TheLimerick Soviet (Irish:Sóivéid Luimnigh) was one of a number of self-declaredIrish soviets that were formed around Ireland circa 1919. The Limerick Soviet existed for a two-week period from 14 to 27 April 1919.[1] At the beginning of theIrish War of Independence, ageneral strike was organised by the Limerick Trades and Labour Council, as a protest against theBritish Army's declaration of a "Special Military Area" under theDefence of the Realm Act, which covered most ofLimerick city and a part of the county. Thesoviet ran the city for the period, printed its own money and organised the supply of food. The Limerick Soviet was one of a number of Irish soviets declared between 1919 and 1923.
From January 1919 theIrish War of Independence developed as aguerrilla conflict between theIrish Republican Army (IRA) (backed bySinn Féin'sDáil Éireann), and theBritish government. On 6 April 1919 the IRA tried to liberate Robert Byrne, who was under arrest by theRoyal Irish Constabulary (RIC) police in a hospital, being treated for the effects of ahunger strike. In the rescue attemptConstable Martin O'Brien was fatally wounded and another policeman was seriously injured. Byrne was also wounded and died later the same day.[2]
In response, on 9 AprilBritish Army Brigadier Griffin declared the city to be a Special Military Area, with RIC permits required for all wanting to enter and leave the city as of Monday 14 April.[3][page needed] British Army troops and armoured vehicles were deployed in the city.[4]
On Friday 11 April a meeting of the United Trades and Labour Council, to which Byrne had been a delegate, took place. At that meetingIrish Transport and General Workers' Union (ITGWU) representative Sean Dowling proposed that the trade unions take over Town Hall and have meetings there, but the proposal was not voted on.[5][page needed] On Saturday 12 April the ITGWU workers in the Cleeve's factory in Lansdowne voted to go on strike. On Sunday 13 April, after a twelve-hour discussion and lobbying of the delegates by workers, ageneral strike was called by the city's United Trades and Labour Council. Responsibility for the direction of the strike was devolved to a committee that described itself as asoviet as of 14 April.[6] The committee had the example of theDublin general strike of 1913 and "soviet" (meaning a self-governing committee) had become a popular term after 1917 from the soviets that had led to theRussian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic.[citation needed]
A transatlantic air race was being organised from Bawnmore inCounty Limerick at the same time, but was cancelled. The assembled journalists from England and America took up the story of an Irish soviet and interviewed the organisers. The Trades Council chairman John Cronin was described as the "father of the baby Soviet." Ruth Russell of theChicago Tribune remarked on thereligiosity of the strike committee, and observed "the bells of the nearby St. Munchin's Church tolled theAngelus and all thered-badged guards rose andblessed themselves." The Sinn Féin Mayor of Limerick,Phons O'Mara told Russell there is no prospect of socialism, as "There can't be, the people here are Catholics."[7][8]
The general strike was extended to a boycott of the troops. A special strike committee was set up to print their own money, controlfood prices and publish newspapers. The businesses of the city accepted the strike currency. Outside Limerick there was some sympathy in Dublin, but not in the main Irish industrial area aroundBelfast. The National Union of Railwaymen did not help.
The strike committee organised food and fuel supplies, printed its own money based on theBritish shilling, and published its own newspaper called 'The Worker's Bulletin'[9][10] Cinemas opened with the sign “Working under authority of the strike committee” posted.[1] Local newspapers were allowed to publish once a week as long as they had the caption "Published by Permission of the Strike Committee".[9]
On 21 April 'The Worker's Bulletin' remarked that "A new and perfect system of organisation has been worked out by a clever and gifted mind, and ere long we shall show the world what Irish workers are capable of doing when left to their own resources." On Easter Monday 1919, the newspaper stated "The strike is a worker's strike and is no more Sinn Féin than any other strike."[9]
Liam Cahill argues "The soviet attitude to private property was essentially pragmatic. So long as shopkeepers were willing to act under the soviet's dictates, there was no practical reason to commandeer their premises."[11] While the strike was described by some as a revolution, Cahill adds that: "In the end the soviet was basically an emotional and spontaneous protest on essentially nationalist and humanitarian grounds, rather than anything based on socialist or even trade union aims."[12]
After two weeks theSinn Féin Lord Mayor of Limerick,Phons O'Mara, and the Catholic bishop Denis Hallinan called for the strike to end, and the Strike Committee issued a proclamation on 27 April 1919 stating that the strike was over.