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SOCIALIZATION AND LOCALIZATION: A CASE STUDY OF THE DATUKGONG CULT IN MALACCA

WENDY CHOO LIYUN

INTRODUCTION

Datuk Gong is a Sino-Malay spirit cult in Singapore andMalaysia, commonly known asNa-du-gong (拿督公) in Chinese, orDatukKeramatin Malay. This cult is especially interesting because it demonstrates theinfluence of localization on Chinese folk religion, which was first broughtinto Malaysia by the early Chinese immigrants. The intermixture of Malay beliefinkeramat worship (or saintworship) with Chinese folk religion in this cult is not only apparent in thename of the cult, of which ÔDatukÕis a Malay word while ÔGongÕ (公) is a Chinese honorific title often used for gods,but can also be detected in the different elements of worship involved, such asthe iconography, rituals and taboos of the cult. This is not to say Malaykeramat worship was adopted wholesale into Chinese folkreligion. In his seminar paper, Cheu Hock Tong noted the similarities anddifferences in beliefs and practices in the worship of Malaykeramat andDatuk Gong as a result of selective adaptations by the Chinese.[1]Only those elements of Malaykeramatworship which are similar to Chinese religious worship or useful in helping theChinese adjust to the new environment in Malaysia were adopted and ÔsinicizedÕ.By studying the worship ofDatuk Gongin Malacca, I hope to demonstrate the many points of congruence between Chineseand Malay culture that has allowed Chinese folk religion to localize.

However,similarities between the Malay and Chinese folk beliefs could not have led tolocalization if it did not serve the needs of the Chinese in Malaysia. As notedby Anne Goodrich, Òwherever and whenever a man felt a need for assistance, hefound a god to help himÓ.[2]The cult ofDatuk Gong grew out ofthe needs of the Malaysian Chinese to socialize with the Malay state andsociety, although there must have been a degree of socialization between theChinese and Malay community before the creation ofDatuk Gong cult. Scholars have noted how the localization ofreligion can help in the socialization of different communities, but neglectedthe fact that interaction of cultures is one of the reasons why localizationcould occur in the first place. The first part of this paper provides a generalbackground to the adoption of Malaykeramat worship by the Chinese and the similarities betweenthe two belief systems that made adaptation easier for Chinese folk religion.The second part presents the findings of my fieldwork in Malacca, whichprovides the materials for my analysis on how the processes of localization andsocialization reinforce the strength of each other and become increasinglysignificant as the overseas Chinese decide to settle in Malaysia.

GENERAL BACKGROUND

Malay folk beliefs andkeramat worship

Keramatworship or saint-worship is a legacy of early Sufi Islam which played animportant role in the propagation of Islamic mystical teachings through Islamicmovements.[3]However, as a result of the interactions between indigenous notions ofsemangat[4](soul) and belief in spirits, with the popular Islamic cult of the saints, theidea ofkeramat took on a variety ofmeanings. According to W.W Skeat,keramat is of Arabic origins which can be translated to mean ÔsacredÕ when itis used as an adjective to describe men, animals, plants, stones, etc.[5]However, the word ÔkeramatÕ takeson different meanings depending on the context. Whenkeramat is used on a person, it implies special sanctity andmiraculous power. By itself,keramatrefers to a holy place.

In his investigation on Malay magic, Skeatpointed out that Òtheoretically,keramatsare supposed to be the graves of deceased holy men, the early apostles of theMuhammadan faith, the first founders of the village who cleared the primevaljungle, or other persons of local notoriety in a former ageÓ[6],but many of thekeramats wereactually in the jungle, on the hills and in groves with no traces of a grave. Skeatalso noted that Òthe reverence paid to them and the ceremonies that areperformed at them savour a good deal too much of ancestor worship to beattributable to an orthodox Muhammadan originÓ.[7]Thus, aspects of Malay folk religion, especially the indigenous belief inspirits persisted and became syncretized with Islam inkeramatworship.

Indigenous belief in spirits, such asguardian sprits, nature deities and ancestral spirits is based on the idea thatmanÕs well-being and the success of his endeavours are dependent on thedisposition of the spirits which inhabit his environment.[8]As a result, nature spirits who are thought to control the elements of nature areoften invoked when land is cleared for cultivation, while guardian spirits ofvillages (usually the spirit of an ancestor or the founder of a settlement) areworshipped to ensure the well-being of the village. Indigenous belief inspirits became incorporated intokeramatworship, such that any person who have done good deeds and contributed to thepeace and prosperity of the community may be honoured and remembered aftertheir death askeramats. For allkeramats, an association with Islam is claimed or implied. Asa result, religious behaviour towards objects and spirits identified askeramat takes on some Islamic features.[9]

Chinese folk beliefs andDatuk Gong

The similarities between Malay folk beliefsand Chinese folk religion can been seen in Chinese ideas regarding thedeification of man, ancestor worship and spirit worship. According to AnneGoodrich, Chinese believe that every person had within him ashen[10](神) and if it was strong enough, the person might become agod.[11]Therefore, many Chinese gods are either deified men or nature spirits.[12]Some Chinese also worshipped inanimate things such as stones and sacred treesas gods.[13] Like theMalays, Chinese practised ancestor worship because they believed in mutualdependence between the living and their dead ancestors.[14]Chinese belief in afterlife meant that the deceased needed the same things asthey had when they were alive, including food, clothing, money, etc. If theneeds of the ancestors are provided, they will help and protect theirdescendants, by providing them with longevity, wealth and success. If theirneeds are neglected or forgotten, the ancestors will be angry and punish theirdescendants.

These points of congruence in Malay andChinese culture made it easier for the Malaysian Chinese to adoptkeramats as their deities. Many Chinese visited theseshrines of Malay saints. As resurgences of Islamic orthodoxy becameincreasingly widespread, Malay Muslims were urged by the state to return to thepure form of Islam whereby Allah is the only God. Consequently, many Malaysgave upkeramat worship. In thesecases, these shrines of supposed Malay origin were adopted by the Chinese:ÒSome of them (thekeramatshrines) were taken over by the less orthodox Malay Muslims from Hinduantecedents and given an Islamic character. Then in turn they were virtuallytaken over by the Chinese, and their continuation has come to depend almostentirely on Chinese patronageÓ[15]

It is believed that the Straits-born Chinese,descendants of the early Chinese immigrants who intermarried with local Malays,took the lead in worshipping thekeramatbefore other Chinese follow suit.[16]The Straits Chinese are familiar with both Malay and Chinese culture, thoughthey saw themselves as more Chinese than Malay. The interactions between earlyChinese and Malays probably provided the basis for localization of Chinese folkreligion. The Straits Chinese termed thekeramat ÔDatuk GongÕ.

 The term ÒDatukÓ has three possible meanings.[17] For the Straits Chinese, ÔDatukÕ means ÔgodÕ. ÔDatukÕ can also be interpreted as an honourific title, justlike the Chinese word ÔGongÕ(公). Lastly, the word ÔDatukÕ can be interpreted in Malay as ÔgrandfatherÕ. TheStraits Chinese pray to the Malay spirits at these shrines just as they pray toany Chinese deity, with joss sticks and candles. In addition, the Muslim foodtaboo for pork is observed. Where there is a Malay care-taker, the Chineseworshippers would ask the caretaker to pray according to the Islamic way and asmall donation is given for the service.[18]Datuk Gong became a generic termfor the cult of a venerated deceased person, usually of Malay or native origin,or the spirit-being guarding a particular sacred place, either known or unknownin local history or legend.[19]

FIELDWORK ONDATUK GONG CULT IN MALACCA

Introduction

My fieldwork is based upon interviews withsome Chinese I met in Jonker Walk and Bukit Cina area, as well as some StraitsChinese families living in other parts of Malacca. The devotees that Iinterviewed come from all walks of life: temple committee members, hawkers atfood centres, the shopkeeper of a store that sells Chinese worship items andidols along Jalan Tokong, a hairdresser, an office girl at a Chinese company,clan association members and even the men on the streets. For my fieldwork, IvisitedDatuk Gong shrines located withinand outside Chinese-owned shops, in residential areas, along the road, under atree as well as within a temple. Due to time constraint, I only took threetrips to Malacca, each lasting 2-3 days and missed the chance to observe theconsultation sessions forDatuk Gongconducted by spirit-mediums.[20]

Many of the Chinese in Malacca know aboutthe existence ofDatuk Gong, even ifthey do not worship him. When I conducted fieldwork in Malacca at the BukitCina area and asked around for directions toDatuk Gong shrines, I was told thatDatuk Gong shrines can be found all over the place and theChinese recommended me to the ones that they felt wereling(灵)or spiritually potent.None of myinterviewees seemed to know about the origins ofDatuk Gong. They were simply continuing the tradition of theirparents and saw no need to learn about the origins of the deity as long as heisling.

AlthoughDatuk Gong is a Sino-Malay cult, Malays and Chinese are not theonly ethnic groups that worshippedDatuk Gong. Many Indians are involved in the worship. Devoteesmentioned that Indian spirit-mediums are sometimes engaged to conductconsultation sessions forDatuk Gongand many Indian grocery shops sell the offerings prepared specially for theworship ofDatuk Gong. SomeDatukGongs are even of Indian Muslim origins.

Like most Chinese gods,Datuk Gong is a title of an office which can be held by oneperson or another. The office can continue through the years but the positioncould be held by one spirit in one part of the country and by anotherelsewhere. Thus, theDatuk Gongin different locations can have different names, different birthdays anddifferent personality traits. However, the birthdays of allDatukGong are dated according to the Chineselunar calendar and are revealed to the devotees through the spirit-medium orthrough dreams. For example, oneDatuk Gong that I visited is known as Dato Waji Wahid, hisbirthday being on the 16^th day of the eighth lunar month.[21]When I asked the owner how she knew when the birthday of the deity was, shetold me that she had hired a spirit-medium to find out. Dato Waji Wahid is alsosaid to have been to Mecca and is Haji.

There are also female versions ofDatukGong, known asDatukNenek(orNa-du-nai-nai拿督奶奶).Nenek is the Malay word for ÒgrandmotherÓ. When praying totheDatuk Nenek, some of thedevotees actually offered her cologne (gu-long-shui古龙水)and make-up, reflecting the Chinese belief in afterlife and the humanisticnature of gods.

Datuk Gong is said to possess different personality traits. Some of my informantsdepictedDatuk Gong asbenevolent, helping devotees recover from illnesses which even a trained doctorcould not heal. Others warned against reckless worship of the Muslim deity, forhe is strict towards his worshippers, punishing those who are disrespectful andpray to him without refraining from eating pork.

While someDatuk Gong have Muslim names, the more common ones are thosewith the names of colours such asDatukMerah (RedDatuk),DatukKuning (YellowDatuk) andDatukPutih(WhiteDatuk). This could be due to Malay traditions that seldomrefer to indigenous spirits by their specific names.[22]According to Cheu Hock Tong, each of the colours symbolizes the function ofeachDatuk Gong. Green signifiesthekeramat of the east whoensures the growth of flora and fauna; red refers to thekeramat of the south who controls drought, fire and harvest;white represents thekeramat ofthe west who is in control of ill-luck or inauspiciousness, black representsthekeramat of the north whoexercises control on water, flood and death; and yellow refers to thekeramat of the centre who keeps surveillance over thestability and general well-being of the respective colours.[23]Interestingly, this also seems to reflect the influence of the Five Element,Five Colours and Five Directions in Chinese cosmology.[24]

However, this is not to sayDatuk Gong of particular colour is limited to a certainfunction. My interviews with local devotees showed thatDatuk Gong performs multiple roles, as god of health, god ofwealth, god of earth and even exorcists to different people who sought hishelp.

What do the worshippers pray for?

The Chinese worshippedDatuk Gong in the belief that the he has the power to preservepeace, harmony and safety in both residential areas and factories. Aninterviewee revealed that most Chinese factories would erectDatukGong shrines at their work-sites orcompounds and worship him in the morning and at night everyday to ensure smoothrunning of the business, especially if the land on which the factories arebuilt have been newly reclaimed from forested areas or uninhabited land. Anotherdevotee claimed that at least 80% of the Chinese businessmen who ownedfactories have an altar devoted toDatuk Gong at their work sites. Even though his claim mighthave been exaggerated, the popularity ofDatuk Gong in Chinese-owned factories in Malacca is a factverified by all my interviewees.

Many Chinese believe thatDatuk Gong can enrich them by revealing lucky numbers orconferring lucky draws in lottery. Many of the devotees that I interviewed werequick to introduce me to theDatuk Gong shrines that that they thought were mostlingand answered their requests for lucky numbers. Inexchange for the help, the devotees would vow to provide the deity with a feastor to refurnish the shrines of the deity should they strike lottery.

Datuk Gong can also help the Chinese get better if he is possessed by evil Malayspirits or is put under a Malay spell. When I asked whether a Chinese deitycould do the job, my informant replied that a Malay deity is better because heis closer culturally and can communicate more effectively with the Malayspirits.

Shrines and temples

The choice of installing or worshipping theDatukGong in the home or in factories is usuallydue to a premonition the worshipper has, the recommendations of a spirit-mediumemployed by the worshipper, or a dream fromDatuk Gong to the worshipper asking to be venerated. Reflectingthe Chinese primary concern with practical benefits, if theDatukGong of any shrines proved to be lacking inpotency after worship, the shrine is often allowed to fall into a state ofdisuse.

A devotee told me the story about theDatukGong shrine near her house: the residentswanted to build a temple at the site so they invited the spirit mediums tocheck out if other spirits or gods resided at the location. They were told thataDatuk Gong stayed there and hadasked to be worship along with the Chinese gods in the temple. Theacknowledgement of being newcomers to an ÔoccupiedÕ land led the Chinese toworship the Malay spirit.

Scholars such as Cheu Hock Tong and TadaoSakai believe thatDatuk Gongis theMalay equivalent of the ChineseTu-di (土地),or the local God of Earth becauseDatuk Gong shrine is based on the format of traditional Chinese locality deities.[25]An informant brought me to a shrine dedicated to sevenDatuk Gong and aTua-pek-gong (大伯公). Thefact that the shrine is calledDi-zhu-gong-ting (地主公亭)[26],or the Shrine of Earth Gods is reflective of the position the Sino-Malay deityis thought to hold within the Chinese pantheon.

In Malacca, although the worship ofDatukGong is very popular, there are few bigChinese temples that are solely dedicated to the worship ofDatukGong. Instead,Datuk Gong is frequently the subsidiary god in Chinese templesor is placed outside the main altar of the temple at a small isolated shrinewithin the temple grounds. An informant revealed that theDatuk Gong is seldom placed along the same altar as otherChinese gods in the temple because of the restriction he had due to his Muslimidentity.

On the occasions whenDatuk Gong is worshipped in big Taoist temples, he is usuallyplaced with Tua-pek-gong.InDi-zhu-gong-ting, whereDatuk Gong share the same altar with the ChineseTua-pek-gong, the sevenDatuk Gong were placed close together and shared a censer,while Tua-pek-gong was distancedfrom the sevenDatuk Gong and hada separate censer to himself.[27]Thus, a clear divide betweenDatuk Gong and other Chinese deities existed even when they were placed on thesame altar.

For those who worshippedDatuk Gong in their homes, the altar forDatuk Gong is usually set in a small shrine in the backyard.There are also some devotees who placed the altar forDatuk Gong under their ancestral tablets or the tablets ofhigher-ranking Chinese god.

Although building altars are usually locatedin the front corners or at the back of Chinese houses, shops, factories ortemples,fengshui (风水)sometimes plays a role in the site of the altar,especially for those who set up the altars in factories or at home. Forinstance, an informant who is a member of a temple committee in Malacca pointedout that the altar ofDatuk Gongat the back of the coffee-shop where I met him faces the entrance of the shopbecause the other directions either face Bukit Cina (the hill of the dead),which is inauspicious, or the wall. He also mentioned that sometimes,DatukGong would choose his preferred locationfor the altar by appearing in the dreams of devotees or by voicing his requestthrough a spirit-medium.

As a result of the interactions betweenMalay culture and Chinese folk religion, someDatuk Gong shrines are constructed with Islamic motifs, such asthe crescent, or Malay architectural designs.[28]Yellow is often used for the colour of the roof inDatuk Gong shrines and a yellow cloth is often hung on theshrines ofDatuk Gong.[29]The colour yellow is seen in the Malay concept of divine kingship as the sole prerogativeof the royalty and prohibited among the commoners, thus it creates an aura ofsanctity and respect from the people when it is used on thekeramat.[30]Coincidentally, yellow was also the symbolic colour of the royalty intraditional China.

Iconography

Chinese worshippers believe that if one hasthe picture or image of the deity, or a piece of paper or wood with the name ofthe deity written on it, the soul, mind and personality of the deity would bepresent. In local Chinese religious iconography,Datuk Gong is commonly represented by a Malay man dressed intraditional Malay shirt andsarong,wearing a formalsongkok (hat).[31]Kris (Malay sword) and othertraditional Malay court regalia and ceremonial objects would also be placed onthe altar.

According to a devotee, the iconography ofDatukGong can also be distinguished by itscolour. The idol of the GreenDatuk Gong is usually made holding a rattan (木藤), the RedDatuk with a snake, the WhiteDatuk with taels (元宝), the BlackDatuk with atongkat(walking stick) and the YellowDatuk with akris. However, since MalayDatukKeramat often dies by a sacredstone or transform into a stone upon death, and there are state restrictions onthe use of Islamic iconography in Chinese temples and shrines, many peoplepreferred to use stones rather than idols to represent the deity.[32]In these cases, a stone wrapped with certain coloured cloth, or a piece of redpaper withNa-du-gong (拿督公) writtenon it would be used as a representation of the deity. Sometimes, a tablet withtheNa-du-gong carved onto it is used torepresent the deity.[33]

Rituals

EachDatuk Gong shrine is represented by an altar, which is oftensignaled by the presence of a censer. Each censer usually embodies aDatukGong spirit. Worship ofDatukGong is typical of Chinese practices,involving bows and prostrations with folded hands, burning of spirit money,prayers and vows, and Chinese ritual paraphernalia such as incense and candles.However, in theDatuk Gongshrines in Malacca, yellow candles instead of red or white candles are oftenused.[34]

Offerings of fruits are often served to thedeity. Bananas are commonly used as offerings forDatuk Gong, because they symbolize gold and sticky glutinousrice symbolizes riches and togetherness to the Chinese.[35]Pineapples are also typical worship item. Known asong-lai in Hokkien, pineapple represents prosperity and isalways used by Hokkiens in their worship of Heaven during Chinese New Year.[36]

Malay usually forms the language ofcommunication between theDatuk Gong andthe Malaysian Chinese devotees. An interviewee believe that praying to thedeity in Malay made the deity more accessible and more responsive to herrequests, although one can pray to the deity in any language. Moreover,DatukGong speaks Malay when he possesses a spirit-mediumand writes charms for his devotees in Malay.

Other than typical Chinese ritualparaphernalia, Malay worship items are also incorporated. In Malacca, one canpay one ringgit to an Indian Muslim grocery store to get the worship items forDatukGong, commonly known as theDatukliao[37]（拿督料）.The items include shredded tobacco or native cigarette (rokok daun)[38],arecanut flakes and betel leaves with lime paste. The betel leaf is of greatsignificance to the Malays, having ritual powers which can cure the sick oftheir diseases. Some other Malay offerings includepulut kunyit (yellow-stained glutinous rice) andbungatelur (red-coloured eggs). Offering thepulutkuning which is actually glutinous ricestained with tumeric to thekeramatimplies that the individual is according great respect to the saint and thushopes that his/her request would be fulfilled.[39]The offering ofbenga telur ismeant to appease the spirit of the ancestors and protect the devotee from anyform of attack by evil spirits. The Malay practice of strewing sweet scentedflowers over the graves of thekeramat to demonstrate the respect of devotees towards the saint is also usedby the Chinese in the worship ofDatuk Gong..

According to an informant, the importantdays (大日子)of worship in Malacca are Thursday and Fridays. These are the days when ritualsor prayers will be performed forDatuk Gong.One Taoist temple that I visited has consultation sessions forDatukGongdevotees every Thursday evenings. Scholarshave also noted the significance of Thursday to the Malay community.[40]The Chinese devotees usually pray toDatuk Gong in the mornings, before any meat is taken or atnight. A devotee also mentioned that in someDatuk Gong temples in Malaysia, Islamic festivals such as HariRaya Haji or Hari Raya Puasa are celebrated.

Taboos

According to informants, worshippers shouldnever serveDatuk Gong with pork or itwill incur his wrath and the devotee will be punished. For stricterDatukGong, devotees are not allowed to pray to himif they had pork for their meal just before they visit to him. If a femaledevotee is having her period, she is seen as ÔdirtyÕ and forbidden fromtouching the deity, especially his head.

INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS

Parsons have noted that religion, as a setof beliefs, practices and institutions, evolve in various societies asresponses to different aspects of their life and situation.[41]Graham also pointed out how Chinese have always used religion to understand andmake sense of the environment around them.[42]The practicality of Chinese folk religion and its pervasiveness back in Chinaensured its survival even after it was exported to Malaya[43]. Chinese folk religion is then utilized by theChinese immigrants to cope with the alien social environment as individualsreconstructed their community and culture by actively adapting ancient symbolsand ritual forms to suit the local environment. Therefore, by studying theDatukGongcult, we can find out how localization of Chinese folk religionhelped the immigrant Chinese adapt to their new environment and how their earlysocialization with the Malay community is reflected in the cult.

An understanding of the meanings of theMalay term ÔDatukÕ can give us a peekinto the different waysDatuk Gongcult reflected the early contacts between Chinese and Malays in Malaya. Byunderstanding the term ÔDatukÕ asgrandfather, the Chinese can be said to be praying to the ancestors of theMalays. In the incorporation of Malaykeramat worship into Chinese folk religion, the Chineseimmigrants demonstrated their acknowledgement of Malay authority over theircommunity by showing respect towards the Malay ancestors. As noted in myfieldwork, Chinese businessmen with factories and worksites in previouslyuninhabited areas and Chinese who wished to build a temple on any sites wouldusually employ a spirit-medium to find out if any Malay spirits such asDatukGong occupied the area. If the area wasÔoccupiedÕ, the Chinese would usually try to maintain a harmonious relationshipwith the spirit by granting their wishes, in the hope that the spirits wouldhelp them in their business endeavours. In syncretizing the Chinese God ofEarth with Malay local spirits, immigrant Chinese entrepreneurs extendedrecognition and respect to the original spiritual protectors of a land that yieldedthem great wealth.[44]

If we see the term ÔDatukÕ as an honorific title granted by the sultans topeople of great contributions to the community or state,Datuk Gong becomes a symbol of Malay political authority. Thefact thatDatuk Gong isworshipped by the Chinese as the local God of Earth with jurisdiction over acertain area further reinforces the role ofDatuk Gong as the Malay district officer representative of thestate. In this way, the Malay state is engaged as a cultural idea by theChinese immigrants in the body ofDatuk Gong, a Malay honorific figure representative of thestate who helps the Chinese immigrants residing on their land by answeringtheir prayers for prosperity and peace.

Interactions between Chinese businessmen andthe Malay rulers were necessary to ensure profitability and convenience intrade. Historically, the Chinese immigrants had always been confined to theeconomic sector while the Malays dominated the political sphere. Chinesebusinessmen sought state protection and maintenance of peace and stability, oreconomic benefits such as tax concessions. In return, they rewarded the help ofMalay rulers by offering other benefits, such as sharing of monetary favours interms of loans and giving the rulers their political allegiance. The reciprocalrelationship between the Malay rulers and Chinese immigrants is reflected inthe cult of Datuk Gong. Many Chinese pray toDatuk Gong for economic benefits, such as lucky numbers or forthe success of their economic ventures. When their wishes are granted, theyfulfill their vows to the deity by preparing a feast or rebuilding the shrinefor the deity. On the other hand, ifDatuk Gong does not prove to be responsive to the needs of hisdevotees, his shrine is allowed to fall into disuse as devotees turn to othermore powerfulDatuk Gong.

The fact thatDatuk Gongpunishes his devotees if they violated his taboos servesas a reminder to the Chinese that Islam and Malay traditions are importantfeatures of Malay life that could easily upset the Malay rulers and communityif due respect was not given. As more and more Chinese decided to settle on theMalay land, interactions with Malay community also took on additionalimportance. With the disintegration of the sojourner mentality, ethnic enclavesno longer prove to be a viable option. Instead, contacts with the Malaycommunity became unavoidable and essential to ensure profitability in trade andto lead a peaceful life.

One way to attain this harmoniousrelationship was by promoting an understanding of Malay customs, beliefs andtaboos to other Chinese settlers whose contacts with the Malays are stilllimited. This was aided by the incorporation of Malaykeramatworship into Chinese folk religion. In this way, theearly Chinese settlers could pass down their knowledge of Malay taboos andneeds by socializing other Chinese with Malay culture through the cult. Theseparation ofDatuk Gong fromother Chinese deities in Chinese temples showed that being Muslim, his needshad to be catered for through a different system of worship comprising of bothMalay and Chinese elements. Therefore,the Chinese settlers are prompted that Muslims lead a different way of lifethat Chinese must respect.

While localization is partly the result ofsocialization, localization can also reinforce socialization. Other thanpromoting greater understanding of Malay beliefs,Datuk Gongcult can also help the Chinese to develop actual relationswith the Malay community. For example, the birthday ofDatuk Gongserves as occasion for communication and cooperationbetween the Chinese and Malays, since Malay help has to be sought to preparehalal food for the Muslim deity. In addition, through theDatukGongcult, Chinese can demonstrate theiracceptance and understanding of Malay culture to the Malay community byrespecting the taboos of theDatuk Gong, and by participating in Malay festivals such as Hari Raya. Eventhough the contacts between the Malay and the Chinese communities may besuperficial at sight, an understanding of the customs and practices of theindigenous people must have reduced the opportunities for cultural conflictsand helped the early Chinese immigrants feel more at ease in their new home.

However, theincorporation of Malay and Islamic elements into Chinese folk beliefs does notmean that the Malaysian Chinese are Ômasuk MalayÕ (becoming Malay). In the sense that religious systems allowchannels for expression of community, Chinese religion is an element in theexpression of Chinese ethnicity. As noted by John Clammer, while Chinesepopular religion is Òan adaptive set of strategies for coping with both thechanging world and its unchanging basis–peopleÕs relationship to life,death and the supernaturalÓ, it also provides an identity-confirming mechanism whichlinks the Malaysian Chinese to Òthe great body of traditional Chinese culturalthemes so easily lost by an immigrant people.Ó[45]Rather than Òmasuk MalayÓ, theacculturation of Chinese folk religion produced a distinct cult that enabledChinese in Malaysia to develop a cultural identity that tied them to theirancestral homeland, while allowing them to develop a sense of identification tothe Malay land in which they now reside. Thus, even thoughDatuk Gong is a Malay deity, he is seen as part of the Chinesepantheon, indicating how the Malaysian Chinese continue to identify themselveswith their Chinese roots despite the acculturation with Malay beliefs.

CONCLUSION

My fieldwork showed that Malay folk beliefswere clearly incorporated into Chinese folk religion in the cult ofDatukGong. What had allowed localization tooccur were not only the similarities between the two cultural systems, but alsobecause a Sino-Malay deity served the needs of the Chinese. The fact thatChinese were more concerned about the potency of the deity than his ethnicitypoints to the pragmatism of the Chinese. Earlier socialization with Malay stateand society provided the basis for localization. Coupled with the adaptabilityof Chinese folk religion, it was no surprise that Chinese religion became animportant tool for the Chinese to socialize with the Malay community bydemonstrating their religious sensitivity towards Malays and encouraginggreater understanding of Malay culture. Localization of Chinese folk religion didnot make the Chinese Ômasuk MelayuÕ,but had allowed the Chinese to preserve their ethnic identity by retainingtheir culture and traditions, while helping the early Chinese immigrants adaptto their residence in the Malay world.

 Interestingly,Datuk Gong shrines cannot be found in the Chinatown of Malacca(specifically the Jonker Walk area) where famous Chinese temples such asChengHoon Teng (青云亭) are located. Within the Jonker Walk area, there is astrong sense of Chinese identity fostered by the presence of the clanassociations and temples. Many of the images of Chinese deities in the templeswere specially imported from China. On the other hand,Datuk Gong shrines are more prevalent in the Bukit Cina area,which lies on the periphery of Chinatown and is closer to other Malay towns.This observation reveals how the process of localization was accelerated asmore and more Chinese immigrants decided to settle in Malaysia and out of theirtraditional ethnic enclaves, when contacts with the Malay community and statebecame more regular and essential. However, it should be noted that the extentto which the cult ofDatuk Gongcan help maintain harmonious ethnic relations between the Chinese and Malaysmay be limited by steps taken by the government against the use of Islamicsigns and symbols in Chinese temples.[46]

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APPENDIX

Figure 1 Picture ofDi-zhu-gong-ting (地主公亭Shrineof the Earth gods).

Figure 2 The sevenDatuk Gong andTua-pek-gong inDi-zhu-gong-ting. Note the two censers and the distance betweenDatukGong andTua-pek-gong.

Figure 3 Sample ofDatuk liao(拿督料). The items include shredded tobacco or nativecigarette (rokok daun), arecanutflakes and betel leaves with lime paste.

Figure 4 Datuk Gong idols intraditional Malay shirt andsarong,withsongkok.

Figure 5 An altar forDatuk Gong installed in a coffeeshop near Bukit Cina.DatukGong is represented by a stone wrapped inblack cloth.

Figure 6 A typical Datuk Gong shrineat the roadside maintained by the shopkeepers in the area. Note the yellowcloth hanging over the shrine.

Figure 7 A Datuk Gong altar found nextto the roadside in Bukit Cina. Datuk Gong is represented by a tablet with his name writtenon it.

Figure 8 A Datuk Gong shrine builtwith Muslim symbols and Malay architectural designs.