Mexico's participation in World War II had its first antecedent in the diplomatic efforts made by the government before theLeague of Nations as a result of theSecond Italo-Ethiopian War. However, this intensified with the sinking of oil tankers by German submarine attacks, resulting inMexico declaring war on theAxis Powers ofNazi Germany,Fascist Italy, and theEmpire of Japan in May 1942.World War II had a profound influence on the country's politics and economy.[1]
Unlike most nations involved, the economic effects of the war were largely positive for Mexico.
Even before the beginning of the war, the Mexican government showed its disapproval offascist nations on multiple occasions. On November 6, 1935, Mexico joined the League of Nationseconomic blockades against theKingdom of Italy for the invasion and subsequent annexation of theEthiopian Empire.[2] A few years later, on March 19, 1938, Mexico protested before the League of Nations against the violation of Austrian sovereignty after theAnschluss. However, theUnited Kingdom,France, and theUnited States remained silent.[3]
The most famous case of Mexico's rejection of fascism was the recognition of theSpanish Republican government in exile. On June 17, 1939, the Mexican government withdrew its embassy from Spanish territory, leaving diplomatic affairs in the hands of the Cuban embassy.[4] Since 1937, Spanish refugees (notably Republican supporters) had been arriving on Mexican shores and were received by the authorities in thePort of Veracruz, where ships loaded with Spaniards and some Jews persecuted in Europe by the Nazis arrived.
During this period, Mexico's diplomatic relations with democratic nations were strained. Since theoil expropriation of 1938, the United Kingdom had broken off relations,[5] and the United States maintained a commercial blockade against Mexico. In addition, theSoviet Union had withdrawn its ambassador since theCardenista government gave political asylum toLeon Trotsky, who was a strong opponent ofJoseph Stalin's regime.[6]
Mexico's initial neutrality in World War II was challenged by various geopolitical and economic considerations, such as its proximity to the United States, improved relations with the U.S. as a result of PresidentFranklin D. Roosevelt'sGood Neighbor policy, and the need of the allied countries for Mexican oil for the war effort.
The social situation in Mexico in the later years of theLázaro Cárdenas presidency and the entirety of theManuel Ávila Camacho presidency, was one of profoundsocio-economic inequality. By 1940, the upper class represented only 1.05% of the population, the middle class 15.87%, and the lower class 83.08%. Most of the Mexican population were farmers living in the countryside, and a working class was beginning to emerge from the emerging industrial development sector. To guarantee that there were institutions before the state that defended the interests of the workers of different sectors, various union organizations were established, including theConfederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), the Unión Sinarquista de Mexico, among others, which made up the Mexico left. The union leaders were theCommunist Party of Mexico (PCM), representing the more radical left, andVicente Lombardo Toledano andFidel Velázquez Sánchez, representing the more moderate left.
The right wing was represented by a broad conservative and pro-clerical sector, the business sector (especially financial and industrial), and the newNational Action Party (PAN), founded in 1939 byManuel Gómez Morín. The confrontations between left and right were a constant that caused violent conflicts. However, Cárdenas was able to achieve relative social stability before the war by championing union organizations and peasants, while accommodating conservatives by postponing social reforms. This relative stability was consolidated with the oil expropriation carried out in 1938, which universally raised Cárdenas' popularity. The United States, seeing Mexico's stability, decided not to retaliate following the expropriation and reached a compensation agreement as part of the Good Neighbor policy, which would help establish post-war Pan-American cooperation.[7]
On September 1, 1939,Hitler's Germany began itsinvasion of Poland, marking the beginning of World War II. On September 4, PresidentLázaro Cárdenas, faithful to Mexico's pacifist policy, declared neutrality in the European conflict, which was seen as a new kind of war. However, neutrality did not prevent the government from condemning aggression against the sovereignty of democratic nations. Mexico recognized thePolish government-in-exile, and in December 1939, it criticized theSoviet invasion of Finland. In 1940 and 1941, Mexico condemned the German invasions ofNorway, theNetherlands,Belgium,Greece andYugoslavia. Before the German aggression againstHolland andBelgium, Cárdenas declared on May 13, 1940 that:
On behalf of the Mexican nation I send my message of protest to all the countries of the world for the new outrages committed by the militarist imperialism that has attacked Belgium and Holland, without encountering any other obstacle than the heroic defense of the invaded peoples, while other countries, forgetting their responsibility, have assumed an expectant and indolent attitude.
When GeneralAvila Camacho took office as President of Mexico in December 1940, neutrality was less firm. After the invasions ofGreece andYugoslavia in April 1941, the new president declared:
Once again, the German armies have invaded by force the territory of a neutral country, abusing its military potential. (...) For those who still think that neutrality is a guarantee of peace and salvation, the case of these two nations, small for their territory, but great for their sense of dignity and for their generous love of independence and sovereignty, should serve as an example and also as an encouragement.
In April 1941, Avila Camacho ordered the seizure of German and Italian ships in national ports; among the ships thus seized was the Italian-flagged tankerLucifero, which would later be calledPotrero del Llano.[8] It became evident that the government of Avila Camacho maintained a "simulated neutrality"; Mexico's material support was clearly for theAllied side. Two months later, another decree was published prohibiting the export of Mexican products to countries outside theAmerican continent. This decision primarily affected Mexicanoil, whose only major buyer would then be the United States, a country with which political tension was beginning to dissipate as the U.S. arms industry now required Mexico'sraw material.
On December 7, 1941, theImperial Japanese Navyattacked Pearl Harbor, precipitating the Americans to abandon neutrality and enter the war which, from being purely European, thus became world-wide. Mexico, respecting the agreement of theHavana Conference of 1940, broke off relations withJapan and suspended all commercial exchanges with the Axis countries. This ended relations between Mexico and Germany, which had been weakening since the British commercial blockade against the Axis.[9] Simultaneously, Mexico resumed diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, which had been broken since the oil expropriation of 1938.
Mexico sold oil to several countries, its main client being the United States, and its ships sailed theGulf of Mexico. Consequently, GermanU-boats threatened Mexican merchant ships, warning that this activity could have severe consequences.[1]
On May 13, 1942, a German U-boat sank a Mexicanoil tanker, thePotrero del Llano.[10] The Mexican government immediately protested the aggression:
If by next Thursday, May 21, 1942, Mexico has not received from the country responsible for the aggression complete satisfaction, as well as guarantees that the indemnities for the damages suffered will be duly covered, the government of the Republic will immediately adopt the measures required by national honor.
Mexico received no response except for a new attack on May 20. Another oil tanker, theSSFaja de Oro, was sunk in theGulf of Mexico by a German torpedo.[11] On May 22, the president called an extraordinary session of the Congress of the Union to grant the executive the power todeclare a state of war between Mexico and the Axis countries. Before the congress, Avila Camacho said the following:
The attitude that Mexico takes in the present eventuality is based on the fact that our determination stems from a need for legitimate defense. We know the limits of our military resources and we know that, given the enormity of the international masses in conflict, our role in the current conflict will not consist of extra-continental war actions, for which we are not prepared.
"Simulated neutrality" had been left behind and Mexico was explicitly on the side of the Allies as a belligerent country. Lázaro Cárdenas was appointedSecretary of Defense, theNational Military Service (SMN) was created, the United States delivered armaments to improve the capacity of the Mexican army, and the properties of German, Japanese and Italian citizens were seized. Even so, Avila Camacho indicated that Mexico's role in the conflict was not on the battlefield, but to prepare his defenses and provide resources to its new allies.[12]
Between June and September 1942 theU-Boats sank four more ships:Tuxpam,[13]Las Choapas,[14]Oaxaca[15] andAmatlán.[16] In view of this situation, the United States, under the pretext of the possibility of aggression by Japan on the coasts of the Pacific Ocean, began discreet negotiations to be allowed to install a military base on theBaja California peninsula; according to historian Humberto Musacchio, that there was speculation that he might have tried to occupy that part of Mexican territory without success.[citation needed]
President Avila Camacho immediately met with his cabinet, which, analyzing the situation, took precautionary measures to reinforce the surveillance and defense of the Pacific coast.[citation needed]
Initially, Mexican participation in the war was limited to the military defense of the coasts ofBaja California, but the Allied powers pressed for Mexico to send a symbolic force to the battlefield. In 1943, due to the military situation in Europe, the Mexican government began to reconsider its refusal to participate in the war with Mexican troops there. By that time, the Allies were already on the offensive on all fronts and the possibility of a German or Japanese attack on the American continent seemed increasingly remote. Therefore, Mexico decided to send to the war front a symbolic force to fight under the Mexican flag, providing that it would be an air force contingent in thePacific campaign. Thus, in 1944, the 201st Squadron arrived in the United States for aviation training. A year later, in 1945, the Mexican squadron (known as theAztec Eagles) was ready for battle; this squadron of fighter planes participated directly in thePhilippines campaign alongside theUnited States Air Force andRoyal Australian Air Force.[17]
The 201st Squadron arrived atMajors Field inGreenville, Texas on November 30, 1944. There, the pilots received advanced training in combatair tactics, formation flying and gunnery. The men were honored with graduation ceremonies on February 20, 1945, and the squadron was presented with its battle flag. This marked the first time that Mexican troops were trained for overseascombat. In charge of the group was ColonelAntonio Cárdenas Rodríguez, and Captain First Class Radamés Gaxiola Andrade was named squadron commander.
Before leaving for thePhilippines, the men received further instructions and physical examinations inCamp Stoneman inPittsburg, California, in March 1945. The men left for thePhilippines on the troop ship S.S.Fairisle on March 27, 1945. The squadron arrived inManila on April 30, 1945, and was assigned to theFifth Air Force's58th Fighter Group, based atPorac,Pampanga, in theClark Field complex on the island ofLuzon.
Thus, the 201st Squadron of theMexican Expeditionary Air Force, composed of about 300 men, 30 pilots and 25 U.S.-made P-47D Thunderbolt aircraft, fought againstImperial Japanese Army forces during theBattle of Luzon in pursuit of the liberation of the Philippines. The P-47D aircraft carriedUSAAF insignia but with Mexican colors on the tail rudder.
In June 1945, the squadron initially flew missions with the310th Fighter Squadron, often twice a day, using borrowed U.S. aircraft. It received 25 new P-47D-30-RA aircraft in July, marked with the insignia of both the USAAF andMexican Air Force. The squadron flew more than 90 combat missions, totaling more than 1,900 hours of flight time. It participated in the Allied effort to bombLuzon andFormosa to push the Japanese out of those islands. It relentlessly attacked the Japanese forces concentrated mainly in Luzon and flew 53 combat missions as part of the U.S. Air Force warfare organization, was specified in the support of the25th Infantry Division, thePhilippine Army, as well as numerous Filipino guerrillas, to open up into theCagayan valley where the squadron devastated the Japanese defenses on the ground with its bombs. Close support missions consisted mainly of attacking resistance points, apart from these they launched attacks on bases, fortifications, supply routes and machine gun pits.[18]
During its fighting in the Philippines, five squadron pilots died (one was shot down, one crashed, and three ran out of fuel and died at sea); and three others died in accidents during training.[1] The pilot Héctor Espinoza Galván was flying together with an American pilot but he ran out of fuel and fell into the ocean; His body was never found. Captain Pablo Ribaz Martínez and Second Lieutenant Guillermo García Ramos were surrounded by a storm, Ribaz Martínez dying while García Ramos survived after being rescued. On July 21, 1945, Second Lieutenant Mario López Portillo along with another pilot from 311th Squadron crashed into a mountain nearby, dying in the process. The casualties of these pilots would be a serious blow to 201st Squadron, meanwhile, the fifth force moved toOkinawa to continue harassment attacks on the Japanese. TheMexican Expeditionary Air Force was assigned to the service group of 311th Squadron, and on August 24, it carried out an escort mission to aconvoy north of thePhilippine Sea to prevent Japanese attacks. After intense fighting and losing companions, the mission had been accomplished.[19]
Given all this, on August 15, 1945, theEmpire of Japan finally offered its unconditionalsurrender, which was formalized with a solemn signature on September 2 inTokyo Bay. During that period, theatomic bombings of the cities ofHiroshima andNagasaki occurred. They were very risky missions, since the anti-aircraft attacks would cause six planes to be annihilated by bullets. Mexican troops were credited with putting 30,000 Japanese soldiers out of action and destroying held buildings, vehicles, tanks, anti-aircraft machine guns, emplaced machine guns, and ammunition depots.Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Command Allied Forces inSouthwest Pacific Area, was impressed with the work performed by the squadron.[20]
Years later, it was announced that the Mexican troops were going to combat in theEuropean Theater. However, it was later decided that they would fight in the Philippines, since both governments maintained a close relationship based on their shared Hispanic heritage and it was believed that Mexican soldiers were strongly motivated to fight on the side of a Spanish-speaking country. On November 22, 2004, the 201st Squadron was decorated with thePhilippine Legion of Honor, with the rank of Legionnaire, by then PresidentGloria Macapagal-Arroyo.[21]
Mexico's participation in World War II was not exclusive to the 201st Squadron. Thousands of Mexicans fought on the battlefield as volunteers in foreign armies or as residents of other countries. There are figures of between 50 thousand to 80 thousand Mexicans who fought on different fronts, many of them did so voluntarily. OnD-Day there were also Mexican fighters, all of whom were volunteers and born in other countries, includingLuis Pérez Gómez (1922-1944), who enlisted as a pilot in theRoyal Canadian Air Force, participating in various missions during theNormandy landings.
One of the most prominent Mexicans as reinforcements for other troops wasJosé M. López, who fought alongside the American troops and his bravery in the conflict was such that after the Allied victory, he was awarded theMedal of Honor, the highest decoration in the army. This after his participation in theBattle of the Bulge, where he and other soldiers counterattacked the German offensive. Mendoza, with a machine gun, left almost more than 100 casualties to the Germans.[22]
On September 25, 1945, a few weeks after the war ended, members of the FAEM unveiled a monument to their fallen comrades. The monument was designed by pilotMiguel Moreno Arreola and was built with the help of 10 elements of the Squadron. The eagle that tops the monument was made by the sculptor of Filipino originGuillermo Tolentino. On October 12, the Squadron handed over its aircraft to the 45th Air Services Group and began preparations to return to Mexico. The members of the FAEM boarded the Sea Marlin ship on October 23, arriving on November 13 inSan Pedro, California, although the first to arrive in Americas were Colonel Cárdenas Rodríguez, Lieutenant Amadeo Castro Almanza, Second Lieutenant García Ramos and Second Lieutenant José Luis Pratt Ramos, who traveled by air after meeting with General MacArthur in Tokyo, to thank him for his cooperation with the FAEM.
201st Squadron returned toMexico City on November 18 in a military parade in theZócalo and the subsequent presentation of the flag to the president, General Manuel Ávila Camacho, being received as heroes for battling fascism in the Pacific. The FAEM was disbanded upon his return from the Philippines. However, the rest of the Mexicans who fought in other armies were not given recognition as they did with the Squadron.
In the years following the war, many of the members have successfully moved on to other careers in life, some as leaders of civil aviation or theMexican Army, others as businessmen, educators and engineers; five of the pilots became generals of theMexican Air Force.
Not all of the population supported participating in the war. A poll by the magazineTiempo revealed that 40.7% supported Mexico's further involvement in World War II, while 59.8% opposed it. To change public opinion, the government began a propaganda campaign to justify its decision. It used Rodolfo Chacón, a survivor of the German attack onPotrero del Llano as the focal point of the propaganda.
Regarding military service, there was also division among Mexicans, provoking violent protests that led the government to exempt draftees from overseas service, which helped quell civil unrest. However, Mexican citizens living in other countries were drafted into their respective armies, resulting in high casualty rates.
The press and the popular opinion, on one side was the sympathy with thealiadophiles and on the other thegermanophile current. For the former, the gazettes and newspapers in general were full of praise "with the full assurance of conquering the laurels of triumph". And in cities throughout the Republic, "darkening exercises" were carried out, in which the civilian population had to participate by turning off all sources of light, as a strategy to hinder possible bombing of the cities.
On the other hand, in the newspaperLa Nación, organ of diffusion of theNational Action Party, Efraín González Luna stated:
The great danger of our situation consists in the fact that on the one hand, this is a war whose direction and decision are in the hands of the great powers engaged in it for life or death, and at the same time, we do not have a repertoire of tangible objectives to mark and govern our path... no pending territorial dispute... an invasion... we do not even have a common border with enemy countries.... We run the risk of entering into a rather ideological war of solidarity with the United States of America.... Under these conditions we are seriously exposed to a deadly annulment of our national personality.
Nonetheless, labour leader and head of the Mexican leftVicente Lombardo Toledano supported the allied cause in the tribunes and advised the president not to take refuge in prudence because the time had come for the country to honor its traditions. The idea of national unity prevailed, and 1942 was declared the "Year of Effort", with the multiplication in all the media of allusive messages always accompanied by a Mexican flag such as:
Mexican: think of your country and work for it,
The Americas United, united we will win,
We are at War, Spirit of Victory,
The radio constantly broadcast war reports and allusive radio soap operas:Contraespionaje, Las ideas no se matan.Agustín Lara premiered hisCantar del Regimiento and the cinema achieved resounding successes that everyone likes to this day:¡Mexicanos al Grito de Guerra! by Álvaro Gálvez y Fuentes, LaIsla de la Pasión andSoy puro mexicano byEmilio Fernández. This was the popular sentiment.
When the Allies achieved victory, Mexico was among the victors, despite only actively sending soldiers in the last year of the conflict. Therefore, the country was a founding member of theUnited Nations Organization, unlike the founding of theLeague of Nations in 1919, where it was not invited because it had remained neutral during the First World War. In the international arena, Mexico was more present, taking part in theDumbarton Oaks Conference, theTreaty of San Francisco,[23] theBretton Woods Conference, and managed to have its initiative approved so that the dictatorship ofFrancisco Franco inSpain would not be recognized or admitted as a legitimate government before the UN, because it had been formed with the military aid of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.
Mexico's geographic position and the global crisis the world was facing placed the country in a strategic role for the supply and security of its northern neighbors,Canada and the United States. The U.S. labor force was insufficiently large andinternational trade was hampered, while Mexico had strong bargaining power with the U.S. and began producing products that it had previously imported. The country had natural resources indispensable for the war industry, such ascopper,zinc,graphite,minerals,silver,cattle,beer and agricultural products, which increased its exports and stimulated its development.
Between 1939 and 1945, Mexico's domestic product grew by 10% and theMexican Social Security Institute (IMSS) was founded. The economic benefits of the war also brought Mexico closer to the United States. During this period Mexico became inceasingly aligned with theWestern Bloc, resulting in more distant relations with a number ofLatin American countries. Mexico's post-war circumstances were favorable for industrialization. The conditions that allowed the accelerated growth of the economy contributed to the emergence of theimport substitution model that Mexico maintained for several decades after the end of the war. Economically, Mexico's actions in World War II cost the country approximately three million dollars.[24]
The entry of U.S. troops into the war caused an intense increase in its industrial and agricultural production. However, the departure of U.S. soldiers left little labor for its economy; the remaining U.S. labor force was insufficient to meet the demands of the countryside and industry. Mexico and the United States signed an agreement in 1942 to regulate the flow of Mexican migrants (braceros) to the United States and compensate for the lack of U.S. workers.[25] The agreement resulted in theBracero Program. It established that braceros could not be employed in military service, could not suffer acts of discrimination, could not be used to displace U.S. workers, and that their basic needs had to be assured.[26] TheBracero Program remained in effect until 1964 and benefited neighboring countries, securing needed labor for the United States and reducing unemployment in Mexico.[27]
During the war, Mexican cinema and, to a lesser extent, music and radio, experienced significant growth. The war in Europe made producing films on the continent increasingly difficult, which motivated their transfer to Mexican forums and studios such as theEstudios Churubusco andAzteca Studios inMexico City and the deserts ofDurango. Moreover, the mobilization of Hollywood stars on the war fronts forced the film industry to use Mexican actors. Aided by a slowdown of U.S. film production during the war, Mexican cinema spread throughout the world, where it left a permanent mark.[28]
Mexican cinema continued to produce high-quality works and began to explore other genres such as comedy, romance and musical. In 1943, the filmWild Flower brought together filmmakerEmilio Fernández, photographerGabriel Figueroa, actorPedro Armendariz and actressDolores del Río. The filmsMaría Candelaria (1943) andThe Pearl (1947), were considered pivotal works by Fernández and his team, and gave Mexican cinema international prestige, with their works being shown worldwide at major film festivals. In 1946, María Candelaria won thePalme d'Or at theCannes Film Festival. In 1949,The Pearl won theGolden Globe for Best Cinematography, becoming the first Spanish-language film to receive such recognition.[29]
