory, i.e. the Union Flag.[237] The former Northern Ireland flag, also known as the "Ulster Banner" or "Red Hand Flag", is a banner derived from the coat of arms of theGovernment of Northern Ireland until 1972. Since 1972, it has had no official status. The Union Flag and the Ulster Banner are used exclusively by unionists. The UK flags policy states that in Northern Ireland, "The Ulster flag and theCross of St Patrick have no official status and, under the Flags Regulations, are not permitted to be flown from Government Buildings."[238][239]
The United Kingdom national anthem of "God Save the King" is often played at state events in Northern Ireland. At theCommonwealth Games and some other sporting events, the Northern Ireland team uses the Ulster Banner as its flag—notwithstanding its lack of official status—and the "Londonderry Air" (usually set tolyrics as "Danny Boy"), which also has no official status, as itsnational anthem.[241][242] TheNorthern Ireland national football team also uses the Ulster Banner as its flag but uses "God Save The King" as its anthem.[243] MajorGaelic Athletic Association matches are opened by the national anthem of the Republic of Ireland, "Amhrán na bhFiann (The Soldier's Song)", which is also used by most other all-Ireland sporting organisations.[244] Since 1995, theIreland rugby union team has used a specially commissioned song, "Ireland's Call" as the team's anthem. The Irish national anthem is also played at Dublin home matches, being the anthem of the host country.[245]
Northern Irish murals have become well-known features of Northern Ireland, depicting past and present events and documenting peace and cultural diversity. Almost 2,000 murals have been documented in Northern Ireland since the 1970s.
TheBBC has a division calledBBC Northern Ireland with headquarters in Belfast and operatesBBC One Northern Ireland andBBC Two Northern Ireland. As well as broadcasting standard UK-wide programmes, BBC NI produces local content, including a news break-out calledBBC Newsline. TheITV franchise in Northern Ireland isUTV. The state-ownedChannel 4 and the privately ownedChannel 5 also broadcast in Northern Ireland. Access is also available to satellite and cable services.[246] All Northern Ireland viewers must obtain a UKTV licence to watch live television transmissions or useBBC iPlayer.
RTÉ, the national broadcaster of the Republic of Ireland, is available over the air to most parts of Northern Ireland via reception overspill of the Republic'sSaorview service,[247] or via satellite and cable. Since the digital TV switchover,RTÉ One,RTÉ2 and the Irish-language channelTG4, are now available over the air on the UK'sFreeview system from transmitters within Northern Ireland.[248] Although they are transmitted in standard definition, a Freeview HD box or television is required for reception.
As well as the standard UK-wide radio stations from the BBC, Northern Ireland is home to many local radio stations, such asCool FM,Q Radio,Downtown Radio andU105. The BBC has two regional radio stations which broadcast in Northern Ireland,BBC Radio Ulster andBBC Radio Foyle.
Northern Ireland uses the same telecommunications and postal services as the rest of the United Kingdom at standard domestic rates and there are no mobile roaming charges between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.[251][252] People in Northern Ireland who live close to the border with the Republic of Ireland may inadvertently switch over to the Irish mobile networks, causing international roaming fees to be applied.[253] Calls from landlines in Northern Ireland to numbers in the Republic of Ireland are charged at the same rate as those to numbers in Great Britain, while landline numbers in Northern Ireland can similarly be called from the Republic of Ireland at domestic rates, using the048 prefix.[254]
Many sports are organised on anall-Ireland basis, with a single governing body or team for the whole island.[255] The most notable exception is association football (soccer), which has a separate governing body, league and national team for Northern Ireland.[255][256]
TheIrish Football Association (IFA) serves as the organising body for men's domestic and national association football in Northern Ireland, it is a member of theInternational Football Association Board which sets the rules for association football.[257] TheNIWFA are responsible for women's domestic and national association football in Northern Ireland.
TheIRFU is the governing body for the sport of Rugby Union on the island of Ireland (Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland).[259] Rugby in Northern Ireland is run within the historic province ofUlster which includes Northern Ireland plus 3 counties from the Republic of Ireland - Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan.
TheIreland national rugby league team has participated in theEmerging Nations Tournament (1995), the Super League World Nines (1996), the World Cup (2000, 2008, 2013, 2017, 2021), European Nations Cup (since 2003) and Victory Cup (2004). The Ireland A rugby league team competes annually in the Amateur Four Nations competition (since 2002) and the St Patrick's Day Challenge (since 1995).
TheIreland cricket team represents both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. It is a full member of theInternational Cricket Council, having been grantedTest status and full membership by the ICC in June 2017. The side competes in Test cricket, the highest level of competitive cricket in the international arena, and is one of the 12 full-member countries of the ICC. Ireland men's side has played in theCricket World Cup andT20 World Cup and has won theICC Intercontinental Cup four times. Thewomen's side has played in theWomen's World Cup. One of the men's side's regular international venues isStormont in Belfast.
^ONS Standard Area Measurement, area to Mean Sea Level (MSL) Belfast excluding inland water
^ONS Standard Area Measurement, area to Mean Sea Level (MSL) Belfast
^+44 is always followed by 28 when calling landlines. The code is 028 within the UK and 048 from the Republic of Ireland where it is treated as a domestic call.
Wikipedia policy is to use Londonderry for the county and Derry for the city. The name usage does not indicate an endorsement for either community's opinions.
^abcDunn, S.; H. Dawson (2000),An Alphabetical Listing of Word, Name and Place in Northern Ireland and the Living Language of Conflict,Lewiston, New York:Edwin Mellen Press,One specific problem – in both general and particular senses – is to know what to call Northern Ireland itself: in the general sense, it is not a country, or a province, or a state – although some refer to it contemptuously as a statelet: the least controversial word appears to be jurisdiction, but this might change.
^abcdeWhyte, J.; G. FitzGerald (1991),Interpreting Northern Ireland, Oxford: Oxford University Press,One problem must be adverted to in writing about Northern Ireland. This is the question of what name to give to the various geographical entities. These names can be controversial, with the choice often revealing one's political preferences. ... some refer to Northern Ireland as a 'province'. That usage can arouse irritation particularly among nationalists, who claim the title 'province' should be properly reserved to the four historic provinces of Ireland-Ulster, Leinster, Munster, and Connacht. If I want to a label to apply to Northern Ireland I shall call it a 'region'. Unionists should find that title as acceptable as 'province': Northern Ireland appears as a region in the regional statistics of the United Kingdom published by the British government.
^abcdMurphy, D. (1979),A Place Apart, London: Penguin Books,Next – what noun is appropriate to Northern Ireland? 'Province' won't do since one-third of the province is on the wrong side of the border. 'State' implies more self-determination than Northern Ireland has ever had and 'country' or 'nation' are blatantly absurd. 'Colony' has overtones that would be resented by both communities and 'statelet' sounds too patronizing, though outsiders might consider it more precise than anything else; so one is left with the unsatisfactory word 'region'.
^abDavid McKittrick & David McVea.Making Sense of the Troubles. New Amsterdam Books, 2002. p.5
^Richard Jenkin, 1997,Rethinking ethnicity: arguments and explorations, SAGE Publications: London: "In Northern Ireland the objectives of contemporary nationalists are the reunification of Ireland and the removal of British government."; Peter Dorey, 1995,British politics since 1945, Blackwell Publishers: Oxford: "Just as some Nationalists have been prepared to use violence in order to secure Irish reunification, so some Unionists have been prepared to use violence in order to oppose it.";"Strategy Framework Document: Reunification through Planned Integration: Sinn Féin's All Ireland Agenda". Archived fromthe original on 16 July 2006. Sinn Féin. Retrieved 2 August 2008.;"Policy Summaries: Constitutional Issues".Social Democratic and Labour Party. Archived fromthe original on 18 June 2009. Retrieved2 August 2008.
^Gallagher, Tom.Contemporary Irish Studies. Manchester University Press, 1983. pp.29–32
^Maney, Gregory. "The Paradox of Reform: The Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland", inNonviolent Conflict and Civil Resistance. Emerald Group Publishing, 2012. p.15
^"The troubles were over, but the killing continued. Some of the heirs to Ireland's violent traditions refused to give up their inheritance." Jack Holland: Hope against History: The Course of Conflict in Northern Ireland. Henry Holt & Company, 1999, p. 221;ISBN0-8050-6087-1
^McCourt, Malachy (2004).History of Ireland. New York: MJF Books, Fine Communications. p. 324.ISBN978-1-60671-037-1.
^Stanbridge, Karen (2003).Toleration and State Institutions: British Policy Toward Catholics in Eighteenth-century Ireland and Quebec. Lexington Books. p. 43.;Ruane, Joseph (1996).The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland: Power, Conflict and Emancipation. Cambridge University Press. p. 51.
^Mitchell, Arthur.Revolutionary Government in Ireland. Gill & MacMillan, 1995. p. 245
^Coleman, Marie (2013).The Irish Revolution, 1916–1923. Routledge. p. 67.ISBN978-1317801474.; Gibney, John (editor).The Irish War of Independence and Civil War. Pen and Sword History, 2020. pp.xii–xiii
^Pilkington, Colin (2002).Devolution in Britain Today. Manchester University Press. p. 75.ISBN978-0-7190-6076-2.
^abO'Day, Alan.Irish Home Rule, 1867–1921. Manchester University Press, 1998. p. 299
^Jackson, Alvin.Home Rule – An Irish History. Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 368–370
^Farrell, Michael.Arming the Protestants: The Formation of the Ulster Special Constabulary and the Royal Ulster Constabulary. Pluto Press, 1983. p.166
^Lawlor, Pearse.The Outrages: The IRA and the Ulster Special Constabulary in the Border Campaign. Mercier Press, 2011. pp.265–266
^Martin, Ged (1999)."The Origins of Partition". In Anderson, Malcolm; Bort, Eberhard (eds.).The Irish Border: History, Politics, Culture. Liverpool University Press. p. 68.ISBN978-0853239512.Archived from the original on 29 January 2017. Retrieved19 October 2015.
^McGuffin, John (1973),Internment!, Anvil Books Ltd, Tralee, Ireland, p. 23.
^Peter Barberis, John McHugh, Mike Tyldesley (editors).Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations. A&C Black, 2000. pp.236–237
^Boyd, Andrew (1969),Holy War in Belfast, Anvil Books Ltd, Tralee, pg 176.
^Whyte, John. "How much discrimination was there under the unionist regime, 1921–68?", inContemporary Irish Studies. Edited by Tom Gallagher and James O'Connell. Manchester University Press, 1983. pp.29–32
^David, Trimble."Nobel Lecture".The Nobel Prize.Archived from the original on 15 August 2021. Retrieved8 August 2020.
^"Anglo-Irish Relations, 1939–41: A Study in Multilateral Diplomacy and Military Restraint" inTwentieth Century British History (Oxford Journals, 2005),ISSN1477-4674
^Boyd Black, "A Triumph of Voluntarism? Industrial Relations and Strikes in Northern Ireland in World War Two,"Labour History Review (2005) 70#1 pp 5–25
^English, Richard.Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA. Pan Macmillan, 2008. pp.72–74
^Richard English, "The Interplay of Non-violent and Violent Action in Northern Ireland, 1967–72", inAdam Roberts andTimothy Garton Ash (eds.),Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford University Press, 2009;ISBN978-0-19-955201-6, pp. 75–90.[1]Archived 20 March 2017 at theWayback Machine
^The Ballast reportArchived 25 June 2008 at theWayback Machine: "...the Police Ombudsman has concluded that this was collusion by certain police officers with identified UVF informants."
^"Names of Hunger Strikers (1981)". Cain Web Service. 14 May 2024. Archived from the original on 24 July 2024. Retrieved30 November 2024.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
^Parliamentary debateArchived 10 October 2010 at theWayback Machine: "The British government agree that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish."
^Lord Scarman, "Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969: Report of Tribunal of Inquiry" Belfast: HMSO, Cmd 566 (known as theScarman Report).
^NILT survey, 2015Archived 3 July 2016 at theWayback Machine. Answers to the question "Do you think the long-term policy for Northern Ireland should be for it to [one of the following"], ark.ac.uk; accessed 27 May 2015.
^United Kingdom (2007),"Report of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland"(PDF),Report by Governments on the Situation in their Countries on the Progress Made in the Standardization of Geographical Names Since the Eight Conferences, New York: United Nations, archived fromthe original(PDF) on 27 March 2009, retrieved29 October 2011
^abc"The Guardian and Observer style guide".The Guardian. 17 March 2021. Retrieved15 April 2024.Northern Ireland: Can be referred to as a country or region, but avoid referring to it as a province or as Ulster.
^abGlobal Encyclopedia of Political Geography, 2009
^abCochrane, F. (2001),Unionist Politics and the Politics of Unionism Since the Anglo-Irish Agreement, Cork: Cork University Press
^abMonaghan, John (14 July 2018)."RTÉ head of sport says broadcaster does not stop people in the north watching gaelic games".The Irish News.Archived from the original on 13 September 2020. Retrieved14 July 2018.RTÉ is a '32-county broadcaster' and 'do not stop people in the north watching gaelic games', its new head of sport has said... Last weekend RTÉ said it dealt with 'dozens' of complaints from frustrated GAA fans across the north who were left unable to watch a live broadcast of the All-Ireland qualifier between Armagh and Roscommon.
^Parliamentary Reports of the Parliament of Northern Ireland, Volume 20 (1937) andThe Times, 6 January 1949; C.M. 1(49) – UK Cabinet meeting held on 12 January 1949. C.M. 1(49). – See alsoAlternative names for Northern Ireland
^"Editorial Policy, Guidance Note". BBC. n.d.Archived from the original on 3 March 2012. Retrieved20 April 2012. "The term "province" is often used synonymously with Northern Ireland and it is normally appropriate to make secondary references to "the province"."
^"Common Lizard (Zootoca vivipara)".Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs. 21 August 2015.Archived from the original on 23 July 2023. Retrieved23 July 2023.
^Morton, O. 1994.Marine Algae of Northern Ireland. Ulster Museum.ISBN0-900761-28-8
^Institute of Governance, 2006"National identities in the UK: do they matter?"Briefing No. 16, January 2006; Retrieved from"IoG_Briefing"(PDF). Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 22 August 2006. (211 KB) on 24 August 2006. Extract: "Three-quarters of Northern Ireland's Protestants regard themselves as British, but only 12 percent of Northern Ireland's Catholics do so. Conversely, a majority of Catholics (65%) regard themselves as Irish, whilst very few Protestants (5%) do likewise. Very few Catholics (1%) compared to Protestants (19%) claim an Ulster identity but a Northern Irish identity is shared in broadly equal measure across religious traditions."Details from attitude surveys are inDemographics and politics of Northern Ireland.
^Alan O'Day, ed. (1987).Reactions To Irish Nationalism, 1865–1914. London: Hambledon Press.With the Rising of 1916 a break took place in national symbolism which was most visibly manifested in the national flag and the anthem which the young Irish nation accepted. The demise of the Parliamentary Party stands in direct parallel to the just as rapidly diminishing power of its symbols. The green flag and 'God save Ireland' began to be discredited as symbols of constitutional nationalism and, instead, the symbols of revolutionary nationalism gained popularity as the majority of the Irish people identified themselves with the political aims of the Easter revolutionaries. The use of symbols made apparent that the occurrences of 1916 initiated a new epoch in Irish history much in the same as the Union of 1801 and the Famine of 1845–8 did. Both the national flag and the national anthem of present-day Ireland drive origins directly from the Rising. At first, it still appeared as if the revolutionaries would take over the old symbols because on the roof of their headquarters, the Dublin General Post Office, a green flag with the harp was hoisted next to the republican tricolour although with the inscription 'Irish Republic'. Even 'Got save Ireland' was sung by the revolutionaries during Easter week. But after the failure of the Rising and the subsequent executions of the leading revolutionaries the tricolour and 'The Soldier's Song' became more and more popular as symbols of the rebellion.
^Peter Berlin (29 December 2004)."Long Unsung Teams Live up to Anthems: Rugby Union".International Herald Tribune. Archived fromthe original on 4 November 2012. Retrieved26 May 2008.the band playedNkosi Sikelel' iAfrika andDie Stem for the Springboks and "Soldier's Song", the national anthem that is otherwise known asAmhran na bhFiann, and "Ireland's Call", the team's official rugby anthem.
Brian E. Barton,The Government of Northern Ireland, 1920–1923 (Athol Books, 1980)
Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson The State in Northern Ireland, 1921–72: Political Forces and Social Classes, Manchester (Manchester University Press, 1979)
Osborne Morton,Marine Algae of Northern Ireland (Ulster Museum, Belfast, 1994),ISBN0-900761-28-8
Henry Patterson,Ireland Since 1939: The Persistence of Conflict (Penguin, 2006),ISBN978-1-84488-104-8
P. Hackney (ed.)Stewart's and Corry's Flora of the North-east of Ireland 3rd edn. (Institute of Irish Studies, Queen's University of Belfast, 1992),ISBN0-85389-446-9(HB)
† 1922 marks the secession of the majority of Ireland from the United Kingdom rather than the creation of a new state. Official name was changed in 1927.
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