In theMuslim world, themarabout (Arabic:مُرابِط,romanized: murābiṭ,lit. 'one who is attached/garrisoned') is adescendant of Muhammad[1] (Arabic: سـيّد,romanized:sayyid andsidi in theMaghreb) and aMuslim religious leader and teacher who historically had the function of a chaplain serving as a part of anIslamic army, notably inNorth Africa and theSahara region,[2] inWest Africa, and historically in theMaghreb.
The marabout is often a scholar of theQuran, or religious teacher. Others may be wanderingholy men who survive onalms or asspiritual directors of Muslim religious communities, often asmuršid ("guide") ofSufi orders. The term "marabout" is also used for themausolea of such religious leaders (cf.maqām,mazār, inPalestine alsowalī/velī).
MuslimSufi brotherhoods were one of the main organizing forms ofIslam inprecolonialWest Africa, and with the spread ofSufism into the area, the marabout's role combined with local practices throughoutSenegambia, theNiger River Valley, and theFuta Jallon. Here, Sufi Muslim believers follow a marabout, elsewhere known as amuršid ("guide"). The termmarabout was also adopted byFrench colonial officials, and applied to most anyimam, Muslim teacher, or secular leader who appealed to the Islamic tradition.
Today marabouts can be travelingholy men men who survive onalms, religious teachers who take in youngtalibes atQuranic schools, or distinguished Muslim religious leaders and scholars, both in and out of the Sufi brotherhoods which dominate the Islamic spiritual life inSenegambia.[3]
In theMuslim brotherhoods of Senegal, marabouts are organized in elaborate hierarchies; the highest marabout of theMourides, for example, has been elevated to the status of a "caliph" or "ruler of the faithful" (Amir al-Mu'minin). Older,North African-based Sufi brotherhoods such as theTijaniyyah and theQadiriyyah base their structures on respect for teachers and religious leaders who, south of the Sahara, often are calledmarabouts. Those who devote themselves toprayer or study, either based in communities, religious centers, or wandering in the larger society, are namedmarabouts. InSenegal andMali, these marabouts rely on donations to live. Often there is a traditional bond to support a specific marabout that has accumulated over generations within a family. Marabouts normally dress in traditional West African robes and live a simple, ascetic life.
The spread insub-Saharan Africa of the marabout's role from the 8th through 13th centuries created in some placesa mixture of roles with pre-Islamic priests, localhealers, anddiviners.[2] Thus, many fortune tellers and self-styled spiritual guides take the namemarabout, something rejected by moreorthodox Muslims and Sufi brotherhoods alike.[2] The recent diaspora of West Africans (toParis in particular) has brought this tradition to Europe and North America, where some marabouts advertise their services as fortune tellers. Aneshu ofQuimbanda, Marabô, is believed to have carried this esoteric and shamanic role into Brazil. Contemporary marabouts in Senegal advertise on television and have hot lines.[4]
Marabouts have been prominent members ofWolof society since the arrival of Sufi brotherhoods from the Maghreb in the 15th century. Their advanced knowledge of the Quran and esteemed reputation have often allowed them to act as traders, priests, judges, or magicians in conjunction with their roles of community religious leaders.[6] Additionally, because of their ability to read and write, village chiefs would frequently appoint marabouts as secretaries or advisers as a means to communicate with neighboring rulers.[6]
The marabouts' expanding influence in politics paired with their unique allegiance of the Muslim community eventually posed a real threat to the chiefs who had appointed them. In 1683, rising tensions between chiefs and the Muslim population led to a Muslim revolt in the Wolof kingdom ofCayor, which concluded with the installation of a marabout asDamel.[6] In the years following the revolt, relations between marabouts and Wolof chiefs remained relatively calm until a period of militant Islam in the Wolof states in the middle of the 19th century. Militant marabouts primarily ofTukulor(l origin, called "warrior marabouts," completely rejected the authority of local chiefs and sought to install a theocratic Muslim state. As the authority of chiefs and royal armies were undermined by propaganda and military force used by the warrior marabouts, Muslim resistors turned to local marabouts for guidance and protection from their oppressors. After three decades of war and conflict, the warrior marabouts were gradually ousted from the Wolof states as French colonists began to take a tighter hold on the region. As confidence in the leadership abilities of chiefs and rulers declined as a result of the conflict, marabouts emerged as the most trusted and revered source of leadership in Wolof communities.[6]
French colonizers had difficulties adjusting to ruling over Muslim societies. Particularly in West Africa, constructing institutions of colonial rule that did not favor certain constituencies while neglecting others proved to be a tricky task. The French opted for forms of indirect rule through the local aristocracy in an effort to maintain order and keep administrative costs down, but found that many subjects detested these colonial chiefs and rulers and tended to gravitate towards their local marabouts. Marabouts were admired for their transparency and righteousness as they were known to renounce political powers, while ensuring economic, social, and religious stability within their communities.[7] Since the judgment of marabouts is so influential, the success or failure of a politician would be almost entirely contingent on the support of more prominent marabouts. Because of this, politicians would try to appease marabouts by agreeing to promote their Sufi brotherhood's best interests in turn for their endorsement, with some politicians believing that winning an election would be impossible without the support of a marabout.[6] This political dynamic, based on patronage and exchanges, would lead to a somewhat of an alliance between marabouts and the French colonizers.[8] Along with endorsing certain politicians in exchange for favors, French colonial administrators sought out marabouts and heads of Sufi brotherhoods to act as intermediaries between colonial administrators and West African Muslims to ensure appropriate allocation of power and resources to avoid any potential conflict.[9]
After Senegal gained itsindependence from France in 1960, marabouts and leaders of Sufi Brotherhoods (also marabouts), or theKhalife-Général, have continued to play influential roles in Senegalese politics. Some have questioned the utility of having clientelist relationships between marabouts and government officials in a modern democracy.[10] The new "grandson" generation of marabouts has cultivated a more independent and secular political outlook and have proven that they are willing to question the authority of their predecessors. In Senegal's 1988 presidential election,Khalife-Général Abdou Lahatte Mbakke supportedAbdou Diouf for reelection. Both as public endorsement and as a reward for installing new roads and street lamps inTouba while in office, theKhalife-Général declared andiggël (a binding command issued by theKhalife-Général to all members of the Mouride Brotherhood) that proclaimed that all men must vote for Diouf. Although multipleKhalife-Général have issued 'ndiggël politique' in support of a presidential candidate in previous elections, several marabouts of the "grandson" generation openly rejected the command by voting for the opposition instead.[11] These marabouts believed that thendiggël violated their secular political rights, which was a sentiment shared among many other Mourides in Touba.[10]
In 1997, a rural council of Touba Mosquée in Senegal issued a set of new taxes meant to fund an ambitions development project in the holy city. City merchants promptly voiced their displeasure of the new taxes and threatened to kick the rural council, whose members were all appointed by the MourideKhalife-Général, out of the city. Although tax revolts are not uncommon elsewhere, this incident was particularly noteworthy as the merchants' blatant refusal exhibited a departure from typical state-society relations in Senegal. Declining economic performance in Senegal may lead to more taxes in the future, which means political actors may have to adjust or fundamentally alter their clientelist relationships with marabouts andKhalife-Général.[10]
The term marabout appears during theMuslim conquest of the Maghreb. It is derived from the Arabicmurābiṭ "one who is garrisoned":[12] religious students and military volunteers who mannedribats at the time of the conquest.[13] Today, marabout means "saint" in theBerber languages and in general refers to Sufi Muslim teachers who head a lodge or school called azāwiya associated with a specific school or tradition, called aṭarīqah "way, path" (Arabic:طريقه). However,Charles de Foucauld andAlbert Peyriguère, both living as Catholichermits among Berbers in the Maghreb, were called marabouts by the local population due to their saintly lives.[14][15]
The pronunciation of that word varies by language. For example, it is pronouncedamrabadh inTarifit. Marabouts are known assidi (سيدي) inMaghrebi Arabic. Many cities in Morocco got their names from local marabouts, and the name of those cities usually begins with "Sidi" followed by the name of the local marabout.Modern Standard Arabic for "saint" is "walī" (ولي).
A marabout may also refer to atomb (Arabic:قُبّةqubba "dome") of a venerated saint, and such places have become holy centers and places of pious reflection.
Note zāwiyas are not places of formal pilgrimage, which are limited in Islam to theHajj and toJerusalem, but are rather places of reflection and inspiration for the pious.
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Marabouts areIslamic spiritualists who are also believed to have thecapacity to foresee but not control the future. These spiritualists range from conventionalIslamic priests (imams) who are versed in theQuran and preside over services at localmosques, to localhealers anddivinerswho mix Islam with indigenous beliefs and practices. Some marabouts practices resemble those of getba, with Islamic verses replacing cowries. Most marabouts receive gifts or money for their services, with the most respected and renowned marabouts drawing substantial income from their practice. However, these practices are generally disapproved byIslamic orthodoxy.
