Nerva (/ˈnɜːrvə/; bornMarcus Cocceius Nerva; 8 November 30 – 27 January 98) was aRoman emperor from 96 to 98. Nerva became emperor when aged almost 66, after a lifetime of imperial service underNero and the succeeding rulers of theFlavian dynasty. Under Nero, he was a member of the imperial entourage and played a vital part in exposing thePisonian conspiracy of 65. Later, as a loyalist to theFlavians, he attainedconsulships in 71 and 90 during the reigns ofVespasian andDomitian, respectively. On 18 September 96, Domitian was assassinated in a palace conspiracy involving members of thePraetorian Guard and several of hisfreedmen. On the same day, Nerva was declared emperor by theRoman Senate. As the new ruler of theRoman Empire, he vowed to restore liberties which had been curtailed during the autocratic government of Domitian.
Nerva's brief reign was marred by financial difficulties and his inability to assert his authority over theRoman army. A revolt by the Praetorian Guard in October 97 essentially forced him toadopt an heir. After some deliberation Nerva adoptedTrajan, a young and popular general, as his successor. After barely fifteen months in office, Nerva died of natural causes on 27 January 98. Upon his death he was succeeded anddeified by Trajan. Although much of his life remains obscure, Nerva was considered a wise and moderate emperor byancient historians. Nerva's greatest success was ensuring apeaceful transition of power after his death by selecting Trajan as his heir, thus founding theNerva–Antonine dynasty. He was the first of theFive Good Emperors.
Marcus Cocceius Nerva born in the village ofNarni, 50 kilometers north of Rome, as the son of Marcus Cocceius Nerva,suffect consul during the reign ofCaligula (37–41), and Sergia Plautilla.[2] He was born on 8 November,[3] but the exact year is disputed. Ancient sources report the date as either 30 or 35.[4] He had at least one attested sister, named Cocceia, who marriedLucius Salvius Otho Titianus, the brother of the earlier EmperorOtho.[2] LikeVespasian, the founder of theFlavian dynasty, Nerva was a member of a newer Italian nobility andplebian, rather than one of thepatrician Julio-Claudians.[5] Nevertheless, theCocceii were among the most esteemed and prominent political families of the lateRepublic and early Empire, attaining consulships in each successive generation.[6]
Not much of Nerva's early life or career is recorded, but it appears he did not pursue theusual administrative or military career. He waspraetor-elect in the year 65 and, like his ancestors, moved in imperial circles as a skilled diplomat and strategist.[2] As an advisor to EmperorNero, he successfully helped detect and expose thePisonian conspiracy of 65. His exact contribution to the investigation is not known, but his services must have been considerable, since they earned him rewards equal to those of Nero's guard prefectTigellinus. He receivedtriumphal honors – which was usually reserved for military victories – and the right to have his statues placed throughout the palace.[2]
According to the contemporary poetMartial, Nero also held Nerva's literary abilities in high esteem, hailing him as the "Tibullus of our time".[7] Another prominent member of Nero's entourage wasVespasian, an old and respected general who had celebrated military triumphs during the 40s. It appears Vespasian befriended Nerva during his time as an imperial advisor, and may have asked him to watch over Vespasian's youngest sonDomitian when Vespasian departed for theJewish war in 67.[8]
The suicide of Nero on 9 June 68 brought the Julio-Claudian dynasty to an end, leading to the chaoticYear of the Four Emperors, which saw the successive rise and fall of the emperorsGalba,Otho andVitellius, until the accession of Vespasian on 21 December 69. Virtually nothing is known of Nerva's whereabouts during 69, but despite the fact that Otho was his brother-in-law, he appears to have been one of the earliest and strongest supporters of the Flavians.[9]
For services unknown, he was rewarded with a consulship early in Vespasian's reign in 71. This was a remarkable honour, not only because he held this office early under the new regime, but also because it was an ordinary consulship (instead of a less prestigious suffect consulship), making him one of the few non-Flavians to be honoured in this way under Vespasian.[9] After 71 Nerva again disappears from historical record, presumably continuing his career as an inconspicuous advisor under Vespasian (69–79) and his sonsTitus (79–81) and Domitian (81–96).
Domitian opened the year following the revolt by sharing the consulship with Nerva. Again, the honour suggested Nerva had played a part in uncovering the conspiracy, perhaps in a fashion similar to what he did during the Pisonian conspiracy under Nero. Alternatively, Domitian may have selected Nerva as his colleague to emphasise the stability andstatus quo of the regime.[9] The revolt had been suppressed, and the Empire could return to order.
On 18 September 96, Domitian was assassinated in a palace conspiracy organised by court officials.[12] TheFasti Ostienses, the Ostian Calendar, records that the same day the Senate proclaimed Marcus Cocceius Nerva emperor.[13] This was the first time theRoman Senate actually chose a new emperor rather than simply ratifying formally a choice made by either a previous emperor in his testament or an army or thePraetorian Guard.[14] Despite his political experience, this was a remarkable choice. Nerva was old and childless, and had spent much of his career out of the public light, prompting both ancient and modern authors to speculate on his involvement in Domitian's assassination, although his probable lack of involvement would have made him acceptable to the Domitianic faction.[15][16]
According toCassius Dio, the conspirators approached Nerva as a potential successor prior to the assassination, which indicates that he was at least aware of the plot.[17][18]Suetonius by contrast does not mention Nerva, but he may have omitted his role out of tactfulness. Considering the works of Suetonius were published under Nerva's direct descendantsTrajan andHadrian, it would have been less than sensitive of him to suggest the dynasty owed its accession to murder.[17]
On the other hand, Nerva lacked widespread support in the Empire, and as a known Flavian loyalist his track record would not have recommended him to the conspirators. The precise facts have been obscured by history,[19] but modern historians believe Nerva was proclaimed Emperor solely on the initiative of the Senate, within hours after the news of the assassination broke.[13] Although he appeared to be an unlikely candidate on account of his age and weak health, Nerva was considered a safe choice precisely because he was old and childless.[20]
Furthermore, he had close connections with the Flavian dynasty and commanded the respect of a substantial part of the Senate. Nerva had seen theanarchy which had resulted from the death of Nero; he knew that to hesitate even for a few hours could lead to violent civil conflict. Rather than decline the invitation and riskrevolts, he accepted.[21] The decision may have been hasty so as to avoid civil war, but neither the Senate nor Nerva appears to have been involved in the conspiracy against Domitian.[22] Following the accession of Nerva as emperor, the Senate passeddamnatio memoriae on Domitian: his statues were melted, hisarches were torn down and his name was erased from all public records.[23][24] In many instances, existing portraits of Domitian, such as those found on theCancelleria Reliefs, were simply recarved to fit the likeness of Nerva. This allowed quick production of new images and recycling of previous material.[25]
In addition, the vast palace which Domitian had erected on thePalatine Hill, known as theFlavian Palace, was renamed the "House of the People", and Nerva himself took up residence in Vespasian's former villa in theGardens of Sallust.[26]
The last remaining columns from the largely blindperistyle surrounding a temple toMinerva, located at the heart of theForum of Nerva. The visible door frame is not an original element but rather one of the many modifications made during the Middle Ages.
The change of government was welcome particularly to the senators, who had been harshly persecuted during Domitian's reign. As an immediate gesture of goodwill towards his supporters, Nerva publicly swore that no senators would be put to death as long as he remained in office.[27] He called an end to trials based ontreason, released those who had been imprisoned under these charges, and grantedamnesty to many who had beenexiled.[24] All properties which had been confiscated by Domitian were returned to their respective families.[24] Nerva also sought to involve the Senate in his government, but this was not entirely successful. He continued to rely largely on friends and advisors who were known and trusted, and by maintaining friendly relations with the pro-Domitianic faction of the Senate, he incurred hostility which may have been the cause for at least one conspiracy against his life.[28][29]
Since Suetonius says the people were ambivalent at Domitian's death, Nerva had to introduce a number of measures to gain support among the Roman populace. As was custom by this time, a change of emperor was expected to bring with it a generous payment of gifts and money to the people and the army. Accordingly, acongiarium of 75denarii per head was bestowed upon the citizens, while the soldiers of the Praetorian Guard received adonativum which may have amounted to as much as 5000denarii per person.[30] This was followed by a string of economic reforms intended to alleviate the burden of taxation from the most needy Romans.[31]
To the poorest, Nerva granted allotments of land worth up to 60 millionsesterces.[27] He exempted parents and their children from a 5%inheritance tax, and he made loans to Italian landowners on the condition that they payinterest of 5% to their municipality to support the children of needy families –alimenta schemes which were later expanded byTrajan,Antoninus Pius, andMarcus Aurelius.[32] Furthermore, numerous taxes were remitted and privileges granted to Roman provinces.[30] Namely, he abolished abuses of theFiscus Iudaicus, the additional tax which allJews throughout the Empire had to pay: some of his coins bear the legendFISCI IUDAICI CALUMNIA SUBLATA (abolition ofmalicious prosecution regarding the Jewish tax). Coins suggest he added new games in the Circus in honor ofNeptune. Other coins refer to imperial ideals such as equity, justice, and liberty, which contrasted his reign with that of Domitian.
Before long, Nerva's expenses strained the economy of Rome and, although perhaps not ruinous to the extent once suggested by Syme,[33] necessitated the formation of a specialcommission of economy to drastically reduce expenditures.[34] The most superfluous religious sacrifices,games andhorse races were abolished, while new income was generated from Domitian's former possessions, including the auctioning of ships, estates, and even furniture.[27] Large amounts of money were obtained from Domitian'ssilver andgold statues, and Nerva forbade that similar images be made in his honor.[24] Because he reigned only briefly, Nerva's public works were few, instead completing projects which had been initiated under Flavian rule. This included extensive repairs to theRoman road system and the expansion of theaqueducts. The latter program was headed by the formerconsulSextus Julius Frontinus, who helped to put an end to abuses and later published a significant work on Rome's water supply,De aquaeductu.[35] The only major landmarks constructed under Nerva were ahorreum (granary), known as theHorrea Nervae,[36] and theForum of Nerva begun by Domitian, which linked theForum of Augustus to theTemple of Peace.[37] Little remains, partly because theVia dei Fori Imperiali cuts across it.
Romanaureus struck under Nerva, c. 97. The reverse readsConcordia Exercituum, symbolizing the unity between the emperor and theRoman army with two clasped hands over anarmy standard. Caption: IMP. NERVA CAES. AVG. P. M. TR. P., CO[N]S. III, P. P. / CONCORDIA EXERCITVVM
Despite Nerva's measures to remain popular with the Senate and the Roman people, support for Domitian remained strong in thearmy, which had called for hisdeification immediately after the assassination.[23] In an attempt to appease the soldiers of thePraetorian Guard, Nerva had dismissed their prefectTitus Petronius Secundus – one of the chief conspirators against Domitian – and replaced him with a former commander,Casperius Aelianus.[38]
Likewise, the generousdonativum bestowed upon the soldiers following his accession was expected to swiftly silence any protests against the violent regime change. The Praetorians considered these measures insufficient, however, and demanded the execution of Domitian's assassins, which Nerva refused.[39] Continued dissatisfaction with this state of affairs would ultimately lead to the gravest crisis of Nerva's reign.
While the rapid transfer of power following Domitian's death had prevented acivil war from erupting, Nerva's position as emperor soon proved too vulnerable, and his benign nature turned into a reluctance to assert his authority. Upon his accession, he had ordered a halt to treason trials, but at the same time allowed the prosecution ofinformers by the Senate to continue. This measure led tochaos, as everyone acted in his own interests while trying to settle scores with personal enemies, leading the consulFronto to famously remark that Domitian's tyranny was ultimately preferable to Nerva's anarchy.[24] Early in 97, a conspiracy led by the senatorCrassus Frugi Licinianus failed, but once again Nerva refused to put the conspirators to death, much to the disapproval of the Senate.[40][41]
The situation was further aggravated by the absence of a clear successor, made more pressing because of Nerva's old age and sickness.[42] He had no natural children of his own and only distant relatives, who were unsuited for political office. A successor would have to be chosen from among thegovernors orgenerals in the Empire and it appears that, by 97, Nerva was considering toadoptMarcus Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatius Maternus, the powerful governor ofSyria.[43] This was covertly opposed by those who supported the more popular military commanderTrajan, a general of the armies at theGerman frontier.[43]
In October 97, these tensions came to a head when the Praetorian Guard, led by Casperius Aelianus, laidsiege to the Imperial Palace and took Nerva hostage.[29] He was forced to submit to their demands, agreeing to hand over those responsible for Domitian's death and even giving a speech thanking the rebellious Praetorians.[44]
Titus Petronius Secundus and Parthenius, Domitian's former chamberlain, were sought out and killed. Nerva was unharmed in this assault, but his authority was damaged beyond repair.[29] Trajan later dispatched those commanders who had ordered the guard to besiege Nerva in his home. Nerva realized that his position was no longer tenable without the support of an heir who had the approval of both the army and the people.[38][45] Shortly thereafter, he announced the adoption ofTrajan as his successor,[29] and with this decision all butabdicated.[46][47] Trajan was formally bestowed with the title of Caesar and shared the consulship with Nerva in 98; in Cassius Dio's words:
Thus Trajan became Caesar and later emperor, although there were relatives of Nerva living. But Nerva did not esteem family relationship above the safety of the State, nor was he less inclined to adopt Trajan because the latter was a Spaniard instead of an Italian or Italot, inasmuch as no foreigner had previously held the Roman sovereignty; for he believed in looking at a man's ability rather than at his nationality.[48]
Contrary to the view here popularized by Cassius Dio, however, Nerva had in fact little choice with regard to his successor. Faced with a major crisis, he desperately needed the support of a man who could restore his damaged reputation.[45] The only candidate with sufficient military experience, consular ancestry, and connections was Trajan.[38] Dio's claim that Trajan was of non-Italic origins is also rejected by scholars; it is known that Trajan's roots went back toUmbria, the same region where Nerva was born.Edward Gibbon's famous assertion that Nerva hereby established a tradition of succession through adoption among theFive Good Emperors has found little support among some modern historians.[49]
Romanaureus struck under Trajan, c. 115. The reverse commemorates both Trajan's natural father,Marcus Ulpius Traianus (right) and hisadoptive father, the Deified Nerva (left). Caption: IMP. TRAIANVS AVG. GER. DAC. P. M., TR. P., CO[N]S. VI, P. P. / DIVI NERVA ET TRAIANVS PAT.
On 1 January 98, at the start of his fourth consulship, Nerva suffered astroke during a private audience.[50] Shortly thereafter he was struck by a fever and died at his villa in the Gardens of Sallust, on 27 January.[56] He was deified by the Senate,[57] and his ashes were laid to rest in theMausoleum of Augustus.[58] He was the last Roman emperor to be interred there. Nerva was succeeded without incident by his adopted son Trajan, who was greeted by the Roman populace with much enthusiasm. According toPliny the Younger, Trajan dedicated a temple in honour of Nerva,[59] yet no trace of it has ever been found; nor was a commemorative series of coins for the Deified Nerva issued until ten years after his death. According to Cassius Dio, however, theGuard prefect responsible for the mutiny against Nerva, Casperius Aelianus, was dismissed upon Trajan's accession.[60]
Due to the lack of written sources on this period, much of Nerva's life has remained obscure. The most substantial surviving account of the reign of Nerva was written by the 3rd-century historianCassius Dio. HisRoman History, which spans nearly amillennium, from the arrival ofAeneas in Italy until the year 229, was composed more than one hundred years after Nerva had died. Further details are added by an abridged biography from theEpitome de Caesaribus, a work attributed to the 4th-century historianAurelius Victor. A more comprehensive text, presumed to describe the life of Nerva in closer detail, is theHistories, by the contemporary historianTacitus. TheHistories is an account of the history of Rome covering three decades from the suicide of emperorNero in 69 until the death of Domitian in 96.[citation needed]
However, a substantial part of the work has been lost, with only the first five books covering theYear of the Four Emperors remaining. In the introduction to his biography ofGnaeus Julius Agricola however, Tacitus speaks highly of Nerva, describing his reign as "the dawn of a most happy age, [when] Nerva Caesar blended things once irreconcilable, sovereignty and freedom".[61] The surviving histories speak equally positively of Nerva's brief reign, although none offer a substantial commentary on his policies. Both Cassius Dio and Aurelius Victor emphasize his wisdom and moderation,[27][62] with Dio commending his decision to adopt Trajan as his heir.[48] These views were later popularized by the 18th-century historianEdward Gibbon in hisHistory of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Gibbon considered Nerva the first of theFive Good Emperors, five successive rulers under whom the Roman Empire "was governed by absolute power, under the guidance of wisdom and virtue" from 96 until 180. Nevertheless, even Gibbon notes that, compared to his successors, Nerva may have lacked the necessary qualifications for a successful reign:
Nerva had scarcely accepted the purple from the assassins of Domitian before he discovered that his feeble age was unable to stem the torrent of public disorders which had multiplied under the long tyranny of his predecessor. His mild disposition was respected by the good; but the degenerate Romans required a more vigorous character, whose justice should strike terror into the guilty.[63]
Modern history has expanded upon this sentiment, characterizing Nerva as a well-intentioned but weak and ineffectual ruler. The Roman Senate enjoyed renewed liberties under his rule, but Nerva's mismanagement of the state finances and lack of authority over the army ultimately brought Rome near the edge of a significant crisis.[30] The mutiny led by Casperius Aelianus was never intended as acoup, but a calculated attempt to put pressure on the emperor.[38] The adoption of Trajan expanded his power base with a respected, reliable general as his successor. Murison concludes that Nerva's real talents were in fact ill-suited to the emperorship:
Nerva was, it would seem, the ultimate "committee" man. He was not, apparently, a great orator, and one has the impression that he functioned better in small groups, where his generally calm approach to problems will have impressed people. [...] What is well-known today, however, is that, more often than not, if the "super committee man" takes on an important administrative job, the result is quite dreadful. Rome was, indeed, spared catastrophe; but for all that near-contemporary writers were "careful" about what they said, Nerva's administration was fairly inept. It would not be unfair to say that he was a textbook illustration of what nowadays is called the "Peter Principle".[64]
His place in Roman history is therefore summarized as a necessary, if tumultuous stop-gap before the Trajanic-Antonine dynasties.[20] Even the only major public work completed during his reign, theForum of Nerva, ultimately became known as theForum Transitorium, or transitional forum.[65] Two modern statues which commemorate Nerva can be found in towns associated with him. There is an equestrian statue inGloucester, England, a city which was founded in his honour. It is at the entrance to Southgate Street. There is also a statue at his alleged birthplace,Narni in Italy, at Cocceio Nerva street.[66][67]
Unique, late 1st century AD bust of emperor Nerva inchalcedony from private collection.
^The epitomator of Cassius Dio (72.22) gives the story that Faustina the Elder promised to marry Avidius Cassius. This is also echoed inHA"Marcus Aurelius" 24.
Giacosa, Giorgio (1977).Women of the Caesars: Their Lives and Portraits on Coins. Translated by R. Ross Holloway. Milan: Edizioni Arte e Moneta.ISBN0-8390-0193-2.
Lambert, Royston (1984).Beloved and God: The Story of Hadrian and Antinous. New York: Viking.ISBN0-670-15708-2.
^"Aurelius Victor records the year as 35,Cassius Dio as 30. The latter has been more widely accepted" (Wend,n. 2).Ronald Syme considered the dates of Nerva's later offices more consistent with 35; seeSyme, Ronald (1958).Tacitus. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 653.ISBN978-0-19-814327-7.
^Sutherland, C.H.V. (1935). "The State of the Imperial Treasury at the Death of Domitian".The Journal of Roman Studies.25 (2):150–162.doi:10.2307/296596.JSTOR296596.S2CID159663639.
^Geer, Russell Mortimer (1936). "Second Thoughts on the Imperial Succession from Nerva to Commodus".Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association.67:47–54.doi:10.2307/283226.JSTOR283226.
^"Roman Emperors".Roman Emperors (in French). 4 September 2023. Retrieved7 September 2023.
^Dio states he ruled 1 year, 4 months and 9 days.[51] Other writers give 10 days instead of 9.[52][53][54] As a result, some scholars give his death as 28 January.[55]
^Tacitus,Agricola3. The original phrase isprimo statim beatissimi saeculi ortu Nerva Caesar res olim dissociabilis miscuerit, principatum ac libertatem.
^Aurelius Victor (attrib.),Epitome de Caesaribus11.15
^Gibbon, Edward (1906) [1776]."3". In John Bagnell Bury (ed.).The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Vol. 1 (J.B. Bury ed.). New York: Fred de Fau and Co. Archived fromthe original on 10 August 2007. Retrieved13 August 2007.
Grainger, John D. (2003).Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. London: Routledge.ISBN978-0-415-28917-7.
Jones, Brian W. (1992).The Emperor Domitian. London: Routledge.ISBN978-0-415-04229-1.
Murison, Charles Leslie (2003). "M. Cocceius Nerva and the Flavians".Transactions of the American Philological Association.133 (1):147–157.doi:10.1353/apa.2003.0008.S2CID162211747.
Elkins, Nathan T. (2017).The Image of Political Power in the Reign of Nerva, AD 96–98. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0190648039.
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