Movatterモバイル変換

[0]ホーム
URL:

Skip to main content

Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.

To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.

Academia.eduAcademia.edu
Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara

Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara

Related Authors

InterestsView All (12)

Uploads

Papers by Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara

Research paper thumbnail of Adiego (2024) Zeus Osogōs, Zeus Osogō, Zeus Osogōa? The adventures of a Carian god name
Gods and Languages in Ancient Anatolia Mariona Vernet, Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, José Virgilio García Trabazo, María-Paz de Hoz, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach (eds.), 2024
Research paper thumbnail of A pithos with Carian inscription from Mengefe settlement, north of the ancient city of Keramos, Caria
Kadmos 63, 2024
This article presents an edition and commentary of a hitherto unpublishedCarian inscription foun... moreThis article presents an edition and commentary of a hitherto unpublished
Carian inscription found in the ancient settlement of Mengefe, north of
Keramos, in 2008. The inscription is carved on the mouth of a pithos and consists of 58 readable signs. The text offers significant new information about Carian.
Research paper thumbnail of Adiego (2023) Carian and Greek personal names in contact, News from the Lands of the Hittites 7, 9-27.
News from the Lands of the Hittites 7, 2023
The aim of this paper is to present, through different examples of personal names, evidence of th... moreThe aim of this paper is to present, through different examples of personal names, evidence of the linguistic contact between Carian and Greek. In contrast to the traditional study of Carian onomastics based on the establishment of an indigenous onomastic corpus and its internal
analysis isolated from its context, a sociolinguistic approach to naming practices is proposed by establishing the existence of ‘border names’ and observing the distribution of Greek and Carian names in some representative texts.
Research paper thumbnail of Kızıl-Adiego (2023) A round altar with a Carian inscription from Euromos
Kadmos 64, 2023
This article presents a new Carian inscription found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the Carian... moreThis article presents a new Carian inscription found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the Carian city of Euromos during excavations carried out in 2022. The inscription is carved on a round altar from the archaic period. The text is brief and incomplete, but its reading does not pose serious problems and an onomastic formula is recognisable.
Research paper thumbnail of Ignasi-Xavier Adiego (2023) A new Lycian ruler
New approaches on Anatolian linguistics José-Virgilio García Trabazo, Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, Mariona Vernet, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach, Susana Soler (eds.). Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 22 – Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 4, 13-29., 2023
The new reading of some Lycian coins allows us to identify an individual named Arssãma (Arsames, ... moreThe new reading of some Lycian coins allows us to identify an individual named Arssãma (Arsames, a Persian name) as a ruler who issued coins in a Lycian city, presumably Xanthos, during the Achaemenid period.
Fig. 1. DEMOS, Auction 5, Lot 154
Fig. 4. Numismatik Naumann. Auction 48, 268, 20/11/2016
Fig. 5. Babelon (1910), no. 391
Fig. 6. https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/C_BNK-G-674
One could suspect then that the reading arfnaha could also apply to the Brit- ish Museum coin, but this may be too hasty a conclusion; in the case of other ty of coins showing Athena on the obverse and a different deity on the reverse, th pes ere are specimens with both arfnaha and arfinahe. This is the case of the above- mentioned Athena-Leto coin type: Babelon no. 392 shows arfnaha, while Babe on no. 393 shows arfinahe. Moreover, in coins showing Athena and Hermes, the read- ings arfinaha and arfinahe are both attested. For this reason, a similar situation sould be imagined for Athena-Apollo coins. Only if the die for the reverse was he same for the British Museum coin and for one (or both) of the coins showing arfinaha could one conclude that the British Museum coin must also be read as arfinaha. In fact, the images look very similar, but this must be decided by a spe- cialist in numismatics.
Fig. 8. Roma Numismatics, Auction 9, no. 370 (22/03/2015) (Miiseler VIII, 28) name arssdma do not have a diskeles.* This can be interpreted in ways: either arssdma and the diskeles represent two different coin is and Wexssere II), or the diskeles is also a device used by Arssama SUC wo contrasting rs (Arssaéma himself, so ars- sama and the diskeles on these coins would be interchangeable references to the same coin issuer, Arssama. This second possibility may sound a litt the close link between the diskeles and the two Wexsseres, but the d es appears to be associated with a different issuer; to my knowledge, t two coin types in which the diskeles appears together with the name o range given iskeles also here are at least f the Lycian ruler Art(t)umpara: Vismara (2014: 211), Lycia, Serie 1, Obv. head of helmeted Athena / Rev. bearded head of Heracles with the legends artumpara and the diskeles, and Miiseler (2016), Obv. head of helmeted Athena / and telebeh Rev. Athena seated holding her lance and her shield, accompanied by an owl and with the leg- end artumpraa (sic) (Miiseler 2016, VIII, 28):°
Research paper thumbnail of The Ata Touch: a second coin legend in Phrygian Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach 2023▾
Phrygian linguistics and epigraphy: new insights. Edited by Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach and Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, 2023
Fig. 2. Numismatik Naumann GmbH, Auction 44, Lot 507 (07.08.2016). “Achaemenid Empire. Uncertain (4th century BC). Fraction (1/32 Siglos?). Obv: Male head right, wearing bashlyk. Rev: Eagle standing left within pelleted linear border; all with- in incuse square. Weight: 0.14 g. Diameter: 7 mm.”.
Fig. 8. Leu Numismatik. Web Auction 19, Lot 1584 (26.02.2022) “Asia Minor. Uncertain. Late 5th to 4th century BC. Tetartemorion (Silver, 7 mm, 0.19 g, 12 h). Male head to right, wearing bashlyk (?). Rev. Eagle with closed wings standing right within linear square within incuse square. Cf. CNG E-Auction 418 (2018), 367 (eagle to right and with legend). SNG Kayhan -. Rosen -. Klein -. Very fine”.
Fig. 9. The idol-shaped stele recently found in the territory of Nakoleia. Drawing by R. Tamsii Polat and Y. Polat (Tamsii Polat, Polat and Lubotsky 2020, 67 Fig. 5)
Fig. 10. Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. Electronic Auction 493, Lot 43 (09.06.2021) “Levantine Region, Uncertain. 5th-4th centuries BC. AR Fraction (6.5mm, 0.20 g, 3h). Tead right, wearing crested helmet / Eagle (or falcon?) standing left; pseudo-legend to left; all n dotted square within incuse square. Triton XVIII, lot 769; otherwise, unpublished in the tandard references. Toned, some porosity. VF. Very rare. From the Klasma Asami Collec- ” ion. After the publication of Adiego and Obrador-Cursach (2021), we have identi- fied three more specimens with Iman's name and two other coins with the same iconography, one anepigraphic, the other with illegible legend (Figs. 13 and 14 below).* Here, we gather them with the original auction notes (where erroneous or inaccurate descriptions are included, as in the previously known cases).
Fig. 11. Bucephalus Numismatic. Auction 5, Lot 554 (29.04.2022) “CILICIA. Uncertain. (Mid 5th century BC). AR Tetartemorion. Obv: Head of Athena or a beardless local hero to right, with a lozenge-shaped archaic eye, wearing an undecorat- ed Attic helmet with crest. Rev: Uncertain legend Raven standing to left within a pelleted rectangular border; the whole within a shallow incuse square. Obolos E-19 Lot 419. Unpublished. Possibly the second specimen known! Condition: VF. Weight: 0.17 g. Diameter: 6.30 mm.”. THE ATA TOUCH: A SECOND COIN LEGEND IN PHRYGIAN
Fig. 13. Leu Numismatik, Web Auction 16, Lot 1085 (22.05.2021) “WESTERN ASIA MINOR, Uncertain. 5th century BC. Tetartemorion (Silver, 7 mm, 0.19 g, 6 h). Male head to right, wearing crested helmet. Rev. Eagle standing left within pelleted square within incuse square. Leu Numismatik Web Auction 15 (2021), 657. Nau- mann 44 (2016), 507. Savoca 79 (2020), 304. Some weakness and with minor die breaks on the reverse, otherwise, very fine. From the collection of Dr. P. Vogl’. The most characteristic feature of the coins shown in Figs. 11 and 12 is the fact that the bird is shown with its head facing forward, not in profile (the face is no longer visible in fig. 12 due to wear but the shape of the head is clear). This feature is shared also with Adiego and Obrador-Cursach (2021), Coin 6 (where the head facing forward was not identified also due to wear). In fact, coin of Fig. 12 is most probably from the same reverse and obverse as Coin 6.
Research paper thumbnail of A Caló Lexicon with data about its knowledge by a group of Spanish Gitanos or Calé
Caló (also known as Romanó) is the mixed speech that Spanish Gitanos developed by combining a Rom... moreCaló (also known as Romanó) is the mixed speech that Spanish Gitanos developed by combining a Romani lexicon and the Spanish grammar. Since Romantic travelers and scholars documented this language in the first half of the nineteenth century (Conde; Bright 1818; Borrow 1841), Caló has been described as a dying language. However, there is a lack of data on the knowledge and use of this speech by Gitano speakers (Adiego 2005; Buzek 2011a). To begin filling this void, we developed a specific questionnaire that included a vocabulary of 360 key Caló terms with their Spanish translations, and we applied it to an intentional sample of 68 Gitanos and Gitanas in Andalusia. Our informants recognized 129 words on average, a greater knowledge than expected, although also more varied, as few youngsters recognized more than 80 terms. Today Caló is not learned by children as a mother tongue, nor considered a complete language. It is very rare to hear spontaneous conversations in Caló beyond a few p...
Research paper thumbnail of Luwian Tarhunaza-, Cilician Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας
Indogermanische Forschungen 127, 2022
In this article the Luwian name Tarhunaza-and the Luwic names Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας attested in ... moreIn this article the Luwian name Tarhunaza-and the Luwic names Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας attested in Cilicia are analyzed as imperative Satznamen containing a vocative form Tarhun-followed by the imperative of the verb aza-'to love'. This analysis leads to the reinterpretation of other Luwic names as possible Satznamen containing divine invocations.
Research paper thumbnail of A new Carian inscription on the left leg of a kouros found south of the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in Euromos
This article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros st... moreThis article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros statue. The statue was found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the ancient Carian city of Euromos during excavations carried out in 2021. The four-line inscription is very difficult to interpret, but nonetheless constitutes a highly relevant contribution to our knowledge of the evolution of the Carian alphabet.
Fig. 2: The naked kouros with Carian insription
Fig. 3: Inscription C.Eu 3. Lines 1 and 2
Fig. 4: Inscription C.Eu 3. Lines 3 and 4
Research paper thumbnail of Ignasi-Xavier Adiego (2021) Lycian Wexssere, Waxssepddimi and related forms, Hungarian Assyriological Review 2: 11–25.
In this paper, I address the problem of the Lycian coin legends attributed to two dynasts of the ... moreIn this paper, I address the problem of the Lycian coin legends attributed to two dynasts of the same name-Wexssere I and Wexssere II-on the basis of some very recent re-readings and novelties published by Koray Konuk. Now we actually have different forms (wexssere, waxssebllimi, waxssepddimi, uxssepddimi), that seem to be chaotically distributed. The present paper proposes to consider Waxssebllimi to be older than Waxssepddimi and Uxssepddimi, and to analyze it as a foreign name, possibly Carian, later adapted to Lycian as Waxssepddimi-Uxssepddimi; thus, contra Konuk, I suggest that these names may refer to the same person. As for the relationship of waxssebllimi-waxssepddimi-uxssepddimi with wexssere, the existence of an apparent interchangeability between the two can be attributed either to a double denomination practice or to the fact that wexssere was a place name, not a personal name. By accepting either hypothesis, the alleged chaotic distribution disappears and much simpler models of dynastic sequence can be envisaged. Although the interpretation of wexssere as a place name seems much more attractive, it cannot be accepted definitively at present due to certain numismatic objections.
Research paper thumbnail of Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach, The Iman touch: a coin legend in Phrygian, Kadmos 60 (2021), 99-115
Kadmos, 2021
This paper gathers sixteen unlisted coins from several auction cata logues with identical typolog... moreThis paper gathers sixteen unlisted coins from several auction cata logues with identical typology: a helmeted head (identified as Athena) on the obverse and a falcon inside a pelleted square on the reverse. Nine of them show the first coin legend in Phrygian identified so far: iman, a personal name. After the analysis of their iconography and legend, a location of the mint in Phrygia during the 5 th or 4 th century BC is suggested.
Research paper thumbnail of Abuzer Kızıl, Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, A new Carian inscription on the left leg of a kouros found south of the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in Euromos. Kadmos 60 (2021) 83-98
Kadmos, 2021
This article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros st... moreThis article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros statue. The statue was found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the ancient Carian city of Euromos during excavations carried out in 2021. The four-line inscription is very difficult to interpret, but nonetheless constitutes a highly relevant contribution to our knowledge of the evolution of the Carian alphabet.
Fig. 2: The naked kouros with Carian insription
Fig. 3: Inscription C.Eu 3. Lines 1 and 2
Fig. 4: Inscription C.Eu 3. Lines 3 and 4
Research paper thumbnail of A Greek reading of the “Pisidian” inscription N 30
Kadmos, 2017
In this article, stele N 30 is removed from the Pisidian corpus because it is read as a plain Gre... moreIn this article, stele N 30 is removed from the Pisidian corpus because it is read as a plain Greek text containing the name of a man, Papas, said to be a gallus. Moreover, the relief of the same stele depicting a figure in woman’s clothing is interpreted as being Papas himself
Research paper thumbnail of Romani or Pseudo-Romani? On the Lord’s Prayer in ‘Nubian’ by Jean-Baptiste Gramaye (1622)
Romani Studies, 2016
IGNASI-X AVIER ADIEGO The alleged Romani version of the Lord's Prayer edited by Jean-Baptiste Gra... moreIGNASI-X AVIER ADIEGO The alleged Romani version of the Lord's Prayer edited by Jean-Baptiste Gramaye in his book Oratio Dominica centum et amplius diuersis expressa linguis seu dialectis ex uariis auctoribus laudatis in libro de litteris et linguis uniuersi orbis, Bruxelles, 1622, is in all probability a fraud. The same verdict can be delivered on the version of the same text in Rotwelsch (German cant) collected in the same publication.
So it does seem that Gramaye began by looking for words in Vulcanius list. In some cases he distorted the semantics, for instance by translating terra ‘earth by means of foros ‘city’, and malum ‘evil’ by means of beink ‘devil’, or even more so in the case of the verb sanctificetur ‘be hallowed’, for which the word sonakai ‘gold’ was used, perhaps likening the notion of sanctity to the value of gold. But this was impossible for all the text, and the solution to the problem was to invent words for the rest of the prayer. However, we have the impression that Gramaye attempted to give some appearance of linguistic con. sistency to the text. Interestingly, there are some correspondences between the Pseudo-Romani text and the Latin model, the clearest being the way in which the personal and possessive pronouns are reflected: the Lord’s Prayer offers many forms of the second person plural - noster, nostrum, nobis (2x), nos (3x). nostra, nostris - which Gramaye seems to reflect systematically by means of a se ending (-s in two instances).
Research paper thumbnail of Interacciones entre el caló y el español. Historia, relaciones y fuentes
Introducción: el caló y el español en contacto (Ivo Buzek
Research paper thumbnail of Casos y funciones gramaticales en latín, una lengua no-configuracional
Casos y funciones gramaticales en latín, una lengua no-configuracional
dialnet.unirioja.es
... Autores: Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara; Localización: Lenguajes naturales y lenguajes formales ... more... Autores: Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara; Localización: Lenguajes naturales y lenguajes formales : actas del II congreso de lenguajes naturales y lenguajes formales : (Blanes-Gerona, 13-17 de octubre de 1986) / coord. por Carlos Martín Vide, 1987, ISBN 84-7665-141-4 , pags. ...
Research paper thumbnail of Corbett, Greville G.: Number (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000
Corbett, Greville G.: Number (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000
Estudis Romànics, 2005
La col.lecció “Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics”, publicada per Cambridge University Press s&#x... moreLa col.lecció “Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics”, publicada per Cambridge University Press s'ha convertit en una eina molt útil per als lingüistes a mesura que han anat apareixent a bon ritme les diferents monografies que la componen. Tot recentment, mentre revisem ...
Research paper thumbnail of IX Col· loqui internacional sobre llengües i cultures paleohispàniques (Barcelona, del 20 al 24 d'octubre de 2004)
Estudis Romànics, 2005
IX Col.loqui internacional sobre llengües i cultures paleohispàniques (Barcelona, del 20 al 24 d&... moreIX Col.loqui internacional sobre llengües i cultures paleohispàniques (Barcelona, del 20 al 24 d'octubre de 2004). — Els col.loquis internacionals sobre llengües i cultures pale-ohispàniques acumulen ja una relativament llarga tradició de trenta anys, des que en 1974 tin-gué lloc ...
Research paper thumbnail of Luwic Dialects and Anatolian: Inheritance and Diffusion
a9o-sometimes abbreviated a9, which read azo, az-which was hardly compatible with alosk̑arnos (se... morea9o-sometimes abbreviated a9, which read azo, az-which was hardly compatible with alosk̑arnos (see fig. 3).
Figure 2. Drawing of the impression of the seal Dd-104 by Boardman (1998, 3 Fig. 2).
In the fourth stage, a different hand added the Carian name 5 (Fig. 10). It was written in a strange form, using two lines when it was theoretically possible to write it in a single one, as it consists only of 12 letters and the preceding lines con- tained 14-15 letters. Might this indicate a certain awareness that it was the last name written in Carian?
This proposal has always been present in the discussion on Carian, but has not been fully accepted. The first inscription is from Memphis, and the second one is of unknown origin, and so the provenance cannot help to establish the identification; asserting that this latter inscription of unknown origin may come from Halicarnas- sus would be a circular reasoning! Moreover, the morphological analysis was un- clear: alosdkarnos6 seems to point to two different words, inflected in the same way or accompanied by parallel clitics. So we would have alos karnos as the form of the place name. But then, how do we explain E.Me 45, where after an onomastic formula, an ethnic name rather than a place name would be expected? Certainly, these are not insurmountable objections, but without additional evidence for the indigenous name of Halicarnassus they inevitably weaken the hypothesis. A further, more serious, objection was the fact that certain coins, judged by posed that AAOMXAFYOM aloskarnos in an Egyptian stele (E.Me 45, Fig. 1) and AAOMAXAFYOMA alosékarnoso in an inscription on a recipient (C.xx.2, Fig 2) could be the Carian forms of the place name of Halicarnassus (Adiego 1990b:135).
ASO — sometimes abbreviated AS, which read azo, az — which was hardly compat: ible with aloskarnos (see fig. 3). —_—_—_—_e—eo—r—o—e However, Konuk’s proposal comes up against serious difficulties. The equiva- lence azo = Kasolaba is hard to accept, due to the absence of k in the Carian form. Konuk adduced cases like huBdtoe¢ vs. KuBaioosic (plural ethnic of the Carian place name KvBAtoo/oc/, Zgusta 1984 § 1396, Bliimel 1998[2012]:172) or Ypmpoc vs. Kup@pos (variants of the Carian place name Evpwpoc, Zgusta 1984 § 1412, Bliimel 1998[2012]:185), but both examples show an alternance of «/h/g before v. No cases of such an alternance are attested when k precedes a. Moreover, there is a possible example of the name Kasolaba in Carian inscriptions: in a funerary stele from Saqqara we find the word ksolb-s (E.Me 43), which is undeniably related to Kasolaba: very probably, according to a hypothesis formulated by Janda (1994:176) this is an ethnic name, indicating Kasolaba as the place of origin of a Caromemphite. This ksolb- is difficult to reconcile with azo. Therefore Koaniik’c identification to Kacalaha haced eyclicively an lnonictic
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
An important detail is that it seems that the original aim of writing the names of the priests in a parallel way in Greek was abandoned. This initial aim seems clear, given the use of plural igpeisc ‘priests’. Perhaps the need to iterate the names in Greek was an idea initially bound to a certain external control (reflected in the use of a dating formula of the reign of Philip III. The decision to add the Carian names 2 and 3 (with a possible mistake, which suggests a certain lack of care, in contrast with the meticulous initial design) was probably an internal affair and the use of the Greek column was considered redundant. The third stage comprised the addition of the Carian name 4 in a different
In Adiego (2007:23, 150) I expressed some doubts about the true Carian character of these two stelae, as the first sign, |, apparently an iota, was alien to the Carian alphabet. Now, after establishing uwsot as the Carian word for ‘year’, the first sign makes sense as a numeral sign ‘one’. The use of a vertical stroke to represent the unit one is a banal procedure, and it is also attested in Carian in the two inscriptions from Karabournaki (Greece) published in Adiego-Tiverios-
Fig. 3. Photographs of coins issued by Trbbénimi (Olcay/Merkholm 1971, Plate 5). As a matter of fact, these coin legends show a sign more similar to Y- an al- ernative form of <a> - than to Y:
In Figures 6-7 specimens of each subgroup are shown
Fig. 7. Numismatik Naumann, Auction 59, Lot 155, 05.11.2017 (www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=45 14546 ). § 3. In relation to the variants of <a>, Rix again groups them into three main forms: (considered to be the original form, with the variation Y), ¥ and V. According to the scholar, who carried out a survey of the most remarkable letter forms in the Lycian epigraphic corpus, the relationship between the second and the third variant is not easy to understand, as well as their distribution. They are believed to repre- sent the independent development of the main form (W), with a number of interme- diate forms:
Fig. 9. F.R. Kiinker, eLive Auction 40, Lot 7273, 18.05.2016 (www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=3095774). I think that a further suggestion can be put forward: it is not unlikely that ¥ and Y originated as two manifestations of the same variant form. This idea may be supported by the fact that in the epigraphic documents the two forms appeared at a similar date and that they were regarded as interchangeable to such an extent that they were used not only within the same text, but also, as in N320, to spell the very same word. If this were true, then the coins would represent an extremely im- portant record of the origin of these two subvariants.
eee ee ee ee ee eee During the preparation of the present article it turned out that both fragments were already depicted by George Scharf, Charles Fellows’ draughtsman, in his sketchbook from 1844 among a group of uninscribed fragments decorated with reliefs, all belonging to the lion sarcophagus with TL 46.* The corresponding pages with the sketches made on March 9, 1844, were reproduced by Pierre Demargne (1962: pl. I in an essay on the lion sarcophagus of Xanthos. Fellows and Schart most probably found the fragments in the immediate vicinity of the lion sarcopha- gus engraved with TL 46, so that the affiliation of the fragments was not in ques- tion. The reason why the agreement of the fragments found by Patrick Baker and Gaétan Thériault with the fragments drawn by Scharf in 1844 was first not recog- nized was due to the fact that Scharf drew the characters in line 1 of N 46a not as <kr> but as <kk> and that he depicted N 46b upside down (fig. 1). Furthermore, the identity was obscured because the fragments were found by Baker and Thériault at a distance of about 75 m from the sarcophagus (fig. 2). However, due to the border between lines 1 and 2, the matching arrangement of the letters and the otherwise identical text there can be no doubt that N 46b matches the fragment drawn by Scharf with the remains of three lines.
The affiliation of N 46a to TL 46 and drawn by Scharf was a the agreement with the second fragment first more difficult to recognize. The main reason for this was that Scharf drew the fragment upside down (fig. 1). Moreover, the fragment does not show an edge that N46a adjoins the remains of the first Line 1 of N46a is thus cordingly, TL 46 is no line inscription. between line 1 and 2 as is the case with N 46b and the part of TL 46 published by Kalinka (1901: 50). However, a closer examination revealed ine drawn by Kalinka directly at the top. he remainder of the first line of the whole inscription. Ac- a four-line inscri ption as previously assumed, but a five-
N 46b is a small fragment consisting of the remains of three lines. As men- tioned above, it was found together with N 46a by Patrick Baker and Gaétan Thériault on July 25, 2005 in the north necropolis of Xanthos. A drawing by George Scharf was first published by Pierre Demargne (1962: pl. 1). Laroche (1974: 140 with fig. 4) then made a proposal regarding the placement of the frag- ment in relation to the already known text of TL 46 engraved on the lion sarcopha- gus. Since Laroche only knew the fragment through Scharf’s drawing, he depicted the characters of line | as <kk> instead of <kr>. The same applies to all subsequent publications such as Melchert (2001) and Christiansen (2020a: 201-202).
are to be found in line 5 of TL 46. The whole inscription on the lion sarcophagus might then be reconstructed as indicated in fig. 5.
Fig. 8: Photo of the Aramean version of N 319 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 9: Photo of the Lycian version of N 319 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 10: Tracing of the Lycian text of N 319 (Birgit Christiansen, September 2019)
Fig. 11 Photo of N 333 obverse (Havwva Iskan Isik, August 1999).
“ig. 12a: Tracing of N 333 obverse (Birgit Christiansen, September 2019).
29. Or, as per Tekoglu (2002-2003: 107) |||? See the commentary for further information.
Fig. 13: N 334 (photograph: Ludwig Fliesser, August 2007).
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
EDITIONS OF LYCIAN INSCRIPTIONS NOT INCLUDED IN MELCHERT’ S CORPUS Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Fig. 19: Photo of N 338 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009). dt. IN DIO (LAY id) Description: Three-line inscription engraved on a one-storey rock-cut tomb with one door, situated in necropolis II in Limyra (tomb I/100). It was found dur- ing the campaign of the TL project in 1999 by Peter Ruggendorfer and Martina Pesditschek. The inscription is engraved on the upper cross-beam below the imita- tion of wooden structure. The text is heavily weathered and only partly readable. Some characters can be identified with relative certainty, others remain uncertain or are completely unreadable. Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Commentary: Although the beginning of line 2 and the entire line 3 are almost illegible, some observations can be made about the text. T that it is a standard tomb inscription. It very likely begins pronoun ebéfine, of which, however, only the first two let he preserved parts show with the demonstrative ers are identifiable with relative certainty. It is succeeded by the designation of the tomb in the accusative singular ending in -uv. Following the conjunction me, the denasalized enclitic accu- sative pronoun -e, and the reflexive particles -ti, we find preterite of the verb prinawa- and the name of the grave the 3 person singular owner. The letters, and among them especially the third one, are not clearly identifiable, but a reading
Fig. 21: Photo of N 339 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 23: Photo of N 340a (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 24: Tracing of N 340a (Birgit Christiansen, September 2019).
Fig. 25: Photo of N 340b (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 26: Tracings of N 340b (Birgit Christiansen, September 2019).
Fig. 27: Photo of N 341 (Ludwig Fliesser, September 2007). Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9) of wooden structure. For a brief description of the text see Baker — Thériault 2003: 433. The Lycian inscription consists of five lines. The first four lines (part 1) are incised upon the upper beam below the imitation of the wooden construction, the fifth line (part 2) is engraved on the upper part of the door frame. Edition: Aside from the edition in the present article the text has also been discussed in Christian- sen 2020a: 203-205 with fig. 69-71. For the Greek text see Baker — Thériault 2003: 433.
EDITIONS OF LYCIAN INSCRIPTIONS NOT INCLUDED IN MELCHERT’ S CORPUS
Description: stone fragment with a Lycian-Greek bilingual text. Edition: Christiansen 2020b: 262—272 with a detailed commentary on the readings and the relationship between the two versions. 46. A particular feature of this inscription is the phrase se ... se “both” which is otherwise not tested.
Fig. 30: Photo of N 344 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009). EDITIONS OF LYCIAN INSCRIPTIONS NOT INCLUDED IN MELCHERT’ S CORPUS Fig. 31: Tracing of N 344 based on the original stone inscription (Birgit Christiansen, July 2009).
Fig. 32: Sketchbook entry of Patrick Baker and Gaétan Thériault from July 14, 2006.
fo on la in Commentary: The first fully preserved letter is to be classified as <x>. It is owed by one or two letters which are almost completely broken away. If it is y one letter, it might be interpreted as <@> or <m>. For linguistic reasons, the er is, however, unlikely. More probable is the sequence <x@> which is attestec he words x0@ase (TL 131.4) and x04 (TL 44b.38'-39'.58) and the correspond. ing genitive adjective x00dana (N 318.7, N 326.2) whose meaning remains obscure A ernatively, the preserved chisel traces could be the remains of two letters, whict might be interpreted as </> and <a>. The sequence <x/> is attested in the word x/a- “take control, dominate” and the personal name XJasitili™* (N 310.2). Furthermore
Fig. 34: Sketch of the object by Birgit Christiansen from July 31, 2009. Dimensions of the object: Height 17 cm; width 11.8 cm (depth not recorded). etter height: 2.3-3.2 cm. Transliteration:
67. Presumably kbatru “daughter” was followed by a personal name beginning with <n>.
Figure 1. Map of the attestations of izi(ya)- in the 8th c. BCE. Dots indicate Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions from the Iron Age; small circles indicate 8th c. BCE inscriptions containing the singular stem izi-; stars indicate inscriptions containing the singular stem iziya- from the mid-8th c. BCE; triangles indicate inscriptions containing the singular stem iziya- from the late 8th c. BCE; squares indicate inscriptions containing the singular stem iziya- from the 8th c. BCE, without a specific refinement as to whether they are from the early, mid- or late 8th c. BCE. 1 = KARKAMIS; 2 = CEKKE; 3 = MARAS; 4 = CINEKOY; 5 = TEKIRDERBENT; 6 = SULTANHAN; 7 = TOPADA; 8 = VELIiSA; 9 = BULGARMADEN; 10 = EREGLI.
Moreover, of these seven cases, three are etymologically related to each other: izi-", izisat(a)- and iziyatara-. To my mind, it therefore is very attractive to assume that plene spelling in these forms is linguistically relevant. plene spelled forms OF 1n total OD attestations = 97%. Although for a long time the function of plene spelling in Hieroglyphic Luwian has been unclear, and plene spelling therefore is usually ignored in linguistic analyses of this language, I do believe that in this case the plene spelling of the in i-zi-i-C° is relevant. This is borne out from the following statistics. In all Hieroglyphic Luwian texts published up till now,'? we find 774 occurrences of the sign zi. In 125 cases, the sign zi is followed by the sign i, resulting in the plene spelled sequence zi-i. These 125 cases form 16% of the total number of occurrences of zi. If plene spelling were a random graphical feature, we would thus expect that also in the verb izi-“ we would find plene spelling in ca. 16% of its attestations. However, as we have seen, in the case of the strong stem of izi-“, we find plene spelling, i-zi-i-C°, in no less than 86% (or, if we ignore the texts from the 12th and 11th c. BCE, 96%) of the cases. This usage therefore is significant when compared to the HLuwian corpus as a whole. This is supported by the fact that when we take into account where the 125
Figure 3. Drawing of the impression of the seal Dd-105 by Boardman (1998, 4 Fig. 3). Poetto’s reading Pakpuwas (in current transcription, it would be Pakpuwa: was correct in terms of the identification of the letters. A Lydian reading, howeve can be ruled out because presence of (p) in the shape of the Phrygian or Greek / and not in 8 is incompatible with a Lydian script. It is true that the last letter recal a Lydian (s) but note that the more common Lydian shape of (s) is also found i Phrygian texts such as B-05. Indeed, both alphabet share some specials shape: such as 8 for (b) in Phrygian’ and for (p) in Lydian. This said, although a Gree reading is not impossible, again the Phrygian script is the best option for this se: because of the use of (v) (confined to the numeral system in Ionia, see Jeffer 1961, 326-327) and the le shape of the letters. Tw. . 4g...4 N_T7... ee, ee ee ec! i eee
Otten, in his Mainz filecards, suggests U-UL in front of putative wantiyasta, which would indeed at least indicate that the form is a verb, but Groddek (2002:151) is more cautious and reads x x wa-an-ti-ia-as-"ta’. In fact, putative UL does not fit the traces because the initial Winkelhaken is too far away from the horizontals as can be seen in comparison with another UL sign later in the same line. Thus, the reading of the two signs before wantivasta is open to discussion, as indicated by Groddek. Alternatively, we could envisage a noun in -want- in the dative/locative (...-wanti), enlarged by a glide -y- and the local particle -asta. Ac- cordingly, there is probably no verbal form wantiyasta bearing witness to a sound change *é > iya. It is a ghost word.
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 1 (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Fig. 6: Sarcophagus of Xfitabura in Limyra (Photo: L. Fliesser).
Fig. 15: Sarcophagus of Xudalije in Kyaneai (Photo: L. Fliesser).
A KINGDOM FOR A CARIAN LETTER
IO NONE EOE IS I OO OEE We can hypothesize that the same phenomenon occurs in the alphabet of! Hyllarima. It is true that the presence of a form such as A to spell the name usov led me to think of a special letter for A other than A, but I am now convinced tha /\ was simply a variant of A in a different hand (and on a different date?) to write the names of lines 4 and 5 of column a (I recall that Schiirr had suggested to me per litteras when the inscription was published that A\ could be a variant of A): § 9.2. The alphabet of Hyllarima Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9
The new decipherment of the letter S rules out its equivalence to )(, whose value as /st/ or identification o similar (transcribed <z>) seems beyond doubt thanks to the clear f some Carian names of Egyptian origin in Schiirr (1996). In Egypt, the graphic representation of the sounds / and d is identical to that seen in Sinuri or in Kaunos (in this latter case, with H as a simple rotated variant of I): A for /, I for X. As for t he letter )(, it must now be seen as a specific trait of the Carian alphabet of Egypt, only present outside Egypt in Kaunos and in some inscriptions of unknown origin (particularly C.xx.2, where it appears in the sequence izpemoane).
Table 3. Signs employed in the attestations of the acc. sg. of the Lycian a-stems. § 5. It may be argued that the variants ¥, Y represent <é> instead of <4> on the coins in question.
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9) After Neumann’s publication several other inscriptions have been found. In addition, some fragments came to light which are related to, or could be joined with previously published texts. A couple of these texts have been published in various places. Transliterations of most of them are provided in the online corpus of Melchert published in 2001, which, however, is not a critical edition, but a pre- liminary collection of texts in transliteration. A new critical edition was cet ac the onal of the Viennese Cornis of I vcian
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
§ 2. HLuw. ARHA with lexicalized (grammaticalized as ‘terminative’?) value «One of the defining features of both Hittite and Luvian is their system of so- called “local adverbs”, which define basic spatial relations and occur syntactically as free-standing adverbs, preverbs, and adpositions (in Hittite exclusively postposi- tions, but in Luvian as both prepositions and postpositions)».* The following table shows the correspondence of preverbs / adverbs — not etymological in the brack- eted {} forms — between Hittite and both attested Luvian ‘dialects’: verbs, namely anta and appan (§ 3), to finish with some final remarks on the col- lected material (§ 4).
Table 1. Luwian verbal stem classes ending in -/-. ia In the case of CLuw. dnni-, only the 3sg. form (a-)an-ni(-i)-ti is attested, but no corresponding plural form. This makes it impossible to decide which of the three types of leniting i-verbs it would = di belong to. In fact, if the reconstruction of anni-“ as *HénH-je/o- is correct, it would form a separate, fifth type of leniting i-verb, of which it would be the only c lowing the analysis of dnni-“ that it can be viewed as the representa ear example. I am therefore hesitant in fol- as reflecting *HénH-ie/o-, and certainly do not think ive of a type that may have influenced the change of the accentuation of a stem *Hig-jé/0- to *Hig-ie/o-. All in all, we have to conclude (with Yakubovich 2014) that in Luwian no good examples exist of origi- nal *-ie/o-verbs that show lenition of heir endings, and that therefore the recon- struction of leniting izi(ya)-“ as a *-ie/o-formation is unattractive.
In the 8th century BCE, some speakers of HLuwian adapted this paradigm to become as follows: Given the diachronic distribution between the singular stems izi- and iziva- as discovered in the preceding section, it is clear that the singular stem iziya- is of a secondary origin, and I want to propose that it was created in analogy to the 3pl. forms, where iziya- was the only stem in use. In other words, the original pairs 3sg.pres. i-zi-i-ti Atsidi/ vs. 3pl.pres. i-zi-ia-ti Atsianti/, 3sg.pret. i-zi-i-ta /itsida/ vs. 3pl.pret. i-zi-ia-ta/ta /itsianta/, and 3sg.imp. i-zi-i-tu /itsidu/ vs. 3pl.imp. i-zi-ia-ti /itsiantu/ were in the course of the 8th century BCE by some speakers of HLuwian changed to 3sg. i-zi-ia-tV /itsiadV/ vs. 3pl. i-zi-ia-tV /itsiantV/ by taking over the 3pl. stem /itsia-/ into the singular. From here this stem spread to the entire paradigm (1sg.pres.act. iziyawi, 1sg.pret.act. izivaha, ger. iziyamina). Moreover, we should take into account that in the 3pl. forms of the structure eee foe Se ee ee Os ee oe dg Fe ek nk Yn ed Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 1 (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
THE ETYMOLOGY OF HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN /ZI(YA)-” which the new stem /itsia-/ spread to other forms of the paradigm. In the map below (Fig. 1), all 8th century BCE inscriptions that contain < singular form of the verb ‘to do’ are indicated, with circles representing attesta ions of the original stem i-zi-i-C°, and with stars, triangles and squares indicating the innovated stem i-zi-ia-C°. Of these latter signs, the stars represent attesta ions dating to the mid-8th c. BCE, and the triangles represent attestations dating to the late 8th c. BCE, whereas the squares represent texts that are dated to the 8 he BCE, without a specific refinement as to whether they are from the early, mid- o1 late 8th c. BCE. Although the material is on the scanty side, it seems tha the innovated paradigm originated in the mid-8th c. BCE in Karkami8 and it: surrounding region, and from there spread north-westwards: in the late 8th c. BCE the innovation has reached all the way to the area north of the Taurus as well Nevertheless, the innovation was not shared by all speakers: throughout the 8th c BCE, also in its latter half, we find the original paradigm being used in the entire HLuwian speaking area.
THE ETYMOLOGY OF HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN JZ/(YA)-”
—a——e—esr error ———— co———ee— According to Payne (2012:42), CINEKOY probably predated KARATEP and served as a model. This may be one of the reasons for the possib misunderstanding of the phraseology. Another explanation is that tt commissioners of the KARATEPE inscription voluntarily wanted to refer | Azatiwadas as the ‘father and mother’ of the land, because the expression ‘to / mother and father of someone’, known from the Mesopotamian tradition and fro: the Palaic invocation (Text 16), was also familiar to them. The KARATEP inscription (Text 15) appears to have changed the syntactic disposition ‘to / mother and father’ in order to provide the semantic connotation seen in the Anit Proclamation (Text 11) and in the CINEKOY inscription (Text 14), where th defeated citizens are equated to fathers and mothers (see Table 1). 11. Note that for this example the terms ‘subject’ and ‘object’ are to be interpreted /ato sensu, since this sentence is in middle voice, and therefore the syntactic role of Warika and of the House and King of Assyria are, correspondingly, ‘agent’ and ‘pacient’.
$ 7. Zunachst zu den Ausgangen -a# und -e#. Die Textstellen haben eindeutig ge- zeigt, dass die Formen auf -a# und -e# ,echte Infinitive‘ sind; daher kann das syn- aktische Kriterium nicht hinsichtlich der Rekonstruktion der Funktion in Betracht zezogen werden. Demgegentiber lasst sich die Antwort nach dem phonetischen »zw. morphologischen Kritertum suchen, aufgrund dessen nur die Kasus Direktiv *-eh>) und Instrumental (*-eh;) in Betracht gezogen werden konnen. Es bestehen lie folgenden Méglichkeiten:
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 1 (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9) kd / AMU IVES UMaAVe Nin, UUL OWL SH). Furthermore, otonosn in C.Ka 5 does not fit either. Schiirr 2010a: served that C. 203 ol Ka 5 has no <fi> at all and proposed that this “k6onnte dafiir spreche: da der Gebrauch von 7i in Kaunos erst spater aufkam”. This must remain ope: show <n> and Zingg 2010 s [without <fi>] he mid of the however, since dating problems prevent a conclusive judgement: six inscrip /or <i> (C.Ka 6, 8, 9 and the one published in Kunnert — Schiirr 2007: 153-154 and Marek 2006: 125, Adiego 2007: 159, all with refs., resp. hey are more or less contemporary: the inscriptions without <fi> date from befot how neither), but only four of them can be dated (the dates of C. and C.Ka 1 [with <fi>] are unknown, Marek 2006: 123, Adi ior Ka ieg an 4" ¢, (C.Ka 1, Roos 1972: 42) and from the last quarter of the 4 (C.Ka 7, Schmaltz 1998: 209).” Therefore the Carian oranheme <n» ctill recicte exnlanation This naner ic de th ¢ perhaps early 3c. (C.Ka 5 , Marek 2006: 119, 121 with refs.), while the inscri ions with <fi> date from the 4/3" c. (C.Ka 2, Robert 1950: 21) and from 400-35
There are two more cases that are, however, problematic and thus provide only dditional arguments:
Stem assignment in the data introduced above requires some explanations. In accordance with the usual practice of Indo-European linguistics, it is assumed that the canonical shape of the consonantal stems is the one found before vocalic end- ings. In the instance of Lydian, these are the endings -a (nom.-acc.pl.n) and -av/-av (obl.pl). This would be the rationale for reconstructing the stems ipsimv- “Ephe- sian’ and mdimn- ‘Mermnad’ in the first approximation. In the instance of stems ending in semi-vowels, it is usual to include their vocalic allophones in the stem representation. Therefore, acc.pl niwiswa would imply the stem niwisu- ‘impious’, while obl.pl prwav is conducive to the stem assignment pru- ‘year’, again in the first approximation.
Table 3: Interpretation of the Lydian dating formulae. roy of the crumbling Empire of Hattusa and then became independent ruler in the west of Asia Minor? Did his rule extend to the territory that was inhabited by the ancestors of the Lydians? Was he able to found a dynasty and how long did it last? These are all the questions to which we cannot provide answers: the history of western Anatolia in post-Hattusa period is not covered by the written sources avail- able to us to date. Therefore, the proposed new account of gadmu- represents no more than a tantalizing possibility, on a par with Carruba’s derivation from the appellative ‘warlord’. But whichever semantic account one chooses, the formal derivation of gadmu- from a possessive compound ‘(having) the strength of the army’ remains the only viable option available to date and supports in turn the pro- posed account of the subsequent development of this stem in Lydian. It seems appropriate to conclude this paper by listing all the dating formulae from Tahle 1 tocsether with their nndated translations.
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Research paper thumbnail of Adiego (2024) Zeus Osogōs, Zeus Osogō, Zeus Osogōa? The adventures of a Carian god name
Gods and Languages in Ancient Anatolia Mariona Vernet, Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, José Virgilio García Trabazo, María-Paz de Hoz, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach (eds.), 2024
Research paper thumbnail of A pithos with Carian inscription from Mengefe settlement, north of the ancient city of Keramos, Caria
Kadmos 63, 2024
This article presents an edition and commentary of a hitherto unpublishedCarian inscription foun... moreThis article presents an edition and commentary of a hitherto unpublished
Carian inscription found in the ancient settlement of Mengefe, north of
Keramos, in 2008. The inscription is carved on the mouth of a pithos and consists of 58 readable signs. The text offers significant new information about Carian.
Research paper thumbnail of Adiego (2023) Carian and Greek personal names in contact, News from the Lands of the Hittites 7, 9-27.
News from the Lands of the Hittites 7, 2023
The aim of this paper is to present, through different examples of personal names, evidence of th... moreThe aim of this paper is to present, through different examples of personal names, evidence of the linguistic contact between Carian and Greek. In contrast to the traditional study of Carian onomastics based on the establishment of an indigenous onomastic corpus and its internal
analysis isolated from its context, a sociolinguistic approach to naming practices is proposed by establishing the existence of ‘border names’ and observing the distribution of Greek and Carian names in some representative texts.
Research paper thumbnail of Kızıl-Adiego (2023) A round altar with a Carian inscription from Euromos
Kadmos 64, 2023
This article presents a new Carian inscription found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the Carian... moreThis article presents a new Carian inscription found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the Carian city of Euromos during excavations carried out in 2022. The inscription is carved on a round altar from the archaic period. The text is brief and incomplete, but its reading does not pose serious problems and an onomastic formula is recognisable.
Research paper thumbnail of Ignasi-Xavier Adiego (2023) A new Lycian ruler
New approaches on Anatolian linguistics José-Virgilio García Trabazo, Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, Mariona Vernet, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach, Susana Soler (eds.). Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 22 – Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 4, 13-29., 2023
The new reading of some Lycian coins allows us to identify an individual named Arssãma (Arsames, ... moreThe new reading of some Lycian coins allows us to identify an individual named Arssãma (Arsames, a Persian name) as a ruler who issued coins in a Lycian city, presumably Xanthos, during the Achaemenid period.
Fig. 1. DEMOS, Auction 5, Lot 154
Fig. 4. Numismatik Naumann. Auction 48, 268, 20/11/2016
Fig. 5. Babelon (1910), no. 391
Fig. 6. https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/C_BNK-G-674
One could suspect then that the reading arfnaha could also apply to the Brit- ish Museum coin, but this may be too hasty a conclusion; in the case of other ty of coins showing Athena on the obverse and a different deity on the reverse, th pes ere are specimens with both arfnaha and arfinahe. This is the case of the above- mentioned Athena-Leto coin type: Babelon no. 392 shows arfnaha, while Babe on no. 393 shows arfinahe. Moreover, in coins showing Athena and Hermes, the read- ings arfinaha and arfinahe are both attested. For this reason, a similar situation sould be imagined for Athena-Apollo coins. Only if the die for the reverse was he same for the British Museum coin and for one (or both) of the coins showing arfinaha could one conclude that the British Museum coin must also be read as arfinaha. In fact, the images look very similar, but this must be decided by a spe- cialist in numismatics.
Fig. 8. Roma Numismatics, Auction 9, no. 370 (22/03/2015) (Miiseler VIII, 28) name arssdma do not have a diskeles.* This can be interpreted in ways: either arssdma and the diskeles represent two different coin is and Wexssere II), or the diskeles is also a device used by Arssama SUC wo contrasting rs (Arssaéma himself, so ars- sama and the diskeles on these coins would be interchangeable references to the same coin issuer, Arssama. This second possibility may sound a litt the close link between the diskeles and the two Wexsseres, but the d es appears to be associated with a different issuer; to my knowledge, t two coin types in which the diskeles appears together with the name o range given iskeles also here are at least f the Lycian ruler Art(t)umpara: Vismara (2014: 211), Lycia, Serie 1, Obv. head of helmeted Athena / Rev. bearded head of Heracles with the legends artumpara and the diskeles, and Miiseler (2016), Obv. head of helmeted Athena / and telebeh Rev. Athena seated holding her lance and her shield, accompanied by an owl and with the leg- end artumpraa (sic) (Miiseler 2016, VIII, 28):°
Research paper thumbnail of The Ata Touch: a second coin legend in Phrygian Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach 2023▾
Phrygian linguistics and epigraphy: new insights. Edited by Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach and Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, 2023
Fig. 2. Numismatik Naumann GmbH, Auction 44, Lot 507 (07.08.2016). “Achaemenid Empire. Uncertain (4th century BC). Fraction (1/32 Siglos?). Obv: Male head right, wearing bashlyk. Rev: Eagle standing left within pelleted linear border; all with- in incuse square. Weight: 0.14 g. Diameter: 7 mm.”.
Fig. 8. Leu Numismatik. Web Auction 19, Lot 1584 (26.02.2022) “Asia Minor. Uncertain. Late 5th to 4th century BC. Tetartemorion (Silver, 7 mm, 0.19 g, 12 h). Male head to right, wearing bashlyk (?). Rev. Eagle with closed wings standing right within linear square within incuse square. Cf. CNG E-Auction 418 (2018), 367 (eagle to right and with legend). SNG Kayhan -. Rosen -. Klein -. Very fine”.
Fig. 9. The idol-shaped stele recently found in the territory of Nakoleia. Drawing by R. Tamsii Polat and Y. Polat (Tamsii Polat, Polat and Lubotsky 2020, 67 Fig. 5)
Fig. 10. Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. Electronic Auction 493, Lot 43 (09.06.2021) “Levantine Region, Uncertain. 5th-4th centuries BC. AR Fraction (6.5mm, 0.20 g, 3h). Tead right, wearing crested helmet / Eagle (or falcon?) standing left; pseudo-legend to left; all n dotted square within incuse square. Triton XVIII, lot 769; otherwise, unpublished in the tandard references. Toned, some porosity. VF. Very rare. From the Klasma Asami Collec- ” ion. After the publication of Adiego and Obrador-Cursach (2021), we have identi- fied three more specimens with Iman's name and two other coins with the same iconography, one anepigraphic, the other with illegible legend (Figs. 13 and 14 below).* Here, we gather them with the original auction notes (where erroneous or inaccurate descriptions are included, as in the previously known cases).
Fig. 11. Bucephalus Numismatic. Auction 5, Lot 554 (29.04.2022) “CILICIA. Uncertain. (Mid 5th century BC). AR Tetartemorion. Obv: Head of Athena or a beardless local hero to right, with a lozenge-shaped archaic eye, wearing an undecorat- ed Attic helmet with crest. Rev: Uncertain legend Raven standing to left within a pelleted rectangular border; the whole within a shallow incuse square. Obolos E-19 Lot 419. Unpublished. Possibly the second specimen known! Condition: VF. Weight: 0.17 g. Diameter: 6.30 mm.”. THE ATA TOUCH: A SECOND COIN LEGEND IN PHRYGIAN
Fig. 13. Leu Numismatik, Web Auction 16, Lot 1085 (22.05.2021) “WESTERN ASIA MINOR, Uncertain. 5th century BC. Tetartemorion (Silver, 7 mm, 0.19 g, 6 h). Male head to right, wearing crested helmet. Rev. Eagle standing left within pelleted square within incuse square. Leu Numismatik Web Auction 15 (2021), 657. Nau- mann 44 (2016), 507. Savoca 79 (2020), 304. Some weakness and with minor die breaks on the reverse, otherwise, very fine. From the collection of Dr. P. Vogl’. The most characteristic feature of the coins shown in Figs. 11 and 12 is the fact that the bird is shown with its head facing forward, not in profile (the face is no longer visible in fig. 12 due to wear but the shape of the head is clear). This feature is shared also with Adiego and Obrador-Cursach (2021), Coin 6 (where the head facing forward was not identified also due to wear). In fact, coin of Fig. 12 is most probably from the same reverse and obverse as Coin 6.
Research paper thumbnail of A Caló Lexicon with data about its knowledge by a group of Spanish Gitanos or Calé
Caló (also known as Romanó) is the mixed speech that Spanish Gitanos developed by combining a Rom... moreCaló (also known as Romanó) is the mixed speech that Spanish Gitanos developed by combining a Romani lexicon and the Spanish grammar. Since Romantic travelers and scholars documented this language in the first half of the nineteenth century (Conde; Bright 1818; Borrow 1841), Caló has been described as a dying language. However, there is a lack of data on the knowledge and use of this speech by Gitano speakers (Adiego 2005; Buzek 2011a). To begin filling this void, we developed a specific questionnaire that included a vocabulary of 360 key Caló terms with their Spanish translations, and we applied it to an intentional sample of 68 Gitanos and Gitanas in Andalusia. Our informants recognized 129 words on average, a greater knowledge than expected, although also more varied, as few youngsters recognized more than 80 terms. Today Caló is not learned by children as a mother tongue, nor considered a complete language. It is very rare to hear spontaneous conversations in Caló beyond a few p...
Research paper thumbnail of Luwian Tarhunaza-, Cilician Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας
Indogermanische Forschungen 127, 2022
In this article the Luwian name Tarhunaza-and the Luwic names Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας attested in ... moreIn this article the Luwian name Tarhunaza-and the Luwic names Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας attested in Cilicia are analyzed as imperative Satznamen containing a vocative form Tarhun-followed by the imperative of the verb aza-'to love'. This analysis leads to the reinterpretation of other Luwic names as possible Satznamen containing divine invocations.
Research paper thumbnail of A new Carian inscription on the left leg of a kouros found south of the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in Euromos
This article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros st... moreThis article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros statue. The statue was found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the ancient Carian city of Euromos during excavations carried out in 2021. The four-line inscription is very difficult to interpret, but nonetheless constitutes a highly relevant contribution to our knowledge of the evolution of the Carian alphabet.
Fig. 2: The naked kouros with Carian insription
Fig. 3: Inscription C.Eu 3. Lines 1 and 2
Fig. 4: Inscription C.Eu 3. Lines 3 and 4
Research paper thumbnail of Ignasi-Xavier Adiego (2021) Lycian Wexssere, Waxssepddimi and related forms, Hungarian Assyriological Review 2: 11–25.
In this paper, I address the problem of the Lycian coin legends attributed to two dynasts of the ... moreIn this paper, I address the problem of the Lycian coin legends attributed to two dynasts of the same name-Wexssere I and Wexssere II-on the basis of some very recent re-readings and novelties published by Koray Konuk. Now we actually have different forms (wexssere, waxssebllimi, waxssepddimi, uxssepddimi), that seem to be chaotically distributed. The present paper proposes to consider Waxssebllimi to be older than Waxssepddimi and Uxssepddimi, and to analyze it as a foreign name, possibly Carian, later adapted to Lycian as Waxssepddimi-Uxssepddimi; thus, contra Konuk, I suggest that these names may refer to the same person. As for the relationship of waxssebllimi-waxssepddimi-uxssepddimi with wexssere, the existence of an apparent interchangeability between the two can be attributed either to a double denomination practice or to the fact that wexssere was a place name, not a personal name. By accepting either hypothesis, the alleged chaotic distribution disappears and much simpler models of dynastic sequence can be envisaged. Although the interpretation of wexssere as a place name seems much more attractive, it cannot be accepted definitively at present due to certain numismatic objections.
Research paper thumbnail of Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach, The Iman touch: a coin legend in Phrygian, Kadmos 60 (2021), 99-115
Kadmos, 2021
This paper gathers sixteen unlisted coins from several auction cata logues with identical typolog... moreThis paper gathers sixteen unlisted coins from several auction cata logues with identical typology: a helmeted head (identified as Athena) on the obverse and a falcon inside a pelleted square on the reverse. Nine of them show the first coin legend in Phrygian identified so far: iman, a personal name. After the analysis of their iconography and legend, a location of the mint in Phrygia during the 5 th or 4 th century BC is suggested.
Research paper thumbnail of Abuzer Kızıl, Ignasi-Xavier Adiego, A new Carian inscription on the left leg of a kouros found south of the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in Euromos. Kadmos 60 (2021) 83-98
Kadmos, 2021
This article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros st... moreThis article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros statue. The statue was found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the ancient Carian city of Euromos during excavations carried out in 2021. The four-line inscription is very difficult to interpret, but nonetheless constitutes a highly relevant contribution to our knowledge of the evolution of the Carian alphabet.
Fig. 2: The naked kouros with Carian insription
Fig. 3: Inscription C.Eu 3. Lines 1 and 2
Fig. 4: Inscription C.Eu 3. Lines 3 and 4
Research paper thumbnail of A Greek reading of the “Pisidian” inscription N 30
Kadmos, 2017
In this article, stele N 30 is removed from the Pisidian corpus because it is read as a plain Gre... moreIn this article, stele N 30 is removed from the Pisidian corpus because it is read as a plain Greek text containing the name of a man, Papas, said to be a gallus. Moreover, the relief of the same stele depicting a figure in woman’s clothing is interpreted as being Papas himself
Research paper thumbnail of Romani or Pseudo-Romani? On the Lord’s Prayer in ‘Nubian’ by Jean-Baptiste Gramaye (1622)
Romani Studies, 2016
IGNASI-X AVIER ADIEGO The alleged Romani version of the Lord's Prayer edited by Jean-Baptiste Gra... moreIGNASI-X AVIER ADIEGO The alleged Romani version of the Lord's Prayer edited by Jean-Baptiste Gramaye in his book Oratio Dominica centum et amplius diuersis expressa linguis seu dialectis ex uariis auctoribus laudatis in libro de litteris et linguis uniuersi orbis, Bruxelles, 1622, is in all probability a fraud. The same verdict can be delivered on the version of the same text in Rotwelsch (German cant) collected in the same publication.
So it does seem that Gramaye began by looking for words in Vulcanius list. In some cases he distorted the semantics, for instance by translating terra ‘earth by means of foros ‘city’, and malum ‘evil’ by means of beink ‘devil’, or even more so in the case of the verb sanctificetur ‘be hallowed’, for which the word sonakai ‘gold’ was used, perhaps likening the notion of sanctity to the value of gold. But this was impossible for all the text, and the solution to the problem was to invent words for the rest of the prayer. However, we have the impression that Gramaye attempted to give some appearance of linguistic con. sistency to the text. Interestingly, there are some correspondences between the Pseudo-Romani text and the Latin model, the clearest being the way in which the personal and possessive pronouns are reflected: the Lord’s Prayer offers many forms of the second person plural - noster, nostrum, nobis (2x), nos (3x). nostra, nostris - which Gramaye seems to reflect systematically by means of a se ending (-s in two instances).
Research paper thumbnail of Interacciones entre el caló y el español. Historia, relaciones y fuentes
Introducción: el caló y el español en contacto (Ivo Buzek
Research paper thumbnail of Casos y funciones gramaticales en latín, una lengua no-configuracional
Casos y funciones gramaticales en latín, una lengua no-configuracional
dialnet.unirioja.es
... Autores: Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara; Localización: Lenguajes naturales y lenguajes formales ... more... Autores: Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara; Localización: Lenguajes naturales y lenguajes formales : actas del II congreso de lenguajes naturales y lenguajes formales : (Blanes-Gerona, 13-17 de octubre de 1986) / coord. por Carlos Martín Vide, 1987, ISBN 84-7665-141-4 , pags. ...
Research paper thumbnail of Corbett, Greville G.: Number (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000
Corbett, Greville G.: Number (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000
Estudis Romànics, 2005
La col.lecció “Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics”, publicada per Cambridge University Press s&#x... moreLa col.lecció “Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics”, publicada per Cambridge University Press s&#x27;ha convertit en una eina molt útil per als lingüistes a mesura que han anat apareixent a bon ritme les diferents monografies que la componen. Tot recentment, mentre revisem ...
Research paper thumbnail of IX Col· loqui internacional sobre llengües i cultures paleohispàniques (Barcelona, del 20 al 24 d'octubre de 2004)
Estudis Romànics, 2005
IX Col.loqui internacional sobre llengües i cultures paleohispàniques (Barcelona, del 20 al 24 d&... moreIX Col.loqui internacional sobre llengües i cultures paleohispàniques (Barcelona, del 20 al 24 d&#x27;octubre de 2004). — Els col.loquis internacionals sobre llengües i cultures pale-ohispàniques acumulen ja una relativament llarga tradició de trenta anys, des que en 1974 tin-gué lloc ...
Research paper thumbnail of Luwic Dialects and Anatolian: Inheritance and Diffusion
a9o-sometimes abbreviated a9, which read azo, az-which was hardly compatible with alosk̑arnos (se... morea9o-sometimes abbreviated a9, which read azo, az-which was hardly compatible with alosk̑arnos (see fig. 3).
Figure 2. Drawing of the impression of the seal Dd-104 by Boardman (1998, 3 Fig. 2).
In the fourth stage, a different hand added the Carian name 5 (Fig. 10). It was written in a strange form, using two lines when it was theoretically possible to write it in a single one, as it consists only of 12 letters and the preceding lines con- tained 14-15 letters. Might this indicate a certain awareness that it was the last name written in Carian?
This proposal has always been present in the discussion on Carian, but has not been fully accepted. The first inscription is from Memphis, and the second one is of unknown origin, and so the provenance cannot help to establish the identification; asserting that this latter inscription of unknown origin may come from Halicarnas- sus would be a circular reasoning! Moreover, the morphological analysis was un- clear: alosdkarnos6 seems to point to two different words, inflected in the same way or accompanied by parallel clitics. So we would have alos karnos as the form of the place name. But then, how do we explain E.Me 45, where after an onomastic formula, an ethnic name rather than a place name would be expected? Certainly, these are not insurmountable objections, but without additional evidence for the indigenous name of Halicarnassus they inevitably weaken the hypothesis. A further, more serious, objection was the fact that certain coins, judged by posed that AAOMXAFYOM aloskarnos in an Egyptian stele (E.Me 45, Fig. 1) and AAOMAXAFYOMA alosékarnoso in an inscription on a recipient (C.xx.2, Fig 2) could be the Carian forms of the place name of Halicarnassus (Adiego 1990b:135).
ASO — sometimes abbreviated AS, which read azo, az — which was hardly compat: ible with aloskarnos (see fig. 3). —_—_—_—_e—eo—r—o—e However, Konuk’s proposal comes up against serious difficulties. The equiva- lence azo = Kasolaba is hard to accept, due to the absence of k in the Carian form. Konuk adduced cases like huBdtoe¢ vs. KuBaioosic (plural ethnic of the Carian place name KvBAtoo/oc/, Zgusta 1984 § 1396, Bliimel 1998[2012]:172) or Ypmpoc vs. Kup@pos (variants of the Carian place name Evpwpoc, Zgusta 1984 § 1412, Bliimel 1998[2012]:185), but both examples show an alternance of «/h/g before v. No cases of such an alternance are attested when k precedes a. Moreover, there is a possible example of the name Kasolaba in Carian inscriptions: in a funerary stele from Saqqara we find the word ksolb-s (E.Me 43), which is undeniably related to Kasolaba: very probably, according to a hypothesis formulated by Janda (1994:176) this is an ethnic name, indicating Kasolaba as the place of origin of a Caromemphite. This ksolb- is difficult to reconcile with azo. Therefore Koaniik’c identification to Kacalaha haced eyclicively an lnonictic
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
An important detail is that it seems that the original aim of writing the names of the priests in a parallel way in Greek was abandoned. This initial aim seems clear, given the use of plural igpeisc ‘priests’. Perhaps the need to iterate the names in Greek was an idea initially bound to a certain external control (reflected in the use of a dating formula of the reign of Philip III. The decision to add the Carian names 2 and 3 (with a possible mistake, which suggests a certain lack of care, in contrast with the meticulous initial design) was probably an internal affair and the use of the Greek column was considered redundant. The third stage comprised the addition of the Carian name 4 in a different
In Adiego (2007:23, 150) I expressed some doubts about the true Carian character of these two stelae, as the first sign, |, apparently an iota, was alien to the Carian alphabet. Now, after establishing uwsot as the Carian word for ‘year’, the first sign makes sense as a numeral sign ‘one’. The use of a vertical stroke to represent the unit one is a banal procedure, and it is also attested in Carian in the two inscriptions from Karabournaki (Greece) published in Adiego-Tiverios-
Fig. 3. Photographs of coins issued by Trbbénimi (Olcay/Merkholm 1971, Plate 5). As a matter of fact, these coin legends show a sign more similar to Y- an al- ernative form of <a> - than to Y:
In Figures 6-7 specimens of each subgroup are shown
Fig. 7. Numismatik Naumann, Auction 59, Lot 155, 05.11.2017 (www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=45 14546 ). § 3. In relation to the variants of <a>, Rix again groups them into three main forms: (considered to be the original form, with the variation Y), ¥ and V. According to the scholar, who carried out a survey of the most remarkable letter forms in the Lycian epigraphic corpus, the relationship between the second and the third variant is not easy to understand, as well as their distribution. They are believed to repre- sent the independent development of the main form (W), with a number of interme- diate forms:
Fig. 9. F.R. Kiinker, eLive Auction 40, Lot 7273, 18.05.2016 (www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=3095774). I think that a further suggestion can be put forward: it is not unlikely that ¥ and Y originated as two manifestations of the same variant form. This idea may be supported by the fact that in the epigraphic documents the two forms appeared at a similar date and that they were regarded as interchangeable to such an extent that they were used not only within the same text, but also, as in N320, to spell the very same word. If this were true, then the coins would represent an extremely im- portant record of the origin of these two subvariants.
eee ee ee ee ee eee During the preparation of the present article it turned out that both fragments were already depicted by George Scharf, Charles Fellows’ draughtsman, in his sketchbook from 1844 among a group of uninscribed fragments decorated with reliefs, all belonging to the lion sarcophagus with TL 46.* The corresponding pages with the sketches made on March 9, 1844, were reproduced by Pierre Demargne (1962: pl. I in an essay on the lion sarcophagus of Xanthos. Fellows and Schart most probably found the fragments in the immediate vicinity of the lion sarcopha- gus engraved with TL 46, so that the affiliation of the fragments was not in ques- tion. The reason why the agreement of the fragments found by Patrick Baker and Gaétan Thériault with the fragments drawn by Scharf in 1844 was first not recog- nized was due to the fact that Scharf drew the characters in line 1 of N 46a not as <kr> but as <kk> and that he depicted N 46b upside down (fig. 1). Furthermore, the identity was obscured because the fragments were found by Baker and Thériault at a distance of about 75 m from the sarcophagus (fig. 2). However, due to the border between lines 1 and 2, the matching arrangement of the letters and the otherwise identical text there can be no doubt that N 46b matches the fragment drawn by Scharf with the remains of three lines.
The affiliation of N 46a to TL 46 and drawn by Scharf was a the agreement with the second fragment first more difficult to recognize. The main reason for this was that Scharf drew the fragment upside down (fig. 1). Moreover, the fragment does not show an edge that N46a adjoins the remains of the first Line 1 of N46a is thus cordingly, TL 46 is no line inscription. between line 1 and 2 as is the case with N 46b and the part of TL 46 published by Kalinka (1901: 50). However, a closer examination revealed ine drawn by Kalinka directly at the top. he remainder of the first line of the whole inscription. Ac- a four-line inscri ption as previously assumed, but a five-
N 46b is a small fragment consisting of the remains of three lines. As men- tioned above, it was found together with N 46a by Patrick Baker and Gaétan Thériault on July 25, 2005 in the north necropolis of Xanthos. A drawing by George Scharf was first published by Pierre Demargne (1962: pl. 1). Laroche (1974: 140 with fig. 4) then made a proposal regarding the placement of the frag- ment in relation to the already known text of TL 46 engraved on the lion sarcopha- gus. Since Laroche only knew the fragment through Scharf’s drawing, he depicted the characters of line | as <kk> instead of <kr>. The same applies to all subsequent publications such as Melchert (2001) and Christiansen (2020a: 201-202).
are to be found in line 5 of TL 46. The whole inscription on the lion sarcophagus might then be reconstructed as indicated in fig. 5.
Fig. 8: Photo of the Aramean version of N 319 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 9: Photo of the Lycian version of N 319 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 10: Tracing of the Lycian text of N 319 (Birgit Christiansen, September 2019)
Fig. 11 Photo of N 333 obverse (Havwva Iskan Isik, August 1999).
“ig. 12a: Tracing of N 333 obverse (Birgit Christiansen, September 2019).
29. Or, as per Tekoglu (2002-2003: 107) |||? See the commentary for further information.
Fig. 13: N 334 (photograph: Ludwig Fliesser, August 2007).
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
EDITIONS OF LYCIAN INSCRIPTIONS NOT INCLUDED IN MELCHERT’ S CORPUS Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Fig. 19: Photo of N 338 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009). dt. IN DIO (LAY id) Description: Three-line inscription engraved on a one-storey rock-cut tomb with one door, situated in necropolis II in Limyra (tomb I/100). It was found dur- ing the campaign of the TL project in 1999 by Peter Ruggendorfer and Martina Pesditschek. The inscription is engraved on the upper cross-beam below the imita- tion of wooden structure. The text is heavily weathered and only partly readable. Some characters can be identified with relative certainty, others remain uncertain or are completely unreadable. Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Commentary: Although the beginning of line 2 and the entire line 3 are almost illegible, some observations can be made about the text. T that it is a standard tomb inscription. It very likely begins pronoun ebéfine, of which, however, only the first two let he preserved parts show with the demonstrative ers are identifiable with relative certainty. It is succeeded by the designation of the tomb in the accusative singular ending in -uv. Following the conjunction me, the denasalized enclitic accu- sative pronoun -e, and the reflexive particles -ti, we find preterite of the verb prinawa- and the name of the grave the 3 person singular owner. The letters, and among them especially the third one, are not clearly identifiable, but a reading
Fig. 21: Photo of N 339 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 23: Photo of N 340a (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 24: Tracing of N 340a (Birgit Christiansen, September 2019).
Fig. 25: Photo of N 340b (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009).
Fig. 26: Tracings of N 340b (Birgit Christiansen, September 2019).
Fig. 27: Photo of N 341 (Ludwig Fliesser, September 2007). Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9) of wooden structure. For a brief description of the text see Baker — Thériault 2003: 433. The Lycian inscription consists of five lines. The first four lines (part 1) are incised upon the upper beam below the imitation of the wooden construction, the fifth line (part 2) is engraved on the upper part of the door frame. Edition: Aside from the edition in the present article the text has also been discussed in Christian- sen 2020a: 203-205 with fig. 69-71. For the Greek text see Baker — Thériault 2003: 433.
EDITIONS OF LYCIAN INSCRIPTIONS NOT INCLUDED IN MELCHERT’ S CORPUS
Description: stone fragment with a Lycian-Greek bilingual text. Edition: Christiansen 2020b: 262—272 with a detailed commentary on the readings and the relationship between the two versions. 46. A particular feature of this inscription is the phrase se ... se “both” which is otherwise not tested.
Fig. 30: Photo of N 344 (Ludwig Fliesser, July 2009). EDITIONS OF LYCIAN INSCRIPTIONS NOT INCLUDED IN MELCHERT’ S CORPUS Fig. 31: Tracing of N 344 based on the original stone inscription (Birgit Christiansen, July 2009).
Fig. 32: Sketchbook entry of Patrick Baker and Gaétan Thériault from July 14, 2006.
fo on la in Commentary: The first fully preserved letter is to be classified as <x>. It is owed by one or two letters which are almost completely broken away. If it is y one letter, it might be interpreted as <@> or <m>. For linguistic reasons, the er is, however, unlikely. More probable is the sequence <x@> which is attestec he words x0@ase (TL 131.4) and x04 (TL 44b.38'-39'.58) and the correspond. ing genitive adjective x00dana (N 318.7, N 326.2) whose meaning remains obscure A ernatively, the preserved chisel traces could be the remains of two letters, whict might be interpreted as </> and <a>. The sequence <x/> is attested in the word x/a- “take control, dominate” and the personal name XJasitili™* (N 310.2). Furthermore
Fig. 34: Sketch of the object by Birgit Christiansen from July 31, 2009. Dimensions of the object: Height 17 cm; width 11.8 cm (depth not recorded). etter height: 2.3-3.2 cm. Transliteration:
67. Presumably kbatru “daughter” was followed by a personal name beginning with <n>.
Figure 1. Map of the attestations of izi(ya)- in the 8th c. BCE. Dots indicate Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions from the Iron Age; small circles indicate 8th c. BCE inscriptions containing the singular stem izi-; stars indicate inscriptions containing the singular stem iziya- from the mid-8th c. BCE; triangles indicate inscriptions containing the singular stem iziya- from the late 8th c. BCE; squares indicate inscriptions containing the singular stem iziya- from the 8th c. BCE, without a specific refinement as to whether they are from the early, mid- or late 8th c. BCE. 1 = KARKAMIS; 2 = CEKKE; 3 = MARAS; 4 = CINEKOY; 5 = TEKIRDERBENT; 6 = SULTANHAN; 7 = TOPADA; 8 = VELIiSA; 9 = BULGARMADEN; 10 = EREGLI.
Moreover, of these seven cases, three are etymologically related to each other: izi-", izisat(a)- and iziyatara-. To my mind, it therefore is very attractive to assume that plene spelling in these forms is linguistically relevant. plene spelled forms OF 1n total OD attestations = 97%. Although for a long time the function of plene spelling in Hieroglyphic Luwian has been unclear, and plene spelling therefore is usually ignored in linguistic analyses of this language, I do believe that in this case the plene spelling of the in i-zi-i-C° is relevant. This is borne out from the following statistics. In all Hieroglyphic Luwian texts published up till now,'? we find 774 occurrences of the sign zi. In 125 cases, the sign zi is followed by the sign i, resulting in the plene spelled sequence zi-i. These 125 cases form 16% of the total number of occurrences of zi. If plene spelling were a random graphical feature, we would thus expect that also in the verb izi-“ we would find plene spelling in ca. 16% of its attestations. However, as we have seen, in the case of the strong stem of izi-“, we find plene spelling, i-zi-i-C°, in no less than 86% (or, if we ignore the texts from the 12th and 11th c. BCE, 96%) of the cases. This usage therefore is significant when compared to the HLuwian corpus as a whole. This is supported by the fact that when we take into account where the 125
Figure 3. Drawing of the impression of the seal Dd-105 by Boardman (1998, 4 Fig. 3). Poetto’s reading Pakpuwas (in current transcription, it would be Pakpuwa: was correct in terms of the identification of the letters. A Lydian reading, howeve can be ruled out because presence of (p) in the shape of the Phrygian or Greek / and not in 8 is incompatible with a Lydian script. It is true that the last letter recal a Lydian (s) but note that the more common Lydian shape of (s) is also found i Phrygian texts such as B-05. Indeed, both alphabet share some specials shape: such as 8 for (b) in Phrygian’ and for (p) in Lydian. This said, although a Gree reading is not impossible, again the Phrygian script is the best option for this se: because of the use of (v) (confined to the numeral system in Ionia, see Jeffer 1961, 326-327) and the le shape of the letters. Tw. . 4g...4 N_T7... ee, ee ee ec! i eee
Otten, in his Mainz filecards, suggests U-UL in front of putative wantiyasta, which would indeed at least indicate that the form is a verb, but Groddek (2002:151) is more cautious and reads x x wa-an-ti-ia-as-"ta’. In fact, putative UL does not fit the traces because the initial Winkelhaken is too far away from the horizontals as can be seen in comparison with another UL sign later in the same line. Thus, the reading of the two signs before wantivasta is open to discussion, as indicated by Groddek. Alternatively, we could envisage a noun in -want- in the dative/locative (...-wanti), enlarged by a glide -y- and the local particle -asta. Ac- cordingly, there is probably no verbal form wantiyasta bearing witness to a sound change *é > iya. It is a ghost word.
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 1 (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Fig. 6: Sarcophagus of Xfitabura in Limyra (Photo: L. Fliesser).
Fig. 15: Sarcophagus of Xudalije in Kyaneai (Photo: L. Fliesser).
A KINGDOM FOR A CARIAN LETTER
IO NONE EOE IS I OO OEE We can hypothesize that the same phenomenon occurs in the alphabet of! Hyllarima. It is true that the presence of a form such as A to spell the name usov led me to think of a special letter for A other than A, but I am now convinced tha /\ was simply a variant of A in a different hand (and on a different date?) to write the names of lines 4 and 5 of column a (I recall that Schiirr had suggested to me per litteras when the inscription was published that A\ could be a variant of A): § 9.2. The alphabet of Hyllarima Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9
The new decipherment of the letter S rules out its equivalence to )(, whose value as /st/ or identification o similar (transcribed <z>) seems beyond doubt thanks to the clear f some Carian names of Egyptian origin in Schiirr (1996). In Egypt, the graphic representation of the sounds / and d is identical to that seen in Sinuri or in Kaunos (in this latter case, with H as a simple rotated variant of I): A for /, I for X. As for t he letter )(, it must now be seen as a specific trait of the Carian alphabet of Egypt, only present outside Egypt in Kaunos and in some inscriptions of unknown origin (particularly C.xx.2, where it appears in the sequence izpemoane).
Table 3. Signs employed in the attestations of the acc. sg. of the Lycian a-stems. § 5. It may be argued that the variants ¥, Y represent <é> instead of <4> on the coins in question.
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9) After Neumann’s publication several other inscriptions have been found. In addition, some fragments came to light which are related to, or could be joined with previously published texts. A couple of these texts have been published in various places. Transliterations of most of them are provided in the online corpus of Melchert published in 2001, which, however, is not a critical edition, but a pre- liminary collection of texts in transliteration. A new critical edition was cet ac the onal of the Viennese Cornis of I vcian
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
§ 2. HLuw. ARHA with lexicalized (grammaticalized as ‘terminative’?) value «One of the defining features of both Hittite and Luvian is their system of so- called “local adverbs”, which define basic spatial relations and occur syntactically as free-standing adverbs, preverbs, and adpositions (in Hittite exclusively postposi- tions, but in Luvian as both prepositions and postpositions)».* The following table shows the correspondence of preverbs / adverbs — not etymological in the brack- eted {} forms — between Hittite and both attested Luvian ‘dialects’: verbs, namely anta and appan (§ 3), to finish with some final remarks on the col- lected material (§ 4).
Table 1. Luwian verbal stem classes ending in -/-. ia In the case of CLuw. dnni-, only the 3sg. form (a-)an-ni(-i)-ti is attested, but no corresponding plural form. This makes it impossible to decide which of the three types of leniting i-verbs it would = di belong to. In fact, if the reconstruction of anni-“ as *HénH-je/o- is correct, it would form a separate, fifth type of leniting i-verb, of which it would be the only c lowing the analysis of dnni-“ that it can be viewed as the representa ear example. I am therefore hesitant in fol- as reflecting *HénH-ie/o-, and certainly do not think ive of a type that may have influenced the change of the accentuation of a stem *Hig-jé/0- to *Hig-ie/o-. All in all, we have to conclude (with Yakubovich 2014) that in Luwian no good examples exist of origi- nal *-ie/o-verbs that show lenition of heir endings, and that therefore the recon- struction of leniting izi(ya)-“ as a *-ie/o-formation is unattractive.
In the 8th century BCE, some speakers of HLuwian adapted this paradigm to become as follows: Given the diachronic distribution between the singular stems izi- and iziva- as discovered in the preceding section, it is clear that the singular stem iziya- is of a secondary origin, and I want to propose that it was created in analogy to the 3pl. forms, where iziya- was the only stem in use. In other words, the original pairs 3sg.pres. i-zi-i-ti Atsidi/ vs. 3pl.pres. i-zi-ia-ti Atsianti/, 3sg.pret. i-zi-i-ta /itsida/ vs. 3pl.pret. i-zi-ia-ta/ta /itsianta/, and 3sg.imp. i-zi-i-tu /itsidu/ vs. 3pl.imp. i-zi-ia-ti /itsiantu/ were in the course of the 8th century BCE by some speakers of HLuwian changed to 3sg. i-zi-ia-tV /itsiadV/ vs. 3pl. i-zi-ia-tV /itsiantV/ by taking over the 3pl. stem /itsia-/ into the singular. From here this stem spread to the entire paradigm (1sg.pres.act. iziyawi, 1sg.pret.act. izivaha, ger. iziyamina). Moreover, we should take into account that in the 3pl. forms of the structure eee foe Se ee ee Os ee oe dg Fe ek nk Yn ed Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 1 (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
THE ETYMOLOGY OF HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN /ZI(YA)-” which the new stem /itsia-/ spread to other forms of the paradigm. In the map below (Fig. 1), all 8th century BCE inscriptions that contain < singular form of the verb ‘to do’ are indicated, with circles representing attesta ions of the original stem i-zi-i-C°, and with stars, triangles and squares indicating the innovated stem i-zi-ia-C°. Of these latter signs, the stars represent attesta ions dating to the mid-8th c. BCE, and the triangles represent attestations dating to the late 8th c. BCE, whereas the squares represent texts that are dated to the 8 he BCE, without a specific refinement as to whether they are from the early, mid- o1 late 8th c. BCE. Although the material is on the scanty side, it seems tha the innovated paradigm originated in the mid-8th c. BCE in Karkami8 and it: surrounding region, and from there spread north-westwards: in the late 8th c. BCE the innovation has reached all the way to the area north of the Taurus as well Nevertheless, the innovation was not shared by all speakers: throughout the 8th c BCE, also in its latter half, we find the original paradigm being used in the entire HLuwian speaking area.
THE ETYMOLOGY OF HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN JZ/(YA)-”
—a——e—esr error ———— co———ee— According to Payne (2012:42), CINEKOY probably predated KARATEP and served as a model. This may be one of the reasons for the possib misunderstanding of the phraseology. Another explanation is that tt commissioners of the KARATEPE inscription voluntarily wanted to refer | Azatiwadas as the ‘father and mother’ of the land, because the expression ‘to / mother and father of someone’, known from the Mesopotamian tradition and fro: the Palaic invocation (Text 16), was also familiar to them. The KARATEP inscription (Text 15) appears to have changed the syntactic disposition ‘to / mother and father’ in order to provide the semantic connotation seen in the Anit Proclamation (Text 11) and in the CINEKOY inscription (Text 14), where th defeated citizens are equated to fathers and mothers (see Table 1). 11. Note that for this example the terms ‘subject’ and ‘object’ are to be interpreted /ato sensu, since this sentence is in middle voice, and therefore the syntactic role of Warika and of the House and King of Assyria are, correspondingly, ‘agent’ and ‘pacient’.
$ 7. Zunachst zu den Ausgangen -a# und -e#. Die Textstellen haben eindeutig ge- zeigt, dass die Formen auf -a# und -e# ,echte Infinitive‘ sind; daher kann das syn- aktische Kriterium nicht hinsichtlich der Rekonstruktion der Funktion in Betracht zezogen werden. Demgegentiber lasst sich die Antwort nach dem phonetischen »zw. morphologischen Kritertum suchen, aufgrund dessen nur die Kasus Direktiv *-eh>) und Instrumental (*-eh;) in Betracht gezogen werden konnen. Es bestehen lie folgenden Méglichkeiten:
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 1 (2019) ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9) kd / AMU IVES UMaAVe Nin, UUL OWL SH). Furthermore, otonosn in C.Ka 5 does not fit either. Schiirr 2010a: served that C. 203 ol Ka 5 has no <fi> at all and proposed that this “k6onnte dafiir spreche: da der Gebrauch von 7i in Kaunos erst spater aufkam”. This must remain ope: show <n> and Zingg 2010 s [without <fi>] he mid of the however, since dating problems prevent a conclusive judgement: six inscrip /or <i> (C.Ka 6, 8, 9 and the one published in Kunnert — Schiirr 2007: 153-154 and Marek 2006: 125, Adiego 2007: 159, all with refs., resp. hey are more or less contemporary: the inscriptions without <fi> date from befot how neither), but only four of them can be dated (the dates of C. and C.Ka 1 [with <fi>] are unknown, Marek 2006: 123, Adi ior Ka ieg an 4" ¢, (C.Ka 1, Roos 1972: 42) and from the last quarter of the 4 (C.Ka 7, Schmaltz 1998: 209).” Therefore the Carian oranheme <n» ctill recicte exnlanation This naner ic de th ¢ perhaps early 3c. (C.Ka 5 , Marek 2006: 119, 121 with refs.), while the inscri ions with <fi> date from the 4/3" c. (C.Ka 2, Robert 1950: 21) and from 400-35
There are two more cases that are, however, problematic and thus provide only dditional arguments:
Stem assignment in the data introduced above requires some explanations. In accordance with the usual practice of Indo-European linguistics, it is assumed that the canonical shape of the consonantal stems is the one found before vocalic end- ings. In the instance of Lydian, these are the endings -a (nom.-acc.pl.n) and -av/-av (obl.pl). This would be the rationale for reconstructing the stems ipsimv- “Ephe- sian’ and mdimn- ‘Mermnad’ in the first approximation. In the instance of stems ending in semi-vowels, it is usual to include their vocalic allophones in the stem representation. Therefore, acc.pl niwiswa would imply the stem niwisu- ‘impious’, while obl.pl prwav is conducive to the stem assignment pru- ‘year’, again in the first approximation.
Table 3: Interpretation of the Lydian dating formulae. roy of the crumbling Empire of Hattusa and then became independent ruler in the west of Asia Minor? Did his rule extend to the territory that was inhabited by the ancestors of the Lydians? Was he able to found a dynasty and how long did it last? These are all the questions to which we cannot provide answers: the history of western Anatolia in post-Hattusa period is not covered by the written sources avail- able to us to date. Therefore, the proposed new account of gadmu- represents no more than a tantalizing possibility, on a par with Carruba’s derivation from the appellative ‘warlord’. But whichever semantic account one chooses, the formal derivation of gadmu- from a possessive compound ‘(having) the strength of the army’ remains the only viable option available to date and supports in turn the pro- posed account of the subsequent development of this stem in Lydian. It seems appropriate to conclude this paper by listing all the dating formulae from Tahle 1 tocsether with their nndated translations.
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Research paper thumbnail of Phrygian linguistics and epigraphy: new insights. Edited by Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach and Ignasi-Xavier Adiego
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 20 – Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 3 (2022) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-891-4), 2023
Research paper thumbnail of Suetoni: Calígula
Suetoni: Calígula
Suetoni: Calígula. Traducció d'Alejandra de Riquer / Ignasi X. Adiego, 2022
Research paper thumbnail of Quint Ciceró. Manual de campanya electoral.
Quint Ciceró. Manual de campanya electoral.
Quint Ciceró. Manual de campanya electoral. Traducció d'Ignasi X. Adiego / Alejandra de Riquer, 2017
L’any 64 aC, Ciceró, que té el do de la paraula però no pertany a la noblesa senatorial, és candi... moreL’any 64 aC, Ciceró, que té el do de la paraula però no pertany a la noblesa senatorial, és candidat a les eleccions al consolat -la més alta magistratura de Roma- juntament amb sis aspirants més. La victòria sembla inassolible, però el seu germà, que li fa de «cap de campanya», li dóna tota mena de consells, normes de comportament i tàctiques per obtenir el càrrec. Gairebé tot és permès si l’objectiu s’ho val: la mentida en benefici del rèdit electoral, l’adulació, la propaganda, la divulgació dels escàndols dels rivals... Més de dos mil anys després, aquest llibre enlluernador ens continua sorprenent per la seva vigència.
Research paper thumbnail of Adiego (2007) The Carian Language, Leiden-Boston: Brill
Adiego (2007) The Carian Language, Leiden-Boston: Brill
This handbook provides a complete and updated view of our current knowledge about Carian, one of ... moreThis handbook provides a complete and updated view of our current knowledge about Carian, one of the Indo-European languages spoken in ancient Anatolia. The decipherment of the Carian alphabet has only recently made it possible to analyze Carian inscriptions and to classify the Carian language linguistically.
The book covers all major topics of research on Carian: the direct and indirect sources with an edition of the Carian inscriptions following a new classification system, the history of the decipherment, the Carian alphabet, and the phonological, morphological, lexical, and syntactic features of the language. It includes an annotated Carian glossary.
The volume concludes with a special appendix on Carian coins and
legends by Koray Konuk that will be of particular interest to specialists in ancient numismatics.
Research paper thumbnail of Teatro de gitanos y de la vida Seguido de "La entrada patética de los gitanos en las letras occidentales" JULI VALLMITJANA Joana Masó, Ignasi-Xavier Adiego (eds.)
Teatro de gitanos y de la vida Seguido de "La entrada patética de los gitanos en las letras occidentales" JULI VALLMITJANA Joana Masó, Ignasi-Xavier Adiego (eds.)
Athenaica, 2017
Qué condujo a Juli Vallmitjana (1873-1937), a partir de 1906, a desplazarse regularmente desde el... moreQué condujo a Juli Vallmitjana (1873-1937), a partir de 1906, a desplazarse regularmente desde el barrio de Gràcia de Barcelona, donde vivía y trabajaba en el taller familiar de argentería, hasta la montaña de Montjuïc y el barrio de Hostafrancs al encuentro de las comunidades gitanas? Tras una primera formación como pintor, contexto en el que entabló amistad con Nonell, Canals o Picasso, no sabemos qué lo llevó a transitar entre la Barcelona modernista y el mundo moderno de los bajos fondos y la vida gitana para consagrarse a la literatura. Desde el aprendizaje autodidacta del caló de los gitanos catalanes, Vallmitjana trabajó en la escritura de obras de teatro y cuadros de costumbres gitanas, que leemos hoy sabiendo que su literatura es un preciado repositorio léxico, archivo único de registros del habla caló de principios de siglo dentro del espacio literario. El presente volumen, editado y prologado por Joana Masó, con edición crítica a cargo de Ignasi-Xavier Adiego y traducción de Marçal Font i Espí, da a leer por primera vez en traducción castellana un conjunto de obras de teatro –Los churdeles, Los zin-calós (Los gitanos), La gitana virgen y La mala vida– y un ensayo-conferencia, Criminalidad típica local, que Juli Vallmitjana publicó entre 1910 y 1930, en contemporaneidad radical con las vanguardias históricas europeas. El volumen añade asimismo imágenes y documentación epistolar inéditas, junto con la obra de Fernand Baldensperger La entrada patética de los gitanos en las letras occidentales (1933) a modo de epílogo.
Research paper thumbnail of Un vocabulario español-gitano del Marqués de Sentmenat
"[El conocimiento del antiguo dialecto de los gitanos españoles] sigue siendo, con anterioridad a... more"[El conocimiento del antiguo dialecto de los gitanos españoles] sigue siendo, con anterioridad a los últimos decenios del siglo XVIII, uno de los más arduos problemas que ofrece el gitano español" C. Clavería, "Nuevas notas sobre los gitanismos del español", BRAE 34 (1953), p. 76.
Research paper thumbnail of A kingdom for a Carian letter
Important consequences of the new decipherment of a Carian letter. Paper presented at : ‘LUWIC’ ... moreImportant consequences of the new decipherment of a Carian letter.  Paper presented at : ‘LUWIC’ DIALECTS: INHERITANCE AND DIFFUSION
6th Workshop Barcelona, March 28, 2019. Full publication forhtcoming.
Research paper thumbnail of New transcriptions of some Carian inscriptions
The new values proposed for letters Masson 36 and 42 after the deciphering of the dating formula... moreThe new values proposed for letters Masson 36 and 42 after the deciphering of the dating formula of Hyllarima C.Hy 1 lead to new transcriptions of some Carian inscriptions.

Log In



or



orreset password

Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.

Need an account? Click here to sign up
[8]ページ先頭
©2009-2025 Movatter.jp