Argentine Republic República Argentina (Spanish) | |||||||||
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| 1930–1943 | |||||||||
.svg) Flag  Coat of arms | |||||||||
Motto:
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| Anthem: Himno Nacional Argentino ("Argentine National Anthem") | |||||||||
 In dark green: provinces; in light green: national territories; in red: disputed territories. | |||||||||
| Capital | Buenos Aires | ||||||||
| Common languages | Spanish,Italian dialects (minority) | ||||||||
| Religion | Roman Catholicism | ||||||||
| Government | Federalpresidential republic under anauthoritarian government | ||||||||
| President | |||||||||
• 1930-1932 | José Félix Uriburu | ||||||||
• 1932-1938 | Agustín Pedro Justo | ||||||||
• 1938-1942 | Roberto Marcelino Ortiz | ||||||||
• 1940-1942 | Ramón Castillo | ||||||||
| Historical era | |||||||||
• Established (1930 Argentine coup d'état) | 6 September 1930 | ||||||||
| 1 May, 1933 | |||||||||
• Assassination ofEnzo Bordabehere | 23 July, 1935 | ||||||||
• Disestablished (1943 Argentine Revolution) | 4 June 1943 | ||||||||
| Population | |||||||||
• 1940 census | 13,320,641[1] | ||||||||
| GDP (PPP) | estimate | ||||||||
• Total | $99.17 billion (1943) ; (expressed in international-$ at 2011 prices)[2] | ||||||||
| Currency | Argentine peso (moneda nacional) | ||||||||
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Part ofa series on the |
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| History ofArgentina |
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Post-WW II (1955 to 1976) |
See also |
 Argentina portal |
TheInfamous Decade (Spanish:Década Infame) was a period inArgentine history that began with the1930 coup d'état againstPresidentHipólito Yrigoyen. This decade was marked on one hand by significantrural exodus, with many small rural landowners ruined by theGreat Depression, which in turn pushed the country towardsimport substitution industrialization, and on the other hand, byelectoral fraud to perpetuate conservative governments in power. The poor results of economic policies and popular discontent led to another coup in 1943, theRevolution of 1943, by theGrupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU), a nationalist faction of theArmed Forces, which triggered the rise to power ofJuan Perón.
Besides electoral fraud, this period was characterised by persecution of thepolitical opposition (mainly against theUCR) and generalised government corruption, against the background of theGreat Depression. The impact of theeconomic crisis forced many farmers and other countryside workers to relocate to the outskirts of the larger cities, resulting in the creation of the firstvillas miseria (shanty towns). Thus, thepopulation ofBuenos Aires jumped from 1.5 million inhabitants in 1914 to 3.5 million in 1935.[4] Lacking in political experience, in contrast with theEuropean immigrants who brought with themsocialist andanarchist ideas, these new city-dwellers would provide the social base, in the next decade, forPeronism.[4]
The democratic liberal senatorLisandro de la Torre (founder in 1914 of theDemocratic Progressive Party) denounced various scandals, directing an investigation on the meat trade starting in 1935. In the midst of the investigation, de la Torre's disciple, senator-electEnzo Bordabehere, was murdered by Ramón Valdez Cora on the Senate floor, and the province of Santa Fe wasintervened. The murder was depicted byJuan José Jusid's 1984 film,Asesinato en el Senado de la Nación.
CHADE (Companía Hispano Argentina de Electricidad, an offshoot of the Sofina multinational conglomerate) was also at the heart of an important political and financial scandal. The CHADE scandal, symbol of the Infamous Decade, led to investigations following the revolution of 1943 that deposedRamón Castillo's government in a military coup, and to the subsequent Rodríguez Conde report on concessions given to the electrical companies.
In 1931, a year after the execution of the Italian anarchistSeverino Di Giovanni and his comrade Paulino Scarfó—who had implemented apropaganda of the deed campaign aimed both at international support of theSacco and Vanzetti case and at attackingFascist Italy's interests in Argentina—three anarchists were given life sentences during ashow trial in which they weretortured, on the charges of having assassinated family members of conservative politician José M. Blanch.[5] Known as the "prisoners ofBragado" (presos de Bragado), the case raised international public indignation. Anarchists, who had created a solidarity network with comrades expelled under the1902 Law on Residency which legalised the expulsion of immigrants who"compromise national security or disturb public order", were considered as public enemies by Uriburu's dictatorship.[5][6] Prior to their execution, three anarchist bombs had detonated at three strategic places on the Buenos Aires railway network on 20 January 1931, killing three and wounding 17.[7]
In 1942 MinisterSolano Lima signed the prisoners' releases; their names were cleared by a 1993 law upheld bySocialist deputyGuillermo Estévez Boero.[5] In 2003 a law granted a pension to the daughter of one of the anarchist victims of this show trial.[5]
In 1933Arturo Jauretche took part in a failed uprising, led by Col. Francisco Bosch and Col. Gregorio Pomar inPaso de los Libres, in the province ofCorrientes. He was subsequently detained.
It was during Justo's term that Argentina signed theRoca-Runciman Treaty with the United Kingdom, which assured the UK a provision of fresh meat in exchange for important investments in the field oftransportation in Argentina, given certain economic concessions from Argentina, such as giving control over the public transport in Buenos Aires to a British company, theCorporación de Transportes.
At the 1932Ottawa Conference, the British had adopted measures that favored imports from its own colonies and dominions. The pressure from Argentine landowners for whom the government restored trade with the main buyer of Argentine grain and meat had been very strong. Led by the president of the British Trade Council, ViscountWalter Runciman, they were intense and resulted in the signing on April 27 of the Roca-Runciman Treaty.
The treaty created a scandal, because the UK allotted Argentina a quota less than any of its dominions—390,000 tons of meat per year were allotted to Argentina in exchange for many concessions to British companies, and 85% of exportation had to be arranged through British refrigerated shippers. In addition, the tariffs of the railways operated by the UK were not regulated, the treaty did not establish customs fees over coal, had given special dispensation to British companies with investments in Argentina and had reduced the prices of their exports. So many problems resulted from the treaty that Vice President Roca, after the signing of the treaty, declared, "By its economic importance, Argentina resembles just a large British dominion."[citation needed]Lisandro de la Torre, one of Roca's principal and most vociferous opponents, mocking his words in an editorial, wrote,"In these conditions we wouldn't be able to say that Argentina had been converted into a British dominion because England does not take the liberty to impose similar humiliations upon its dominions."[citation needed]
The National Democratic Party, one of the parties that had supported the nomination of Justo for President, had split because of this controversy. Finally the Senate rescinded the treaty on July 28. Many workers strikes followed the deliberations, especially inSanta Fé Province, which ended with government intervention.
On the other hand, the trade isolationism of the world powers ultimately prompted the beginning of Argentine industrial development viaimport substitution. Important firms, such as theBunge & Bornagribusiness food company and theTornquist group, previously turned towards exports but began to diversify their activities and invest in national industries aimed at local consumption.[8]
Under the direction ofMinister of Economy Federico Pinedo fromIndependent Socialist Party, economic policy became interventionist, although still in a conservative aim. Pinedo created theCentral Bank (BCRA), which was advised by SirOtto Niemeyer, the director of theBank of England.[8] The BCRA's board of director was mainly composed of personalities tied to private banks. It had as its missions the managing of thepeso and the regulation ofinterest rates.[8] Writer and thinkerRaúl Scalabrini Ortiz was a strong critic of British involvement in Argentina, of which the BCRA itself was the prime example.
TheJuntas Reguladores Nacionales were also created during this period, aimed at developing private and state activities and controlling the quality of products, both for national consumption and for export.[8] In order tosupport prices of products and avoidoverproduction, the Juntas destroyed entire loads ofcorn, used as fuel for locomotives, despite popular hunger.[8] Thirty million pesos per year were spent to destroywine products.[8]
Furthermore, Pinedo launched a national project of road construction, the national network reaching 30,000 kilometers in 1938 (although many remained without pavement).[8] This competed with therailway system, in the hands of mostly British companies, and furthered the penetration of US firms selling motor vehicles in the Argentine market.[8] USforeign direct investment (FDI) grew during this time, with companies such as the textile firmsSudamtex,Ducilo and Anderson Clayton establishing themselves in Argentina, as well as the tire companiesFirestone andGoodyear, the electronics firmPhilco and the chemistry firmJohnson & Johnson.[8]
Notable exceptions to these conservative policies were the policies ofLuciano Molinas, governor of theSanta Fe Province (1932–1936) and one of the leader of theDemocratic Progressive Party, and ofAmadeo Sabattini,Governor of Córdoba (1936–1940). The first act of governor Molinas, assuming office on February 20, 1932, was to re-establish the progressiveConstitution of the Santa Fe Province established by the Constituent Assembly of 1921, which had been abrogated by the radical governorEnrique Mosca.[9] He also ensured independence of the judicial system, tax equality,secular education,women's suffrage andright of foreigners' to vote for the election of communal authorities.[9] Molinas' administration also created the Provincial Department of Labour, which ensured the observance of article 28 of the provincial Constitution, concerning the8 hours day,minimum wages and regulation ofchild and female labour.[9] Molinas also reduced his salary from 2,500 to 1,800 pesos,[9] suspended payment of the external debt of the province, which permitted Santa Fe's budget to become positive. Henceforth, he subsidized public works under the impulsion of the ministerAlberto Casella, leading to increased local employment.[9] He also implemented moderate land reforms, harshly opposed by the conservative and Alvearist radicals, as well as theSociedad Rural.[10] Finally, he created the Experimental Institute of Agricultural Investigation, a predecessor of theNational Agricultural Technology Institute (INTA).[9]
However, fearing electoral defeats for theConcordancia both in Santa Fe and in the Electoral College, Justo ordered military intervention in the Santa Fe Province on October 3, 1935, sending the Colonel Perlinger and the ministerJoaquín F. Rodríguez to take control of the local government.[11] Armed resistance against the federal intervention occurred, but in order to avoid a bloodbath, Molinas and De la Torre rejected the resistance.[10] Rodríguez soon abrogated again the 1921 Constitution and progressively dismantled Molinas' achievements.[10]
Justo had already ordered intervention in theProvinces of San Juan andTucumán in 1934, and ordered similar military interventions inCatamarca,Santa Fe andBuenos Aires in 1935 (the latter enabling the fraudulent election ofManuel Fresco as governor[12]). Despite this federal intervention,Marcelo Alvear'sRadical party (UCR) decided in 1935 to abandon its abstentionist policy protesting the fraud. Opposed to Alvear's turnaround, in 1935, young Yrigoyenistas from a nationalist background foundedFORJA (Fuerza Orientadora Radical de la Juventud Argentina, Radical Orienting Force of Argentine Youth), which had as leadersArturo Jauretche,Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz andGabriel del Mazo. FORJA's motto was: "We are acolonial Argentina, we want to be a free Argentina."[13] Among other things, FORJA denounced the silence of the government on many problems such as the creation of the Central Bank, "economic sacrifices imposed in benefices of foreign capitalism", "petroleum politics", "arbitrary military interventions", "restrictions to freedom of opinion", "incorporation to theLeague of Nations", "suppression of relations with Russia", "parliamentary investigations", "the Senate crime", etc.[14]
At the time of the 1930 coup, threetrade unions existed in Argentina: theConfederación Obrera Argentina (COA, founded in 1926 and linked to theSocialist Party), theUnión Sindical Argentina (USA,anarcho-syndicalist) and theFORA V (dissolved by Uriburu). On September 20, 1930, the COA and the USA merged in theGeneral Confederation of Labour (CGT), although the two rival tendencies remained.
Meanwhile, the syndicalist current of the CGT was discredited, because of its supporting alliance with the government in order to achieve social advances, while the socialist current proposed open opposition, tied to political support to the Socialist party. The syndicalist current was in particular affected by its agreements with the pro-fascistgovernor of Buenos Aires,Manuel Fresco (1936–1940).[15] The latter, who had been elected during one of the "most burlesque" and "fraudulent" elections of the Infamous Decade (according to the words of the US ambassador,[12]) commissioned the architectFrancisco Salamone various buildings, which combinedArt Deco,functionalism,Futurism andFascist architectures.[16]
Although theGreat Depression and the subsequentrural exodus had brought many politically inexperienced workers toBuenos Aires, the spontaneousimport substitution industrialization enabled, starting in 1935,[15] coupled to the strengthening of trade unions, wages' increase.[15] Henceforth, a 48-hourgeneral strike was launched in January 1936 by workers' in construction, during which 3 workers and 3 policemen were killed.[15]
Roberto Marcelino Ortiz andRamón S. Castillo's candidacies, respectively as president and vice-president, for the 1938 elections were launched at the British Chamber of Commerce, and supported by its presidentWilliam Mc Callum.[12] Ortiz, a former Alvearista, was fraudulently elected, and assumed his new office in February 1938.[12] However, without much success, he attempted to clean up the country's corruption, ordering federal intervention in theProvince of Buenos Aires, governed by Manuel Fresco, and cancelling the fraudulent elections which had been won by the conservativeAlberto Barceló.[12]
Federico Pinedo, still Minister of Economy, presented on 18 November 1940 an "Economic Reactivation Plan", which was to implement someprotectionist measures and building of social lodging in order to face the crisis. He also proposed the nationalization of the British railways, having agreed upon advantageous terms for their owners with them beforehand. However, the conservatives voted against his plan, which led him to resign.[17]
During World War II, Argentina maintained the same neutrality it had adopted during thefirst World War, which was advantageous for Great Britain. Although the USA attempted to push the country into the war, during the January 1942Rio de Janeiro Conference, Argentina resisted, with support from the British.[18] A few months later, in June 1942, Ortiz resigned because of his sickness, and died a month later.
He was replaced by his vice-president Castillo, who began to work to launch the candidacy ofRobustiano Patrón Costas, vice-president of the Senate and sugar entrepreneur, who had supported him in 1938. Meanwhile, theDemocratic Union political coalition (which included theRadical Civic Union, theDemocratic Progressive Party, as well as theSocialist Party and theCommunist Party) had been formed in 1942. Their electoral platform, aimed against endemic corruption, announced the needs to guarantee "freedom of thought and assembly" and "labor union rights", as well as vouching for "active solidarity with the people struggling against the Nazi-Fascist aggression".[18]
On 4 June 1943, the nationalist faction of the army, gathered around theGrupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU, formed in March 1943) opposed both to corruption and to the Conservative government, overthrew Castillo in a coup. Composed under the initiative of the colonelMiguel A. Montes andUrbano de la Vega, the GOU included as main members the colonelJuan Domingo Perón andEnrique P. González. Sympathisers ofNazi Germany andFascist Italy,[19] the GOU established GeneralPedro Ramírez as chief of state, despite a short attempt by GeneralArturo Rawson to claim the office.
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