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Haymarket affair

Coordinates:41°53′5.6″N87°38′38.9″W / 41.884889°N 87.644139°W /41.884889; -87.644139
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1886 aftermath of a bombing in Chicago, US
For the bombs in Haymarket, London, see2007 London car bombs. For the band, seeHaymarket Riot (band).

Haymarket affair
Part of theGreat Upheaval
Illustration of Haymarket square bombing and riot
This 1886 engraving was the most widely reproduced image of the Haymarket massacre. It shows Methodist pastorSamuel Fielden speaking, the bomb exploding, and the riot beginning simultaneously; in reality, Fielden had finished speaking before the explosion.[1]
DateMay 4, 1886
Location
41°53′5.6″N87°38′38.9″W / 41.884889°N 87.644139°W /41.884889; -87.644139
GoalsEight-hour work day
Methods
  • Strikes
  • protest
  • demonstrations
Parties
Lead figures

Carter Harrison III (mayor)
John Bonfield (police inspector)

Casualties and losses
Deaths: 8 (including 4 who were executed)
Injuries: 70+
Arrests: 100+
Deaths: 7
Haymarket affair is located in Central Chicago
Haymarket affair
Haymarket Square, Chicago, Illinois
US manufacturing strikes
1800s–1920s
1930s–1970s
1980s–2000s
2010s–2020s
Metal mining strikes
1800s
1900s–1920s
1930s–1970s
1980s–present
Sanitation strikes
Service strikes
in the United States
1800s–1920s
1930s–1970s
1980s–2000s
2010s
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Steel strikes in the US


Textile strikes in United States

TheHaymarket affair, also known as theHaymarket massacre, theHaymarket riot, theHaymarket Square riot, or theHaymarket Incident, was the aftermath of a bombing that took place at a labor demonstration on May 4, 1886, atHaymarket Square inChicago,Illinois, United States. The rally began peacefully in support of workers striking for aneight-hour work day; it was held the day after a May 3 rally at aMcCormick Harvesting Machine Company plant on theWest Side of Chicago, during which two demonstrators had been killed and many demonstrators and police injured. At the Haymarket Square rally on May 4, an unknown person threw adynamite bomb at the police as they acted to disperse the meeting, and the bomb blast and ensuing retaliatory gunfire by the police caused the deaths of seven police officers and at least four civilians; dozens of others were wounded.

Eightanarchists were charged with the bombing. The eight were convicted ofconspiracy in the internationally publicized legal proceedings. The evidence put forward in the court trial was that one of the defendants may have built the bomb, but none of those on trial had thrown it, and only two of the eight were at the Haymarket at the time. Seven weresentenced to death and one to a term of 15 years in prison. Illinois GovernorRichard J. Oglesbycommuted two of the sentences to terms oflife in prison; anotherdied by suicide in jail before his scheduled execution. The other four were hanged on November 11, 1887. In 1893, Illinois GovernorJohn Peter Altgeldpardoned the remaining defendant and criticized the trial.

The site of the incident was designated aChicago landmark in 1992, and a sculpture was dedicated there in 2004. In addition, theHaymarket Martyrs' Monument was designated aNational Historic Landmark in 1997 at the defendants' burial site inForest Park. The Haymarket affair is generally considered significant as the origin ofInternational Workers' Day held on May 1. It was also the climax of the period of social unrest among the working class in America known as the Great Upheaval.

Events

[edit]
See also:Eight-hour day movement § United States

Following theCivil War, particularly following theLong Depression,industrial production was rapidly expanded in the United States. Chicago was a major industrial center, and tens of thousands ofGerman andBohemian immigrants were employed at about $1.50 a day. American workers worked, on average, slightly over 60 hours during a six-day work week.[2] The city became a center for many attempts to organize labor's demands for better working conditions.[3] Employers responded withanti-union measures, such as firing andblacklisting union members,locking out workers, recruitingstrikebreakers; employing spies, thugs, and private security forces and exacerbating ethnic tensions in order to divide the workers.[4] Business interests were supported by mainstream newspapers, and were opposed by the labor and immigrant press.[5]

The first flier calling for a rally in the Haymarket on May 4.(left) and the revised flier for the rally.(right)
The words "Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!" were removed from the revised flier.

During the economic slowdown between 1882 and 1886, socialist and anarchist organizations were active. Membership of theKnights of Labor, which rejected socialism and radicalism but supported the eight-hour work day, grew from 70,000 in 1884 to over 700,000 by 1886.[6] In Chicago, the anarchist movement of several thousand, mostly immigrant, workers centered on the German-language newspaperArbeiter-Zeitung ("Workers' Newspaper"), edited byAugust Spies. Other anarchists operated amilitant revolutionary force with an armed section equipped with explosives. Its revolutionary strategy centered around the belief that successful operations against the police and the seizure of major industrial centers would lead to massive public support by workers, start a revolution, destroycapitalism, and establish asocialist economy.[7]

May Day parade and strikes

[edit]

In October 1884, a convention held by theFederation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions unanimously set May 1, 1886, as the date by which theeight-hour work day would become standard, declaring that they resolved that "eight hours shall constitute a legal day's labor, from and after May 1, 1886, and that we recommend to labor organizations that they so direct their laws".[8][9] As the chosen date approached,U.S. labor unions prepared for ageneral strike in support of the eight-hour day.[9]

On Saturday, May 1, thousands of workers who went onstrike and attended rallies held throughout the United States sang theanthem "Eight Hour." The song's chorus reflected the ideology of the Great Upheaval, "Eight Hours for work. Eight hours for rest. Eight hours for what we will."[10] Estimates of the number of striking workers across the U.S. range from 300,000[11] to half a million.[12] InNew York City, the number of demonstrators was estimated at 10,000.[13] and inDetroit at 11,000.[14] InMilwaukee, some 10,000 workers turned out.[14] In Chicago, the movement's center, an estimated 30,000 to 40,000 workers had gone on strike[11] and there were perhaps twice as many people out on the streets participating in various demonstrations and marches,[15][16] as, for example, a march by 10,000 men employed in the Chicagolumber yards.[12] Though participants in these events added up to 80,000, it is disputed whether there was a march of that number downMichigan Avenue led byanarchistAlbert Parsons, founder of theInternational Working People's Association [IWPA], his wife and fellow organizerLucy Parsons, and their children.[11][17]

On Monday May 3, speaking to a rally outside a McCormick Harvesting Machine Company plant on the West Side of Chicago, August Spies advised the striking workers to "hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed".[18] Well-planned and coordinated, the general strike to this point had mainly remainednon-violent. However, workers surged to the gates to confront strikebreakers when the end-of-the-workday bell sounded. Spies called for calm, but the police fired on the crowd. Two McCormick workers were killed; some newspaper accounts said there were six fatalities.[19] Spies later testified, "I was very indignant. I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement."[18]

The revenge flyer

Outraged by this act ofpolice violence, local anarchists quickly printed and distributed fliers calling for a rally the following day at Haymarket Square (also called the Haymarket), which was then a bustling commercial center near the corner ofRandolph Street and Desplaines Street. Printed in German and English, the fliers stated that the police had murdered the strikers on behalf of business interests and urged workers to seek justice. The first fliers contain the words "Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!" When Spies saw the line, he said he would not speak at the rally unless the words were removed from the flier. All but a few hundred fliers were destroyed, and new fliers were printed without the offending words.[20] More than 20,000 copies were distributed.[21]

Rally at Haymarket Square

[edit]

The rally began peacefully under a light rain on the evening of May 4. August Spies, Albert Parsons, and the Rev.Samuel Fielden spoke to a crowd estimated variously at between 600 and 3,000[22] while standing in an open wagon adjacent to the square on Des Plaines Street.[23] A large number of on-duty police officers watched from nearby.[23]

Paul Avrich, a historian specializing in thestudy of anarchism, quotes Spies as saying:

There seems to prevail the opinion in some quarters that this meeting has been called to inaugurate a riot, hence these warlike preparations on the part of so-called 'law and order.' However, let me tell you at the beginning that this meeting has not been called for any such purpose. The object of this meeting is to explain the general situation of the eight-hour movement and to throw light upon various incidents in connection with it.[24]

Following Spies' speech, the crowd was addressed by Parsons, the Alabama-born editor of the radical English-languageweeklyThe Alarm.[25] The crowd was so calm that MayorCarter Harrison III, who had stopped by to watch, walked home early. Parsons spoke for almost an hour before standing down in favor of the last speaker of the evening, the English-born socialist, anarchist, and labor activistMethodist pastor Rev. Samuel Fielden, who delivered a brief ten-minute address. Many of the crowd had already left as the weather was deteriorating.[25]

ANew York Times article, with the dateline May 4, and headlined "Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago ... Twelve Policemen Dead or Dying", reported that Fielden spoke for 20 minutes, alleging that his words grew "wilder and more violent as he proceeded".[26] AnotherNew York Times article, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand," dated May 6, opens with: "The villainous teachings of the Anarchists bore bloody fruit in Chicago tonight and before daylight at least a dozen stalwart men will have laid down their lives as a tribute to the doctrine of HerrJohann Most." (Most was a German-American anarchist theorist and leader, who was not in Chicago.) The article referred to the strikers as a "mob" and used quotation marks around the term "workingmen".[27]

Bombing and gunfire

[edit]

At about 10:30 pm, just as Fielden was finishing his speech, police arrived en masse, marching in formation towards the speakers' wagon, and ordered the rally to disperse.[28] Fielden insisted that themeeting was peaceful. Police Inspector John Bonfield proclaimed:

I command you [addressing the speaker] in the name of the law to desist and you [addressing the crowd] to disperse.[26][29]

A home-madefragmentation bomb[30][31] was thrown into the path of the advancing police, where it exploded, killing policeman Mathias J. Degan[32] and severely wounding many of the other policemen.[26][33]

A map of the bombing published by theChicago Tribune on May 5, 1886

Witnesses maintained that immediately after the bomb blast, there was an exchange of gunshots between police and demonstrators.[34] It is unclear who fired first.[35] Avrich maintains that "nearly all sources agree that it was the police who opened fire", reloaded and then fired again, killing at least four and wounding as many as 70 people.[36] In less than five minutes, the square was empty except for the casualties. According to the May 4New York Times, demonstrators began firing at the police, who then returned fire.[26] In his report on the incident, Inspector Bonfield wrote that he "gave the order to cease firing, fearing that some of our men, in the darkness, might fire into each other".[37] An anonymous police official told theChicago Tribune, "A very large number of the police were wounded by each other's revolvers. ... It was every man for himself, and while some got two or three squares away, the rest emptied their revolvers, mainly into each other."[38]

Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast

In all, seven policemen and at least four workers were killed. Avrich said that most of the police deaths were from police gunfire.[39] HistorianTimothy Messer-Kruse argues that, although it is impossible to rule out lethalfriendly fire, several policemen were probably shot by armed protesters.[40] Another policeman died two years after the incident from complications related to injuries received that day.[41] Police captain Michael Schaack later wrote that the number of wounded workers was "largely in excess of that on the side of the police".[42] TheChicago Herald described a scene of "wild carnage" and estimated at least fifty dead or wounded civilians lay in the streets.[43] It is unclear how many civilians were wounded since many were afraid to seek medical attention, fearing arrest. They found aid where they could.[26][44][45]

Aftermath and red scare

[edit]

A harshanti-union clampdown followed the Haymarket incident and the Great Upheaval subsided. Employers regained control of their workers and traditional workdays were restored to ten or more hours a day.[46] There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Dozens of suspects, many only remotely related to the Haymarket Affair, were arrested. Ignoring legal requirements such as forsearch warrants, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking theirmeeting halls and places of business. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaperArbeiter-Zeitung. A small group of anarchists were declared to have been engaged in making bombs on the same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square.[47]

Newspaper reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor andcraft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.[48] Many workers, on the other hand, believed that industry-hired men of thePinkerton agency were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.[49]

Legal proceedings

[edit]

Investigation

[edit]

The police assumed that an anarchist had thrown the bomb as part of a planned conspiracy; their problem was how to prove it. On the morning of May 5, they raided the offices of theArbeiter-Zeitung, arresting its editor August Spies and his brother, who was not charged. Also arrested were editorial assistant Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer, atypesetter. A search of the premises resulted in the discovery of the "Revenge Poster" and other evidence considered incriminating by the prosecution.[50]

On May 7, police searched the premises ofLouis Lingg where they found a number of bombs and bomb-making materials.[51] Lingg's landlord William Seliger was also arrested but cooperated with police, identified Lingg as a bomb-maker, and was not charged.[52] An associate of Spies, Balthazar Rau, suspected as the bomber, was traced toOmaha and brought back to Chicago. After interrogation, Rau offered to cooperate with police. He alleged that the defendants had experimented with dynamite bombs and accused them of having published what he said was a code word, "Ruhe" ("peace"), in theArbeiter-Zeitung as a call to arms at Haymarket Square.[50][53]

Defendants

[edit]
Engraving of the seven anarchists sentenced to die for Degan's murder. An eighth defendant, Oscar Neebe, not shown here, was sentenced to 15 years in prison.

Rudolf Schnaubelt, the police's lead suspect as the bomb thrower, was arrested twice early on and released. By May 14, when it became apparent he had played a significant role in the event, he had fled the country.[50][54] William Seliger, who hadturned state's evidence and testified for the prosecution, was freed by the state. On June 4, 1886, eight other suspects were indicted by thegrand jury, and stood trial for beingaccessories to the murder of Degan.[55] Of these, only two had been present when the bomb exploded. Spies and Fielden had spoken at the peaceful rally and were stepping down from the speaker's wagon in compliance with police orders to disperse just before the bomb went off. Two others had been present at the beginning of the rally but had left and were at Zepf's Hall, an anarchist rendezvous, at the time of the explosion. They wereArbeiter-ZeitungtypesetterAdolph Fischer, and the well-known activistAlbert Parsons, who had spoken for an hour at the Haymarket rally before going to Zepf's. Parsons, who believed that the evidence against them all was weak, subsequently voluntarily turned himself in, in solidarity with the accused.[50] A third man, Spies's assistant editorMichael Schwab (who was the brother-in-law of Schnaubelt) was arrested, as he had been speaking at another rally at the time of the bombing; he was also later pardoned. Not directly tied to the Haymarket rally, but arrested for theirmilitant radicalism wereGeorge Engel, who had been at home playing cards on that day, andLouis Lingg, the hot-headed bomb-maker denounced by his associate Seliger. Another defendant who had not been present that day wasOscar Neebe, an American-born citizen of German descent who was associated with theArbeiter-Zeitung and had attempted to revive it in the aftermath of the Haymarket riot.[56]

Of the eight defendants, five – Spies, Fischer, Engel, Lingg and Schwab – were immigrants born in Germany; a sixth, Neebe, was a U.S.-born citizen of German descent. The remaining two, Parsons and Fielden, born in the U.S. and England, respectively, were of British heritage.[54]

Trial

[edit]
An artist's sketch of the trial,Illinois vs. August Spies et al. (1886)

The trial,Illinois vs. August Spies et al., began on June 21, 1886, and went on until August 11. The trial was conducted in an atmosphere of extreme prejudice by both public and media toward the defendants.[57] It was presided over by JudgeJoseph Gary, who displayed open hostility to the defendants, consistently ruled for the prosecution, and failed to maintaindecorum. A motion to try the defendants separately was denied.[58] The defense counsel includedSigmund Zeisler andWilliam Perkins Black.Selection of a jury was extraordinarily difficult, lasting three weeks, and nearly one thousand people called. All union members and anyone who expressed sympathy toward socialism were dismissed. In the end a jury of 12 was seated, most of whom confessed prejudice against the defendants. Despite their professions of prejudice Judge Gary seated those who declared that despite their prejudices they would acquit if the evidence supported it, refusing to dismiss for prejudice. Eventually the peremptory challenges of the defense were exhausted. Frustrated by the hundreds of jurors who were being dismissed, abailiff was appointed who selected jurors rather than calling them at random. The bailiff proved prejudiced himself and selected jurors who seemed likely to convict based on their social position and attitudes toward the defendants.[58] The prosecution, led by Julius Grinnell, argued that, since the defendants had not actively discouraged the person who had thrown the bomb, they were therefore equally responsible as conspirators.[59] The jury heard the testimony of 118 people, including 54 members of the Chicago Police Department and the defendants Fielden, Schwab, Spies and Parsons. Albert Parsons's brother claimed there was evidence linking thePinkertons to the bomb. This reflected a widespread belief among the strikers.[49]

A unexploded dynamite bomb with fuse.
Exhibit 129a from the Haymarket trial: Chemists testified that the bombs found in Lingg's apartment, including this one, resembled the chemical signature of shrapnel from the Haymarket bomb.

Police investigators under Captain Michael Schaack had a lead fragment removed from a policeman's wounds chemically analyzed. They reported that the lead used in thecasing matched the casings of bombs found in Lingg's home.[31] A metal nut and fragments of the casing taken from the wound also roughly matched bombs made by Lingg.[50] Schaack concluded, on the basis of interviews, that the anarchists had been experimenting for years with dynamite and other explosives, refining the design of their bombs before coming up with the effective one used at the Haymarket.[50]

At the last minute, when it was discovered that instructions formanslaughter had not been included in the submittedinstructions, the jury was called back, and the instructions were given.[60]

The verdict as reported byHarpers Weekly

Verdict and contemporary reactions

[edit]

The jury returned guilty verdicts for all eight defendants. Before being sentenced, Neebe told the court that Schaack's officers were among the city's worst gangs, ransacking houses and stealing money and watches. Schaack laughed, and Neebe retorted, "You need not laugh about it, Captain Schaack. You are one of them. You are an anarchist, as you understand it. You are all anarchists, in this sense of the word, I must say."[61] Judge Gary sentenced seven of the defendants to death by hanging and Neebe to 15 years in prison. The sentencing provoked outrage from labor and workers' movements and their supporters, resulting in protests around the world, and elevating the defendants to the status ofmartyrs, especially abroad. Portrayals of the anarchists as bloodthirsty foreign fanatics in the press along with the 1889 publication of Captain Schaack's sensational account,Anarchy and Anarchism, on the other hand, inspired widespread public fear and revulsion against the strikers and general anti-immigrant feeling, polarizing public opinion.[62]

In an article datelined May 4, entitled "Anarchy's Red Hand",The New York Times had described the incident as the "bloody fruit" of "the villainous teachings of the Anarchists".[63] TheChicago Times described the defendants as "arch counselors of riot, pillage, incendiarism and murder"; other reporters described them as "bloody brutes", "red ruffians", "dynamarchists", "bloody monsters", "cowards", "cutthroats", "thieves", "assassins", and "fiends".[64] The journalist George Frederic Parsons wrote a piece forThe Atlantic Monthly in which he identified the fears ofmiddle-class Americans concerning labor radicalism, and asserted that the workers had only themselves to blame for their troubles.[65]Edward Aveling remarked, "If these men are ultimately hanged, it will be theChicago Tribune that has done it."[66] Schaack, who had led the investigation, was dismissed from the police force for allegedly havingfabricated evidence in the case but was reinstated in 1892.[67]

Appeals

[edit]

The case wasappealed in 1887 to theSupreme Court of Illinois,[68] then to theUnited States Supreme Court where the defendants were represented byJohn Randolph Tucker,Roger Atkinson Pryor, GeneralBenjamin F. Butler andWilliam P. Black. The petition forcertiorari was denied.[69]

Commutations and suicide

[edit]

After the appeals had been exhausted, it was left toIllinois GovernorRichard James Oglesby to decide whether tocommute the sentences of the convicted. Hundreds of thousands of people across the country petitioned him to do so, though the press at the time largely called for executions.[70]

Oglesby was troubled by the case. Parson's attorney had noted in the trial that hanging these men would be the equivalent of hangingabolitionists who had sympathized withJohn Brown. Oglesby, a formerRadical Republican himself, acknowledged that under these laws "all of us abolitionists would have been hanged a long time ago".[70]

In the end, Oglesby decided he would only pardon those who asked for clemency. Four of the seven outright refused this on the grounds that they had committed no crime, and so only the two who did request mercy, Fielden and Schwab, had their sentences commuted to life in prison on November 10, 1887.[70]

On the eve of his scheduled execution, Lingg died bysuicide in his cell with a smuggledblasting cap which he reportedly held in his mouth like a cigar (the blast blew off half his face and he survived in agony for six hours).[71]

Executions

[edit]
Execution of defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies

The next day (November 11, 1887) four defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies—were taken to thegallows in white robes and hoods. They sang theMarseillaise, then the anthem of the international revolutionary movement. Family members includingLucy Parsons, who attempted to see them for the last time, were arrested and searched for bombs (none were found). According to witnesses, in the moments before the men werehanged, Spies shouted, "The time will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today."[72] In their last words, Engel and Fischer called out, "Hurrah for anarchism!" Parsons then requested to speak, but he was cut off when the signal was given to spring the trap door. Witnesses reported that the condemned men did not die immediately when they dropped but strangled to death slowly, a sight which left the spectators visibly shaken.[72]

Identity of the bomber

[edit]

Notwithstanding the convictions for conspiracy, no actual bomber was ever brought to trial, "and no lawyerly explanation could ever make a conspiracy trial without the main perpetrator seem completely legitimate."[73] Historians such asJames Joll andTimothy Messer-Kruse say the evidence points to Rudolph Schnaubelt, brother-in-law of Schwab, as the likely perpetrator.[40]

Pardons and historical characterization

[edit]
Altgeld Monument (byBorglum) erected by theIllinois Legislature inLincoln Park, Chicago (1915)

Among supporters of the labor movement in the United States and abroad and others, the trial was widely believed to have been unfair, and even a seriousmiscarriage of justice. Prominent people who condemned the trial included novelistWilliam Dean Howells, attorneyClarence Darrow,[74] playwrightsOscar Wilde andGeorge Bernard Shaw, and poetWilliam Morris. On June 26, 1893, Illinois governorJohn Peter Altgeld, the progressive governor of Illinois, himself a German immigrant, signed pardons for Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab,[75] calling them victims of "hysteria, packed juries, and a biased judge" and noting that the state "has never discovered who it was that threw the bomb which killed the policeman, and the evidence does not show any connection whatsoever between the defendants and the man who threw it".[76] Altgeld also faulted the city of Chicago for failing to hold Pinkerton guards responsible for repeated use of lethal violence against striking workers.[77] Altgeld's actions concerning labor were used to defeat his reelection.[78][79][80]

Soon after the trial, anarchistDyer Lum wrote a history of the trial critical of the prosecution. In 1888, George McLean, and in 1889, police captain Michael Schack, wrote accounts from the opposite perspective.[81] Awaiting sentencing, each of the defendants wrote their ownautobiographies (edited and published byPhilip Foner in 1969), and later activist Lucy Parsons published a biography of her condemned husband Albert Parsons. Fifty years after the event, Henry David wrote a history, which preceded another scholarly treatment by Paul Avrich in 1984, and a "social history" of the era byBruce C. Nelson in 1988. In 2006, labor historianJames Green wrote apopular history.[81]

Christopher Thale writes in theEncyclopedia of Chicago that lacking credible evidence regarding the bombing, "the prosecution focused on the writings and speeches of the defendants."[82] He further notes that the conspiracy charge was legally unprecedented, the judge was "partisan," and all the jurors admitted prejudice against the defendants. Historian Carl Smith wrote: "The visceral feelings of fear and anger surrounding the trial ruled out anything but the pretense of justice right from the outset."[66] Smith notes that scholars have long considered the trial a "notorious" "miscarriage of justice".[83]

Not all observers have been so harsh towards the prosecution and trial. In a review somewhat more critical of the defendants, historianJon Teaford concludes that "the tragedy of Haymarket is the American justice system did not protect the damn fools who most needed that protection... It is the damn fools who talk too much and too wildly who are most in need of protection from the state."[81] HistorianTimothy Messer-Kruse revisited the digitizedtrial transcript and argued, against prevailing consensus of historians and legal experts, that the proceedings were fair for their time and there was compelling evidence linking the accused to the bombing and also linking the accused to wider anarchist networks that promotedpolitical violence.[84] Messer-Kruse claims critics of the trial tend to ignore the court transcripts, and also notes how prevailing court procedure of the era relied heavily onwitness testimony and there was little or no emphasis onphysical evidence.[85]

Effects on the labor movement and May Day

[edit]
This sympathetic engraving by EnglishArts and Crafts illustratorWalter Crane of "The Anarchists of Chicago" was widely circulated among anarchists, socialists, and labor activists.

Historian Nathan Fine points out that trade-union activities continued to show signs of growth and vitality, culminating later in 1886 with the establishment of the Labor Party of Chicago.[86]

Fine observes:

The fact is that despite police repression, newspaper incitement to hysteria, and organization of the possessing classes, which followed the throwing of the bomb on May 4, the Chicago wage earners only united their forces and stiffened their resistance. The conservative and radical central bodies – there were two each of the trade unions and two also of the Knights of Labor – the socialists and the anarchists, thesingle taxers and the reformers, the native born...and the foreign born Germans, Bohemians, and Scandinavians, all got together for the first time on the political field in the summer following the Haymarket Affair.... The Knights of Labor doubled its membership, reaching 40,000 in the fall of 1886. On Labor Day the number of Chicago workers in parade led the country.[86]

On the first anniversary of the event, May 4, 1887, theNew-York Tribune published an interview with SenatorLeland Stanford, in which he addressed the consensus that "the conflict between capital and labor is intensifying" and articulated the vision advocated by the Knights of Labor for an industrial system ofworker-owned co-operatives, another among the strategies pursued to advance the conditions of laborers.[87] The interview was republished as a pamphlet to include thebill Stanford introduced in the Senate to foster co-operatives.[88]

Popular pressure continued for the establishment of the 8-hour day. At the convention of theAmerican Federation of Labor (AFL) in 1888, the union decided to campaign for the shorter workday again. May 1, 1890, was agreed upon as the date on which workers would strike for an eight-hour workday.[89]

In 1889, AFL presidentSamuel Gompers wrote to the first congress of theSecond International, which was meeting in Paris. He informed the world's socialists of the AFL's plans and proposed an international fight for a universal eight-hour workday.[90] In response to Gompers's letter, the Second International adopted a resolution calling for "a great international demonstration" on a single date so workers everywhere could demand the eight-hour workday. In light of the Americans' plan, the International adopted May 1, 1890, as the date for this demonstration.[91]

A secondary purpose behind the adoption of the resolution by the Second International was to honor the memory of the Haymarket martyrs and other workers who had been killed in association with the strikes on May 1, 1886. HistorianPhilip Foner writes, "There is little doubt that everyone associated with the resolution passed by the Paris Congress knew of the May 1 demonstrations and strikes for the eight-hour day in 1886 in the United States ... and the events associated with the Haymarket tragedy."[91]

The firstInternational Workers Day was a spectacular success. The front page of theNew York World on May 2, 1890, was devoted to coverage of the event. Two of its headlines were "Parade of Jubilant Workingmen in All the Trade Centers of the Civilized World" and "Everywhere the Workmen Join in Demands for a Normal Day".[92]The Times of London listed two dozen European cities in which demonstrations had taken place, noting there had also been rallies inCuba,Peru andChile.[93] Commemoration of May Day became an annual event the following year.

The association of May Day with the Haymarket martyrs has remained strong inMexico.Mary Harris "Mother" Jones was in Mexico on May 1, 1921, and wrote of the "day of 'fiestas'" that marked "the killing of the workers in Chicago for demanding the eight-hour day".[94] In 1929,The New York Times referred to the May Day parade inMexico City as "the annual demonstration glorifying the memory of those who were killed in Chicago in 1887".[95]The New York Times described the 1936 demonstration as a commemoration of "the death of the martyrs in Chicago".[96] In 1939, Oscar Neebe's grandson attended the May Day parade in Mexico City and was shown, as his host told him, "how the world shows respect to your grandfather".[97]

The influence of the Haymarket Affair was not limited to the celebration of May Day.Emma Goldman, the activist and political theorist, was attracted to anarchism after reading about the incident and the executions, which she later described as "the events that had inspired my spiritual birth and growth". She considered the Haymarket martyrs to be "the most decisive influence in my existence," and was powerfully moved by attending the famous socialist speakerJohanna Greie's speech on the subject, expressing that "at the end of Greie's speech I knew what I had surmised all along: the Chicago men were innocent."[98] Her associateAlexander Berkman also described the Haymarket anarchists as "a potent and vital inspiration".[99] Others whose commitment to anarchism, orrevolutionary socialism, crystallized as a result of the Haymarket Affair includedVoltairine de Cleyre and"Big Bill" Haywood, a founding member of theIndustrial Workers of the World.[99] Goldman wrote to historianMax Nettlau that the Haymarket Affair had awakened the social consciousness of "hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people".[100]

Suspected bombers

[edit]

While admitting that none of the defendants was involved in the bombing, the prosecution made the argument that Lingg had built the bomb, and prosecution witnesses Harry Gilmer and Malvern Thompson tried to imply that the bomb-thrower was helped by Spies, Fischer and Schwab.[101][102] The defendants claimed they had no knowledge of the bomber at all.

Several activists, including Robert Reitzel, later hinted they knew who the bomber was.[103] Writers and other commentators have speculated about many possible suspects:

Rudolph Schnaubelt was identified as the bomb thrower by prosecution witness Gilmer from this photograph during the trial.
Arrest warrant with the same photograph for Schnaubelt, issued by Ebersold, June 14, 1886.
  • Rudolph Schnaubelt (1863–1901) was an activist and the brother-in law of Michael Schwab. He was at the Haymarket when the bomb exploded.General Superintendent of the Chicago Police DepartmentFrederick Ebersold issued a handwritten bulletin for his arrest for murder and inciting a riot on June 14, 1886.[104][105] Schnaubelt was indicted with the other defendants but fled the city and later the country before he could be brought to trial. He was the detectives' lead suspect, and state witness Gilmer testified he saw Schnaubelt throw the bomb, identifying him from a photograph in court.[106] Schnaubelt later sent two letters fromLondon disclaiming all responsibility, writing, "If I had really thrown this bomb, surely I would have nothing to be ashamed of, but in truth I never once thought of it."[107] He is the most generally accepted and widely known suspect and figured as the bomb thrower inThe Bomb,Frank Harris's 1908 fictionalization of the tragedy. Written from Schnaubelt's point of view, the story opens with him confessing on his deathbed. However, Harris's description was fictional and those who knew Schnaubelt vehemently criticized the book.[108]
  • George Schwab was a Germanshoemaker who died in 1924. German anarchist Carl Nold claimed he learned Schwab was the bomber through correspondence with other activists, but no proof ever emerged. Historian Paul Avrich also suspected him but noted that while Schwab was in Chicago, he had only arrived days before. This contradicted statements by others that the bomber was a well-known figure in Chicago.[109][110]
  • George Meng (b. around 1840) was a German anarchist andteamster who owned a small farm outside of Chicago where he had settled in 1883 after emigrating fromBavaria. Like Parsons and Spies, he was a delegate at the Pittsburgh Congress and a member of theIWPA. Meng's granddaughter, Adah Maurer, wrote Paul Avrich a letter in which she said that her mother, who was 15 at the time of the bombing, told her that her father was the bomber. Meng died some time before 1907 in a saloon fire. Based on his correspondence with Maurer, Avrich concluded that there was a "strong possibility" that the little-known Meng may have been the bomber.[111]
  • Anagent provocateur was suggested by some members of the anarchist movement. Albert Parsons believed the bomber was a member of the police or the Pinkertons trying to undermine the labor movement. However, this contradicts the statements of several activists who said the bomber was one of their own. For example, Lucy Parsons and Johann Most rejected this notion.Dyer Lum said it was "puerile" to ascribe "the Haymarket bomb to a Pinkerton".[112]
  • A disgruntled worker was widely suspected. When Adolph Fischer was asked if he knew who threw the bomb, he answered, "I suppose it was some excited workingman." Oscar Neebe said it was a "crank".[113] Governor Altgeld speculated the bomb thrower might have been a disgruntled worker who was not associated with the defendants or the anarchist movement but had a personal grudge against the police. In his pardoning statement, Altgeld said the record ofpolice brutality toward the workers had invited revenge adding, "Capt. Bonfield is the man who is really responsible for the deaths of the police officers."[114]
  • Klemana Schuetz was identified as the bomber by Franz Mayhoff, a New York anarchist andfraudster, who claimed in anaffidavit that Schuetz had once admitted throwing the Haymarket bomb. August Wagener, Mayhoff's attorney, sent atelegram from New York todefense attorney Captain William Black the day before the executions claiming knowledge of the bomber's identity. Black tried to delay the execution with this telegram, but Governor Oglesby refused. It was later learned that Schuetz was the primary witness against Mayhoff at his trial forinsurance fraud, so Mayhoff's affidavit has never been regarded as credible by historians.[115]
  • Reinold "Big" Krueger was killed by police either in themelee after the bombing or in a separate disturbance the next day and has been named as a suspect, but there is no supporting evidence.[116][117]
  • A mysterious outsider was reported by John Philip Deluse, asaloon keeper inIndianapolis who claimed he encountered a stranger in his saloon the day before the bombing. The man was carrying a satchel and on his way from New York to Chicago. According to Deluse, the stranger was interested in the labor situation in Chicago, repeatedly pointed to his satchel and said, "You will hear of some trouble there very soon."[118] Parsons used Deluse's testimony to suggest the bomb thrower was sent by eastern capitalists.[119] Nothing more was ever learned about Deluse's claim.

Burial and monument

[edit]
Main article:Haymarket Martyrs' Monument
A 2009 image of theHaymarket Martyrs' Monument at the Forest Home Cemetery in Forest Park, Illinois

Lingg, Spies, Fischer, Engel, and Parsons were buried at theGerman Waldheim Cemetery (later merged with Forest Home Cemetery) inForest Park, Illinois, a suburb of Chicago. Schwab and Neebe were also buried at Waldheim when they died, reuniting the "Martyrs". In 1893, theHaymarket Martyrs' Monument by sculptorAlbert Weinert was raised at Waldheim. Over a century later, it was designated aNational Historic Landmark by theUnited States Department of the Interior.

Throughout the 20th century, activists such asEmma Goldman chose to be buried near theHaymarket Martyrs' Monument graves.[120]

In October 2016, atime capsule with materials relating to the Haymarket Affair was dug up in Forest Home Cemetery.[121]

Haymarket memorials

[edit]
Main article:Monuments relating to the Haymarket affair

In 1889, a commemorative nine-foot (2.7 meter) bronze statue of a Chicago policeman by sculptorJohannes Gelert was erected in the middle of Haymarket Square with private funds raised by theUnion League Club of Chicago.[122] The statue was unveiled on May 30, 1889, by Frank Degan, the son of Officer Mathias Degan.[123] On May 4, 1927, the 41st anniversary of the Haymarket Affair, astreetcar jumped its tracks and crashed into the monument.[124] The motorman said he was "sick of seeing that policeman with his arm raised".[124] The city restored the statue in 1928 and moved it toUnion Park.[125] During the 1950s, construction of theKennedy Expressway erased about half of the old, run-down market square, and in 1956, the statue was moved to a special platform built for it overlooking the freeway, near its original location.[125]

The Haymarket statue was vandalized with black paint on May 4, 1968, the 82nd anniversary of the Haymarket Affair, following a confrontation between police and demonstrators at a protest against theVietnam War.[126] On October 6, 1969, shortly before the "Days of Rage" protests, the statue was destroyed when a bomb was placed between its legs.Weatherman took credit for the blast, which broke nearly 100 windows in the neighborhood and scattered pieces of the statue onto theKennedy Expressway below.[127] The statue was rebuilt and unveiled on May 4, 1970, to be blown up yet again by Weatherman on October 6, 1970.[126][127] The statue was rebuilt, again, and MayorRichard J. Daley posted a 24‑hour police guard at the statue.[127] This guard cost $67,440 per year.[128] In 1972, it was moved to the lobby of the Central Police Headquarters, and in 1976 to the enclosed courtyard of the Chicagopolice academy.[126] For another three decades the statue's empty, graffiti-markedpedestal stood on its platform in the run-down remains of Haymarket Square where it was known as ananarchist landmark.[126] On June 1, 2007, the statue was rededicated at Chicago Police Headquarters with a new pedestal, unveiled by Geraldine Doceka, Officer Mathias Degan's great-granddaughter.[123]

In 1992, the site of the speakers' wagon was marked by a bronze plaque set into the sidewalk, reading:

A decade of strife between labor and industry culminated here in a confrontation that resulted in the tragic death of both workers and policemen. On May 4, 1886, spectators at a labor rally had gathered around the mouth of Crane's Alley. A contingent of police approaching on Des Plaines Street were met by a bomb thrown from just south of the alley. The resultant trial of eight activists gained worldwide attention for the labor movement, and initiated the tradition of "May Day" labor rallies in many cities.

Designated on March 25, 1992,

Richard M. Daley, Mayor

On September 14, 2004, Daley and union leaders—including the president of Chicago'spolice union—unveiled a monument by Chicago artist Mary Brogger, a fifteen-foot (4.5 m) speakers' wagon sculpture echoing the wagon on which the labor leaders stood in Haymarket Square to champion the eight-hour day.[129] The bronze sculpture, intended to be the centerpiece of a proposed "Labor Park," is meant to symbolize both the rally at Haymarket andfree speech. The planned site was to include an international commemoration wall, sidewalk plaques, a cultural pylon, a seating area, and banners, but construction has not yet begun.[130]

  • Workers finish installing Gelert's statue of a Chicago policeman in Haymarket Square, 1889. The statue now stands at the Chicago Police Headquarters.
    Workers finish installingGelert's statue of a Chicago policeman in Haymarket Square, 1889. The statue now stands at theChicago Police Headquarters.
  • The statue-less pedestal of the police monument on the 100th anniversary of the Haymarket Affair in May 1986; the pedestal has since been removed.
    The statue-less pedestal of the police monument on the 100th anniversary of the Haymarket Affair in May 1986; the pedestal has since been removed.
  • The marker under the Mary Brogger monument, vandalized with a circle-A
    The marker under the Mary Brogger monument, vandalized with acircle-A

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^"Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here—Moment of Truth".The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society. 2000. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  2. ^Huberman, Michael (December 2004)."Working Hours of the World Unite? New International Evidence of Worktime, 1870–1913"(PDF).The Journal of Economic History.64 (4):964–1001.doi:10.1017/s0022050704043050.JSTOR 3874986.S2CID 154536906.
  3. ^Barrett, James R."Unionization".Encyclopedia of Chicago.Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library,Northwestern University. RetrievedApril 2, 2012.
  4. ^Moberg, David."Antiunionism".Encyclopedia of Chicago. Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University. RetrievedApril 2, 2012.
  5. ^Reiff, Janice L."The Press and Labor in the 1880s".Encyclopedia of Chicago. Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University. RetrievedApril 2, 2012.
  6. ^Kemmerer, Donald L.; Edward D. Wickersham (January 1950). "Reasons for the Growth of the Knights of Labor in 1885–1886".Industrial and Labor Relations Review 3 (2): 213–220.
  7. ^Henry David,The History of the Haymarket Affair (1936), introductory chapters, pp. 21 to 138
  8. ^Goldway, David (2005). "A Neglected Page of History: The Story of May Day".Science & Society.69 (2): 219.doi:10.1521/siso.69.2.218.64175.ISSN 0036-8237.
  9. ^abGreen, James (December 18, 2007).Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 305.ISBN 978-0-307-42547-8 – via Google Books.
  10. ^Winik, Jay.The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788–1800. New York:HarperCollins, 2007 (p. 153)
  11. ^abcAvrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 186.
  12. ^abFoner,May Day, p. 27.
  13. ^Foner,May Day, pp. 27–28.
  14. ^abFoner,May Day, p. 28.
  15. ^According to Henry David there were strikes by "no less than 30,000 men", and "perhaps twice that number (i.e., 80,000) were out on the streets participating in or witnessing the various demonstrations..."
  16. ^David,The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 177, 188.
  17. ^The existence of an 80,000-person march downMichigan Avenue, described by Avrich (1984), Foner (1986), and others, has been questioned by historianTimothy Messer-Kruse, who claims to have found no specific reference to it in contemporary sources and notes that David (1936) doesn't mention it.
  18. ^abGreen,Death in the Haymarket, pp. 162–173.
  19. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 190.
  20. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 193.
  21. ^Illinois vs. August Spies et al. trial transcript no. 1, 1886 Nov. 26. Vol. M. p. 255. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  22. ^Nelson, Bruce C. (1988).Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870–1900. New Brunswick, N.J.:Rutgers University Press. p. 189.ISBN 0-8135-1345-6.
  23. ^ab"Site of the Haymarket Tragedy". City of Chicago Department of Planning and Development, Landmarks Division. 2003. Archived fromthe original on July 14, 2006. RetrievedJanuary 19, 2008.
  24. ^In the Supreme Court of Illinois, Northern Grand Division. March Term, 1887. August Spies, et al. v. The People of the State of Illinois. Abstract of Record. Chicago: Barnard & Gunthorpe. vol. II, p. 129.OCLC 36384114., quoted in Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 199–200.
  25. ^abNelson,Beyond the Martyrs, p. 188.
  26. ^abcde"Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago"(PDF).The New York Times. May 5, 1886. RetrievedFebruary 29, 2012. This is the same article datelined May 4, reproduced elsewhere.
  27. ^"Anarchy's Red Hand: Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago".The New York Times. May 6, 1886. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017 – via University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law.
  28. ^Avrich (1984), pp. 205–206.
  29. ^"Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police, 1886 May 30". Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  30. ^"Chicago's Deadly Missile".The New York Times. May 14, 1886. RetrievedFebruary 28, 2012.
  31. ^abMesser-Kruse, Timothy; Eckert, James O.; Burckel, Pannee; Dunn, Jeffrey (May 1, 2005). "The Haymarket Bomb: Reassessing the Evidence".Labor.2 (2):39–52.doi:10.1215/15476715-2-2-39.
  32. ^Flinn, John Joseph; Wilkie, John Elbert (1887).History of the Chicago Police: From the Settlement of the Community to the Present Time, Under Authority of the Mayor and Superintendent of the Force. Under the Auspices of the Police Book Fund. pp. 320–323.
  33. ^Hallwas, John E. (1986).Illinois Literature: The Nineteenth Century. Illinois Heritage Press. p. 183.
  34. ^Schaack,Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 146–148.
  35. ^Law, Randall D. (2016).Terrorism: A History.John Wiley & Sons. p. 188.ISBN 978-0-7456-9093-3.whether the first shot was fired by police or workers is unclear.
  36. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 209
  37. ^Bonfield, John (May 30, 1886)."Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police".Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  38. ^Chicago Tribune, June 27, 1886, quoted in Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 209.
  39. ^Avrich (1984), p. 208.
  40. ^abJohn J. Miller,"What Happened at Haymarket? A historian challenges a labor-history fable",National Review, February 11, 2013. Retrieved September 6, 2017.
  41. ^"Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here".The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society. 2000. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  42. ^Schaack, Michael J. (1889)."The Dead and the Wounded"(PDF).Anarchy and Anarchists. A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe. Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed. The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy, and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators. Chicago: F. J. Schulte & Co. p. 155.OCLC 185637808. RetrievedJanuary 19, 2008.After the moment's bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and fired round after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and many revolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unassisted, with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. ... It is known that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the dead hour of night.
  43. ^Chicago Herald, May 5, 1886, quoted in Avrich (1984), pp. 209–210.
  44. ^Schaack, Michael J. (1889),Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 149–155.
  45. ^Nelson,Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 188–189.
  46. ^Winik, Jay.The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788–1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 p. 238
  47. ^Avrich (1984), pp. 221–232.
  48. ^David,The History of the Haymarket Affair (1936), pp. 178–189
  49. ^abMorn, Frank (1982).The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency. Bloomington, Ind.:Indiana University Press. p. 99.ISBN 0-253-32086-0.
  50. ^abcdefSchaack,"Core of the Conspiracy",Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 156–182.
  51. ^Schaack,"My Connection with the Anarchist Cases",Anarchy and Anarchists, pp, 183–205.
  52. ^Messer-Kruse, Timothy (2011), p. 21
  53. ^Messer-Kruse, Timothy (2018). "Haymarket Riot and Conspiracy".Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History.doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.550.ISBN 978-0-19-932917-5.
  54. ^abMesser-Kruse (2011), pp. 18–21.
  55. ^The Grand Jury returned an indictment against Spies, Fielden, Michael Schwab, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Louis Lingg, William Seliger, Rudolph Schnaubelt, and Oscar Neebe for murder.

    Charged with making an unlawful, willful, felonious and with malice aforethought assault on the body of Mathias J. Degan causing him mortal wounds, bruises, lacerations and contusions upon his body.

    SeeGrand jury indictments for murder, 1886 June 4.| Chicago Historical Society, Haymarket Affair Digital Collection.
  56. ^"Meet the Haymarket Defendants". University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  57. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy (1984), pp. 260–262
  58. ^abAvrich,The Haymarket Tragedy (1984), pp. 262–267
  59. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 271–272.
  60. ^Messer-Kruse (2011). pp. 123–128
  61. ^Robert Loerzel,Alchemy of Bones: Chicago's Luetgert Murder Case of 1897 (University of Illinois Press; 2003), p. 52.
  62. ^"Act III: Toils of the Law—Court of Public Opinion".The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society. 2000. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.From the time of the arrests following the riot to the hangings, the men held responsible for the bombing found the celebrity that they had been so eagerly seeking, if hardly on the terms they desired. ... In almost all instances, the accused achieved notoriety rather than fame, though reporters frequently remarked on their bravery in the face of the awesome fate awaiting them, and on their devotion to their families. Even these stories, however, emphasized their fanaticism and wrong-headed dedication to a dangerous and selfish cause that only hurt the ones they supposedly loved.
  63. ^The New York Times, May [4] 6, 1886, quoted in Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 217.
  64. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 216.
  65. ^Parsons, George Frederic (July 1886)."The Labor Question".The Atlantic Monthly. Vol. 58. pp. 97–113.
  66. ^abSmith, Carl (2000)."Act III: Toils of the Law".The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  67. ^Loertzel,Alchemy of Bones, p. 52.
  68. ^122 Ill. 1 (1887).
  69. ^123 U.S. 131 (1887).
  70. ^abcWhite 2017, p. 544-547.
  71. ^"Lingg's Fearful Death".Chicago Tribune. November 11, 1887. p. 1.
  72. ^abAvrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 393.
  73. ^Messer-Kruse (2011). p. 181.
  74. ^John A. Farrell,Clarence Darrow: Attorney for the Damned (New York:Doubleday, 2011), p. 5 and passim.
  75. ^"Anarchists Pardoned".Port Huron Daily Times. Port Huron, Michigan. June 27, 1893. p. 1.Archived from the original on June 27, 2018. RetrievedMay 4, 2018 – viaNewspapers.com.Open access icon
  76. ^Quoted inStanley Turkel,Heroes of the American Reconstruction: Profiles of Sixteen Educators (McFarland, 2009) p. 121.
  77. ^Morn (1982).The Eye That Never Sleeps. Indiana University Press. p. 99.ISBN 0-253-32086-0. On April 9, 1885, Pinkerton agents shot and killed an elderly man at the McCormick Harvester Company Works in Chicago. On October 19, 1886, they shot and killed a man in Chicago's packinghouse district.More info.
  78. ^Smith, Carl (2000)."Act V: Raising the Dead—Absolute Pardon".The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University.
  79. ^"Illinois Gov. John Peter Altgeld".National Governors Association. August 19, 2019.
  80. ^"The Debs Case: Labor, Capital, and the Federal Courts of the 1890s—Biographies—John Peter Altgeld".History of the Federal Judiciary. Federal Judicial Center. Archived fromthe original on February 19, 2015. RetrievedMay 19, 2013.
  81. ^abcTeaford, Jon C. (2006). "Good Read, Old Story".Reviews in American History.34 (3):350–354.doi:10.1353/rah.2006.0051.JSTOR 30031536.S2CID 144084130.
  82. ^Thale, Christopher."Haymarket and May Day".Encyclopedia of Chicago. Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library and Northwestern University. RetrievedApril 1, 2012.
  83. ^Smith, Carl."Introduction".The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  84. ^Timothy Messer-Kruse (2014).The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks. University of Illinois Press, ISBN 9780252078606
  85. ^Mann, Leslie (September 14, 2011)."Reworking infamous Haymarket trial".Chicago Tribune. RetrievedNovember 1, 2017.
  86. ^abNathan Fine,Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States, 1828–1928. New York: Rand School of Social Science, 1928; p. 53.
  87. ^"Co-operation of Labor. Interview with Senator Stanford. Reasons why the Laboring Man Should Be His Own Employer—Delusive Theories About the Distribution of Wealth".New-York Tribune. May 4, 1887. RetrievedMay 1, 2015.
  88. ^Stanford, Leland, 1887. Co-operation of Labor. Special Collection 33a, Box 7, Folder 74,Stanford University Archives.PDF
  89. ^Foner,May Day, p. 40.
  90. ^Foner,May Day, p. 41.
  91. ^abFoner,May Day, p. 42.
  92. ^Foner,May Day, p. 45.
  93. ^Foner,May Day, pp. 45–46.
  94. ^Roediger, Dave, "Mother Jones & Haymarket", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds.,Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 213.
  95. ^Foner,May Day, p. 104.
  96. ^Foner,May Day, p. 118.
  97. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 436.
  98. ^Goldman, Emma (1970) [1931].Living My Life. New York: Dover Publications. pp. 7–10, 508.ISBN 0-486-22543-7.
  99. ^abAvrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 434.
  100. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 433–434.
  101. ^Gilmer, Harry L. (July 28, 1886)."Testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, Illinois vs. August Spies et al".Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  102. ^Thompson, Malvern M. (July 27, 1886)."Testimony of Malvern M. Thompson, Illinois vs. August Spies et al".Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  103. ^After the hangings, Reitzel reportedly told Dr. Urban Hartung, another anarchist, "The bomb-thrower is known, but let us forget about it; even if he had confessed, the lives of our comrades could not have been saved." Letter from Carl Nold toAgnes Inglis, January 12, 1933, quoted in Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 442.
  104. ^"i006216".Chicago History Museum. RetrievedOctober 22, 2020.
  105. ^Baumann, Edward (April 27, 1986)."The Haymarket Bomber".chicagotribune.com. Chicago Tribune. RetrievedOctober 22, 2020.
  106. ^Messer-Kruse,The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists, p. 74. Avrich also suggests the bomber might have been ashoemaker named George Schwab (no relation to hanged defendant Michael Schwab). Anarchist George Meng has recently also been mentioned"Who Threw the Bomb",The Dramas of the Haymarket, Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University website.
  107. ^Messer-Kruse,The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists, p. 182.
  108. ^Parsons, Lucy (January 17, 1933). "Letter from Lucy Parsons to Carl Nold" (Document). University of Michigan.Frank Harris 'Bomb' (which was a lie from cover to cover) […], cited in David,The History of the Haymarket Affair, p. 435.
  109. ^David,The History of the Haymarket Affair, p. 428.
  110. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 444–445.
  111. ^Avrich, Paul, "The Bomb-Thrower: A New Candidate", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds.,Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 71–73.
  112. ^Dyer Lum, quoted in David,The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 426–427.
  113. ^David,The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 430–431.
  114. ^Altgeld, John P. (June 26, 1893)."Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab".Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  115. ^David,The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 428–429.
  116. ^David,The History of the Haymarket Affair, p. 431.
  117. ^Avrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 444.
  118. ^David,The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 429–430.
  119. ^Parsons, Albert R. (1886)."Address of Albert R. Parsons".The Accused, The Accusers: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court. Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 30, 2017.
  120. ^Grossman, Ron (May 1, 1998)."Still-Heard Voices: Haymarket Momument Gets Landmark Status".Chicago Tribune. RetrievedMay 15, 2021.
  121. ^"Haymarket time capsule uncovered, still unopened".www.forestparkreview.com. October 4, 2016. RetrievedOctober 22, 2017.
  122. ^Adelman,Haymarket Revisited, pp. 38–39.
  123. ^ab"Haymarket Statue Rededication Ceremony at Police Headquarters".Chicago Police Department weblog. Chicago Police Department. May 31, 2007. Archived fromthe original on December 18, 2007. RetrievedJanuary 23, 2008.
  124. ^abAdelman, William J., "The True Story Behind the Haymarket Police Statue", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds.,Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 167–168.
  125. ^abAdelman,Haymarket Revisited, p. 39.
  126. ^abcdAdelman,Haymarket Revisited, p. 40.
  127. ^abcAvrich,The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 431.
  128. ^Lampert, Nicholas. "Struggles at Haymarket: An Embattled History of Static Monuments and Public Interventions," 261
  129. ^Kinzer, Stephen (September 15, 2004)."In Chicago, an Ambiguous Memorial to the Haymarket Attack".The New York Times. RetrievedJanuary 20, 2008.
  130. ^Mary Brogger."Haymarket Memorial".www.marybrogger.com. Archived fromthe original on January 28, 2022. RetrievedJune 2, 2019.

Works cited

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Further reading

[edit]
  • Riedy, James L. (1979).Chicago Sculpture: Text and Photographs. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.ISBN 0-252-01255-0.
  • Smith, Carl (1995).Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.ISBN 0-226-76416-8.

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