| Macedonian Struggle | |||||||
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| Part of thedecline of the Ottoman Empire | |||||||
 The geographical region of Macedonia as defined in the 1800s | |||||||
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 Ottoman Empire | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
  Ștefan Mihăileanu †[1] | Mahmud Shevket Pasha | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
| 8,000 militants and civilians killed (1903–1908)[2] | |||||||
TheMacedonian Struggle[a] was a series of social, political, cultural and military conflicts that were mainly fought betweenGreek andBulgarian subjects who lived inOttoman Macedonia between 1893 and 1912. The conflict was part of a widerguerrilla war in which revolutionary organizations of Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs all fought over Macedonia. Gradually the Greek and Bulgarian bands gained the upper hand. Though the conflict largely ceased by theYoung Turk Revolution, it continued as a low intensity insurgency until theBalkan Wars.
Initially the conflict was waged through educational and religious means, with a fierce rivalry developing between supporters of theEcumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople (Greek-speaking or Slavic/Romance-speaking people who generally identified as Greek), and supporters of theBulgarian Exarchate, which had been recognized by the Ottomans in 1870.[3] Starting from the 1870s, Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia intensified their competition for the allegiance of the Christian population of Macedonia, most of whom was yet to develop a national consciousness.[4] The construction of churches and schools was used as mean of conducting intense propaganda campaigns through which the "proper" national sense was implanted amongst the Christian peasants, so that the territorial claims over Macedonia can be validated.[5] Different national movements could manipulate data and information in order to realize their nationalist agendas due to the absence of collective ethnic identity between the Macedonian people.[6] Nevertheless, at the dawn of the 20th century, most of the local population did not develop a clear sense of national identity at all, they would only took national identities when they were forced by the nationalist education, propaganda and terror campaigns.[7][5]
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As Ottoman rule in the Balkans crumbled in the late 19th century, competition arose between Greeks and Bulgarians (and to a lesser extent also other ethnic groups such as Serbs,Aromanians and Albanians) over the multi-ethnic region ofMacedonia.[8][b] The Bulgarians founded in 1893 theInternal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (initially known asBulgarian Macedonian-Adrianopolitan Revolutionary Committees)[10][11][12] which coordinated the majority of Bulgarian actions in the region. The defeat of Greece in theGreco-Turkish War of 1897 was a loss that appalled Greeks[13] which led to the dissolution of theEthniki Eteria, by Prime MinisterGeorgios Theotokis. With little prospect of liberation byGreece, theMacedonian Greeks took their fate into their own hands and began to form various armed bands that would ultimately fall under the control of theHellenic Macedonian Committee. The region quickly became a constant battleground among various armed groups, with hostilities peaking in 1904-1908. The main struggle was waged over securing the national interpreted affiliation of the population to the Exarchate or the Patriarchate, by using violent and terrorist actions over the population.[14] Thus, easily claimed were Slav-speaking Exarchists as Bulgarians and Greek-speaking Patriarchists as Greeks, but the main issue arose with the Slav-speaking Patriarchists who were claimed as Bulgarians based on the language and Greeks cause of the church affiliation. Also, the Slav-speaking population in the northwest of Macedonia was claimed as Serbs.[5] TheOttoman Army was also involved in the conflict and perpetuated atrocities against the Christian population in attempt to quell the unrest. Due to the Christian population of Macedonia, whether Greek, Serb, Bulgarian or Aromanian, engaging in more or less constant rebellion against the Ottoman Empire, in conjunction with the revolutionary activities of Armenian nationalists in Anatolia, many Ottoman officers believed that all Christians of the empire were disloyal and treasonous.[15] However, the majority of Macedonian people were more concerned with surviving the terror caused by the plundering of nationalist bands than with following any specific ethnic ideology.[6]
In 1893,Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (IMARO) had been founded inThessaloniki.[c][19][20][21] Initially its membership wasallowed only for Bulgarians, but later it opened itself to all ethnic groups in Macedonia and Adrianople regions. Earlier on, IMARO claimed that it was fighting for theautonomy of Macedonia and not for annexation to Bulgaria. However, many of the members of the organization saw Macedonian autonomy as an intermediate step to unification with Bulgaria,[d] but others saw as their aim the creation of a Balkan federal state, with Macedonia as an equal member. In practice, most of the followers of the IMARO were nativeMacedonian Bulgarians, though they also had some Aromanian allies,[24][25][26] likePitu Guli,Mitre The Vlach,Ioryi Mucitano and Alexandru Coshca.[27][28] In April 1903, a group known as theBoatmen of Thessaloniki, with assistance from the IMARO, blew up the French shipGuadalquivir and the Ottoman Bank inThessaloniki. In August 1903, the IMARO organised theIlinden Uprising inMacedonia and theAdrianople Vilayet which led to the formation of the short-livedKruševo Republic. The uprising was ultimately suppressed by theOttoman Army with the subsequent destruction of many villages and the devastation of large areas in Western Macedonia and aroundKırk Kilise nearAdrianople. Following the failedIlinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising the IMARO ultimately weakened due to a split into and apro-Bulgarian nationalist right-wing faction (centralists) and a left-wing faction (federalist) who continued to favor autonomous Macedonia as part of a Balkan Federation. The previous events motivated Greece and Serbia to increase their revolutionary and educational actvities and take a more direct role in achiving their agendas.[6][14]
Already from 1895 theSupreme Macedonian-Adrianople Committees were formed in Sofia in order to reinforce the Bulgarian actions in Ottoman Empire. One ofKomitadjis' first activities was the capture of the predominantly Greek town of Meleniko (todayMelnik, Bulgaria), but they couldn't hold it for more than a few hours.[29][30] Bulgarian bands destroyed the Pomak village ofDospat where they massacred local inhabitants.[30] This kind of activity alerted Greeks and Serbians, who made a farce of the slogan "Macedonia for the Macedonians", being against the constitution of Macedonia as separate state.[31] In the following years SMAC activists as well as the activists of another smaller group formed in Sofia called theBulgarian Secret Revolutionary Brotherhood, started to infiltrate the IMARO. They would later become the core of the IMARO right-wing, and through them the Bulgarian government would assume control over IMARO after 1903.[6]As Bulgarian efforts intensified, they started to affect European public opinion.
In order to strengthen Greek efforts for Macedonia, theHellenic Macedonian Committee was founded in 1903 byStefanos Dragoumis and functioned under the leadership of wealthy publisherDimitrios Kalapothakis. Its members included many Greek notables in addition to the fighters. Among its members wereIon Dragoumis andPavlos Melas.[32] Its fighters were known asMakedonomachoi ("Macedonian fighters").[33]
Under these conditions, in 1904 a vicious guerrilla war broke as response of IMRO activities between Bulgarian and Greek bands within Ottoman Macedonia. The Bishop ofKastoria,Germanos Karavangelis, who was sent to Macedonia by Nikolaos Mavrokordatos, the ambassador of Greece, andIon Dragoumis, the consul of Greece inMonastir, realised that it was time to act in a more efficient way and began to organise the intensification of the Greek opposition.
While Dragoumis concerned himself with the financial organisation of the efforts, the central figure in the military struggle was the very capableCretan officerGeorgios Katechakis.[34] Bishop Germanos Karavangelis travelled to raise morale and encourage theGreek population to take action against the IMRO. Many committees were also formed to promote the Greek national interests.
Katechakis and Karavangelis succeeded in the recruitment and organization of guerrilla groups that were later reinforced with volunteers from Greece. Volunteers often came fromCrete and theMani area of thePeloponnese. They even recruited former IMRO members, taking advantage of their political and/or personal disputes within the organisation. Additionally, officers of theHellenic Army were encouraged to join the struggle to provide experienced leadership, as many had served in theGreco-Turkish War of 1897. The officers who elected to join provided a logistical advantage to the Makedonomachoi. TheMacedonian Greeks, however, would form the core of the fighting force and proved to be the most important fighters due to their knowledge of the region's geography and some possessing knowledge of the Bulgarian language. Manylocal Greeks, such asPeriklis Drakos, were also involved in the smuggling and stashing of weapons and ammunition around the region.
The Greek state became concerned, not only because of Bulgarian penetration in Macedonia but also due to Serbian interests, which were concentrated mainly inÜsküp andMonastir area. The rioting in Macedonia, especially the death ofPavlos Melas in 1904, caused intense nationalistic feelings in Greece. This led to the decision to send more volunteers to reinforce and better organise the armed bands and thwart the Bulgarian efforts to bring all of theSlavic-speakers of Macedonia on under their influence.
The Greek General Consulate inThessaloniki, underLambros Koromilas, became the centre of the struggle, coordinating the Greek bands, distributing, and nursing the wounded. Fierce conflicts between the Greeks and Bulgarians started in the area ofKastoria, in theGiannitsa Lake area, and elsewhere. During 1905, guerrilla activity increased and the Makedonomachoi gained significant advantage within 10 months, extending their control towards the areas ofMariovo and East Macedonia, Kastanohoria (near Kastoria), the plains north and south ofFlorina and the routes aroundMonastir.[35] However, from early 1906 the situation became critical and the forces of the Makedonomachoi were forced to withdraw from various areas. Nevertheless, the groups ofTellos Agras andIoannis Demestichas had some success in the marsh ofGiannitsa.[35] There were great advances of the Serb forces, joined by Muslim Slavs, in summer of 1906 in the northern areas of theSanjak of Üsküp.[36]
While the armed bands confronted theOttoman Army, the Ottoman administration often ignored the activities of the Greek guerrillas,[37] and according to Dakin assisted them against the Bulgarians outright.[31] However, once the subversive potential of the Bulgarians had been neutralised, Ottoman policy ended the favourable neutrality to the Greek side and embarked upon relentless persecutions against the Greeks.[38] During the course of the conflict Greek armed bands numbered 2,000 men. Of whom over 700 were killed in action along with 1,250 pro-Greek civilians.[39]
The Greek–Romanian conflict concerning theAromanians reached its climax during the Macedonian Struggle, with Aromanians being no longer divided into pro-Greek and pro-Romanian factions but into "Greeks" and "Romanians" proper.[40] The pro-Greek faction was the largest and most powerful.[41]
Most Aromanians during the Macedonian Struggle were pro-Greek, supporting the Greek revolutionaries and theEcumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople.[40][42][page needed][43] These Aromanians escaped or resisted the influence of Romanian interventionism,[44] in which a considerable amount of money was spent on by theRomanian state.[45] They were indifferent or even hostile to theirnational movement.[40] In the archives of theGreek Foreign Ministry there are numerous testimonies from Aromanian communities denouncing Romanian "propaganda" and proclaiming theirGreekness.[45]InVeria, there was a small local unit which was under the leadership of a pro-Greek Aromanian,Tasos Koukotegos. This unit, being small and somewhat isolated, had been operating without definite objectives, but it proved to be very important for the Greek cause as it helped in fights against local Turkish chiefs, pro-Romanian Aromanians, and Bulgariankomitadjis.[45] Additionally, local support from pro-Greek Aromanians inKastoria empowered Greek activity in the region.[45] A notable Greekmakedonomachos of Aromanian descent wasAnastasios Pichion.
InPelagonia, the pro-Greek sentiments of Aromanians during the Macedonian Struggle contributed to their displacement.[46] When they migrated toGreece, they were already financially ruined.[47]
Many Aromanians were also pro-Bulgarian, joining their efforts in the struggle. They were aligned with theBulgarian Exarchate rather than theEcumenical Patriarch of Constantinople and sympathized with the goals and aspiration of the Bulgarian cause. Some notable pro-Bulgarian Aromanians includePitu Guli andMitre Pangiaru.
As the Bulgarians had managed to introduce their language in church services and education in the Ottoman Empire, so did the pro-RomanianAromanians start demanding the same rights. The GreekEcumenical Patriarch of Constantinople reacted strongly to this however amid increased rivalry in the region and eight Aromanian churches were closed by his personal order in 1875. This produced protests from the pro-Romanian Aromanians to the Ottoman and Romanian government, and also increased tensions between the pro-Romanian Aromanians and the Greeks[48] as well as with pro-Greek Aromanians,[49] which led to physical violence that often ended in fatalities.[48]
In 1903, following the failure of theIlinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising in which many pro-Romanian Aromanian and Bulgarian soldiers had fought with the aim of creating a Macedonian autonomy, the Ottoman Empire allowed the intervention of Greek militias, known as antartes and formed within Greece with commanders from the Greek state, to suppress potential renewed attempts of this objective. These commanders began to threaten the leaders of various Romanian schools in Aromanian villages, warning them that if they did not close down their activities, they would be attacked. Given this, some pro-Romanian Aromanian fighters referred to as armatoles (armatoli,armatol in singular) began to take up arms, the first ones being Mihail Handuri fromLivadia (Giumala de Jos orLivãdz) and Hali Joga fromAno Grammatiko [bg;el;mk] (Grãmãticuva), who having been joined by various young pro-Romanian Aromanian fighters, began to attack Greek bands in the area ofEdessa andVeria. These pro-Romanian Aromanian bands were allied with Bulgarian bands in Ottoman Macedonia. In 1906, under Ioryi Mucitano,[50] they were organized into two committees, one in Bucharest led by Alexandru Coshca and Sterie Milioru and the other in Sofia led by Mucitano. He decided to divide their area of operations into districts led by a so-calledvoivode. These bands were allowed free passage by Bulgarian villages.[51]
Starting from summer of 1904, clashes between pro-Romanian Aromanian and ethnic Greek[51] or pro-Greek Aromanian bands,[52] be it only between themselves or with other combatants involved, erupted in the village of Condusula (between Edessa andNaousa), Ano Grammatiko,[51]Pyrgoi and Dervent.[53] Pro-Greek schools and churches were destroyed by the pro-Romanian Aromanians and pro-Greek Aromanians retaliated by doing the same to pro-Romanian schools and churches.[54] The two factions expelled each other and even murdered opponent schoolteachers and clergy.[54] One such case took place in 1911, whenkomitadjis and pro-Romanian Aromanians murderedEmilianos Lazaridis [el],Metropolitan of Grevena [el].[55] Another example isHaralambie Balamaci [ro], an Aromanian priest murdered in 1914 by Greek antartes.[56]
Greeks and pro-Greek Aromanians suffered attacks from Turkish troops andbashibazouks who killed 41 of them and destroyed 366 and 203 of their houses and shops respectively.[45]
In 1907,Idriz Seferi came into conflict with Serbian Chetniks that were operating in Eastern Kosovo. Radivojević and his Serbian Chetnik band were sent acrossKosovo as aid to fight theInternal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization at Vardar, they were all wearingAlbanian clothes with the plan to reach Poreče disguised as Albaniankachaks. However, they were discovered and in July Idriz fought and killed Dragoljub Nikolić andRade Radivojević, both high ranking Serbian Chetniks, along with their entireČeta inPasjane andGjylekar.[57]
In July, during theAlbanian revolt of 1912, the Albanian rebels gathered their forces inKosovo after successfully capturing major cities in the region, includingPristina,Ferizaj, andGjakova, which were previously under control of theOttoman Empire. As early August approached, Albanian troops embarked on a southwards march to the provincial capital,Üsküp (Skopje). A four-day battle ensued, which ended in an Albanian Victory and thecapture of Üskup by Albanian rebels. Following this battle, Albanian rebels from the Karadak Mountains (Skopska Crna Gora), underIdriz Seferi, marched onKumanova andPreševo, liberating both of them.[45][42][page needed]Meanwhile, a smaller unit marched towardsTetovo, also capturing it for the Albanians.[citation needed]
War crimes were committed by both sides during the Macedonian struggle. According to a 1900 British report compiled byAlfred Biliotti, who is considered to have heavily relied on Greek intelligence agents,[58] starting from 1897, the members of theExarchist committees had embarked upon a systematic and extensive campaign of executions of the leading members of the Greek side.[59] Moreover, Bulgarian Komitadjis, pursued a campaign of extermination of Greek andSerbian teachers and clergy.[60] On the other hand, there were attacks by Greek Andartes on manyMacedonian Bulgarian villages, with the aim of forcing their inhabitants to switch their allegiance from the Exarchate back to the Patriarchate and accept Greek priest and teachers,[61] but they also carried out massacres against the civilian population,[62] especially in the central parts of Macedonia in 1905[63] and in 1906.[64] One of the notable cases was the massacre[65] at the village Zagorichani (today Vasiliada, Greece), which was a Bulgarian Exarchist stronghold[31] nearKastoria on 25 March 1905, where between 60 and 78 villagers were killed by Greek bands.[64][66]
According to British reports on political crimes (including the above-mentioned Biliotti report), during the period from 1897 to 1912 over 4000 political murders were committed (66 before 1901, 200 between 1901 and 1903, 3300 between 1903 and 1908 and 600 between 1908 and 1912), excluding those killed during theIlinden Uprising and the members of the Bulgarian and Greek bands. Of those who were killed, 53% were Bulgarians, 33.5% were Greeks, Serbs and Aromanians together 3.5% and 10% were of unknown ethnicity.[67]
These conflicts decreased their intensity after the revolution ofYoung Turks in July 1908, as they promised to respect all ethnicities and religions, and to provide a constitution.
The success of Greek efforts in Macedonia was an experience that gave confidence to the country. It helped develop an intention to annex Greek-speaking areas, and bolster Greek presence in the still Ottoman ruled Macedonia.
The events in Macedonia, specifically the consequences of the conflicts between Greek and Bulgarian national activists, including Greek massacres against the Bulgarian population in 1905 and 1906, gave rise to pogroms against the ca. 70,000–80,000-strong Greek communities that lived in Bulgaria, who were considered to share responsibility for the actions of the Greek guerrilla groups.[66][68]
Nevertheless, the Young Turk movement resulted in a few instances of collaboration between Greek and Bulgarian bands, while this time the official policy in both countries continue to support the penetration of armed fighters into Ottoman Macedonia, but without having fully ensured that there would be no attacks on each other.[69]
Many museums have been dedicated to the conflict, including:
There have been fiction and non-fiction accounts of the events of the struggle and its participants, including:
{{cite journal}}:External link in|journal=Only a few days later – on November 1 – Katehakis arrived in Macedonia as Melas' successor.
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