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Patrick Gun Cuninghame has been a Sociology lecturer at the Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana (UAM) in Mexico City since July 2008. He teaches undergraduate courses on the Sociology of Work and postgraduate courses on State Theory. His present research project is entitled “Capitalismo Cognitivo, Trabajo Inmaterial y Conflictos Sociales Relacionados a la Producción del Conocimiento en la Universidad Pública: Un Estudio Comparativo de México e Italia”. He coordinated the Area of Power Relations and Political Culture in the Social Science Doctoral Program from June 2009 to January 2011. He is a member of the editorial board of Argumentos (quarterly journal of the Division of Social Sciences and Humanities of the Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana – Unidad Xochimilco; coordinating special issues on the global economic crisis and on contemporary social movements in 2010) and an ISA-RC30 (Sociology of Work) executive committee member. He was born in Ireland and was educated in Ireland and England. He received an MA Hons degree in History from Edinburgh University in 1983, and a PhD in Sociology from Middlesex University in 2002 with a thesis on Italian autonomist social movements of the 1970s. He was a member of the editorial committees of Capital & Class (1997-1999) and London Notes (1991-1993). He worked previously at the Universidad Autonoma de Ciudad Juarez (2004-2008), in Chihuahua, Mexico, researching the relationship between globalization, the maquiladora export industry and transnational identities in the Ciudad Juarez-El Paso borderlands. Before that he had worked at universities in Turin, Italy, Nablus, Palestine, and London, England. His areas of specialization are Sociology of Work, State Theory, Social Movement Theory, Contemporary Social History, Globalization Theory, Identity Theory and Border Theory.
Phone: work: (+52-55- ) 54 83 7000 EXT. 3110
Address: Calzada del Hueso 1100,
Col. Villa Quietud,
Delegación Coyoacán,
C.P. 04960,
D.F. México
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Papers by Patrick Gun Cuninghame

Research paper thumbnail of Resistance to precarity in knowledge production. The case of a Mexican state university
The precarity of Autonomous Metropolitan University (UAM) manual, administrative and academic wor... moreThe precarity of Autonomous Metropolitan University (UAM) manual, administrative and academic workers was one of the main causes of SITUAM’s3 historic strike between February and April 2008, the longest since the university’s foundation in Mexico City in 1974. However, the conflict has remained unsolved and it seems that this process will continue to provoke unrest and tension among workers until it is solved, probably after another form of strike or industrial dispute in the not so distant future. But what exactly is university precarity? What are its main forms? Could it be more effectively combated than through the stalemate trench warfare of the prolonged strike?
In an attempt to answer these questions this chapter starts from the proposition suggested by the international online discussion list and blog “Edu-factory” (http://www.edu-factory.org/edu15/) that the university has become an increasingly privatized and globalized "factory" for the production and dissemination of knowledge in themost intensive and competitive form possible, increasingly linked to the demands of private enterprise and the “free market”, rather than those of society. As for research, the state university is ever more in competition with research foundations and the private sector. These developments occur within and are crucial to the ongoing transition from industrial to cognitive capitalism, which Vercellone (2009: 119) defines as “a system of accumulation in which the productive value of professional and scientific work becomes dominant, and the central stakes in the valorization of capital relate directly to the control and transformation of knowledge into fictitious goods.”
As the higher education sector is key to the creation of surplus value in cognitive capitalism in which production and strategic dissemination of knowledge is central, a series of struggles are now being fought against both the privatization and transnationalization of the sector as well as the precarization, flexibilisation and casualization ofits workforce. However, given the highly flexibilised, segmented and hierarchical nature of this workforce, these conflicts require the invention of new forms of struggle that will be more effective both in creating and maintaining the unity necessary to win by imposing a more effective pressure on the administration of public universities than the prolonged strike of the historical trade union movement. Above all, the organization of the production and distribution of knowledge as “common wealth” instead of fetishized market commodity is the key to thwarting both the neoliberalization of the public university and finally of neoliberalism-as-cognitive-capitalism itself (Hardt & Negri, 2009). For, as Roggero (2012) so succinctly demonstrates, the transformation of labor under cognitive capitalism and the production, distribution and consumption of knowledge are intimately entwined in a system where labor is not only in the process of being made ever more precarious, but is also obliged to continually retrain and refine its intellectual capacities if it is to remain as “living labor”. But as labor always seeks its autonomy from the subordinating power of capital, so the struggle for the control of knowledge will be at the centre of its political practice:
“(...) recent university movements demonstrate (...) the new dynamic and changing relation between technical and political composition. That is they demonstrate the possibility of shattering and overturning the political economy of merit into collective control and evaluation of the production of knowledge; the populist battle against the corrupt into a generalized struggle against the debt, over the salary and income, for the re- appropriation of social wealth; and the backlash against the system of representation, as well as ‘antipolitical’ behavior, into a radical politics of the common.” (Roggero, 2012: 12).
Research paper thumbnail of Entre el autonomismo y y el zapatismo 2013
No solamente es la libertad, pero también un crecimiento antropológico que causa una acumulación ... moreNo solamente es la libertad, pero también un crecimiento antropológico que causa una acumulación de deseos, de necesidades, de voluntad; es, principalmente, un fenómeno colectivo, es profundamente cooperativa. La autonomía es del común.
Research paper thumbnail of "Hot Autumn": Italy’s Factory Councils and Autonomous Workers’ Assemblies, 1970s
"Ours to Master and to Own: Workers’ Councils from the Commune to the Present", Sep 1, 2011
This chapter examines and analyzes the historical development of workers’ councils within the Ita... moreThis chapter examines and analyzes the historical development of workers’ councils within the Italian factory system during the “Long 1968,” based on two rival models: the factory councils and the autonomous workers’ assemblies. Following the 1969 “Hot Autumn” wildcat strike wave, the autonomous workers’ movement aimed to topple the unions from their hegemonic position, while the three Italian union confederations—CGIL,1 CISL,2 and UIL3—attempted to recover their representative power. Conflicts over wage bargaining were used to destabilize the factory system and
the capitalist division of labor, thus creating the conditions for workers’ counterpower in the factory. The factory councils  integrated often radically different political positions, but with the shared ultimate objective of restoring the hegemony of the unions as a unitary organizational form while still expressing the will of at least part of the rank and file.
Research paper thumbnail of Un rire qui vous enterrera tous – Italie 1977
Un texte sur « l’ironie comme protestation et le langage comme lutte dans le mouvement italien de... moreUn texte sur « l’ironie comme protestation et le langage comme lutte dans le mouvement italien de 1977 » ou comment l’usage subversif du langage peut aider à ridiculiser les représentations et les pratiques politiques autoritaires, staliniennes, sociales-démocrates, gauchistes…
Research paper thumbnail of AUTONOMISM AS A GLOBAL SOCIAL MOVEMENT
"Despite the consensus opinion that alterglobalism is in crisis and apparently without a clear ob... more"Despite the consensus opinion that alterglobalism is in crisis and apparently without a clear objective or
vehicle for promoting global change through the ineffective World Social Forum “model,” a significant
anticapitalist tendency continues to remain active. However, questions remain over autonomism’s ability to
avoid ghettoizing itself and provide more than intense internal criticism of other more institutionalized and
“vertical” currents. Autonomism originated in Europe in the seventies and eighties, specifically around the
Autonomia and Autonomen radical social movements in Italy and Germany. Based on Italian workerist
theories of worker self-management and autonomy from the mediating institutions of both capital and labor,
the movement has since absorbed strong influences from radical feminism, the North American counterculture,
French poststructuralism, neoanarchism, Mexican neo-Zapatism, and the Argentinean workerrecuperated
factory and self-management movements."
Research paper thumbnail of Autonomia i Autonomistyczne Ruchy
Nowy włoski ruch społeczny z połowy i końca lat 70. XX w., znanyjako Autonomia bądź Autonomia Op... moreNowy włoski ruch społeczny z połowy i końca lat 70. XX w., znany
jako Autonomia bądź Autonomia Operaia (Autonomia Robotnicza), odegrał
kluczową rolę będąc zbiorowym aktorem historii europejskich protestów
i konfliktów społecznych drugiej połowy XX w. Po pierwsze, miał on
istotny wpływ na niezmiernie konfliktogenną i stosunkowo nagłą transformację
Włoch, które od połowy lat 70. z jeszcze niedawno uprzemysłowionego
państwa zaczęły stawać się „postfordystycznym”, postindustrialnym
społeczeństwem. Proces ten cały czas się toczy wraz ze stopniowym wyłanianiem
się Drugiej Republiki, w ramach szerszych procesów integracji
europejskiej, politycznej niestabilności, regionalnym brakiem równowagi
i skandalami korupcyjnymi Pierwszej Republiki. Po drugie, doświadczenia
Autonomii rzuciły światło na problemy dotyczące zmieniającej się natury
wspólnej tożsamości, organizacji politycznej i społecznej kontestacji
w zurbanizowanych, rozwiniętych społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych.
Research paper thumbnail of FOR AN ANALYSIS OF AUTONOMIA: AN INTERVIEW WITH SERGIO BOLOGNA
Movimento is delighted to offer, as part of our "Storie d'Italia '68-'77" series, an interview by... moreMovimento is delighted to offer, as part of our "Storie d'Italia '68-'77" series, an interview by Patrick Cuninghame with Sergio Bologna in which they discuss the political and cultural implications of the various social movements that sprang up in Italy in the 1970's and in particular Autonomia. The interview was conducted in June 1995 in Mexico City.
Research paper thumbnail of “A Laughter That Will Bury You All”: Irony as Protest and Language as Struggle in the Italian 1977 Movement
“A Laughter That Will Bury You All”: Irony as Protest and Language as Struggle in the Italian 1977 Movement
Perhaps the most innovative aspect of the Italian “1977 Movement” in its conflict with the grey, ... morePerhaps the most innovative aspect of the Italian “1977 Movement” in its conflict with the grey, humourless political system was its use of irony to ridicule its opponents. Irony was central to the identity of the movement and its cultural and political break with the institutional old and vanguardist new lefts. Its use, particularly by the “Metropolitan Indians”, the transversalists and other “creatives”, marked a social revolt by mainly marginalized young people, who invented a new political counter-culture based on linguistic experimentation in circumstances far from the optimism of 1968. The paper, based directly on primary sources from the movement and on interviews with former participants, reassesses a movement usually characterized as “violent” by Italianist social history. It concludes that the movement's “ironic praxis” contributed to a fundamental change in Italian society in the late seventies and has influenced the political style of contemporary alter-globalist and anti-capitalist movements.
Research paper thumbnail of A Rainbow at Midnight: Zapatistas and Autonomy
THE BRUTAL MASSACRE of 45 indigenous sympathisers, mostly womenand children, of the EZLN (Zapati... moreTHE BRUTAL MASSACRE of 45 indigenous sympathisers, mostly women
and children, of the EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army) in a
refugee camp near Acteal in the south-eastern state of Chiapas,Mexico, last
December 22, at the hands of paramilitary death squads linked to the PRI
government served to remind world opinion that the ‘Rebellion of the Forgotten’
of January 1994 has moved from a low to a high intensity conflict.The success of
the Zapatistas in mobilising Mexican and international ‘civil society’, particularly
through the Internet, in a common struggle against the disastrous human and
environmental consequences of neoliberalism, globalisation and “free trade”and
for increased autonomy for indigenous peoples has forced the PRI regime, under
the instigation of the US government and World Bank, to adopt a more violent and
politically riskier strategy of repression through state terror. This has effectively
ended the phase of negotiations which led to the signing of the San Andrés
Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture in February 1996, which the PRI
(Party of the Institutional Revolution) regime has since refused to implement, so
intensifying the conflict.
and children, of the EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army) in a refugee camp near Acteal in the south-eastern state of Chiapas, Mexico, last December 22, at the hands of paramilitary death squads linked to the PR sovernment served to remind world opinion that the ‘Rebellion of the Forgotten’ of January 1994 has moved from a low to a high intensity conflict. The success of he Zapatistas in mobilising Mexican and international ‘civil society’, particularly hrough the Internet, in a common struggle against the disastrous human and snvironmental consequences of neoliberalism, globalisation and “free trade” and ‘or increased autonomy for indigenous peoples has forced the PRI regime, under he instigation of the US government and World Bank, to adopt a more violent and olitically riskier strategy of repression through state terror. This has effectively ended the phase of negotiations which led to the signing of the San Andrés Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture in February 1996, which the PR ‘Party of the Institutional Revolution) regime has since refused to implement, so ntensifying the conflict. T= BRUTAL MASSACRE of 45 indigenous sympathisers, mostly women
Research paper thumbnail of Italian feminism, workerism and autonomy in the 1970s The struggle against unpaid reproductive labour and violence
Based on interviews and social movement primary sources, this article critically analyzes the con... moreBased on interviews and social movement primary sources, this article critically analyzes the contributions of that current of Italian feminism which, while maintaining its distance, has both influenced and been influenced by the evolution from the neo-Marxist workerist movements of the 1960s to today’s global autonomist movements. Through the writings of Mariarosa Dalla Costa and other academics, and the activism of New Left-related feminists movements such as Lotta Feminista, one of the first transnational feminist movements, Wages for Housework, began to network in North America and Western Europe from the mid 1970s. In their campaign against sexual violence within the working class family as a disciplinary measure used by men to force unwaged housework from women, and their demands for waged housework, sex work and other forms of unwaged reproductive labour as part of an overall demand for a guaranteed social salary, these theoretician-activists have made links with grassroots, autonomous movements among mainly non-unionised women workers. They have critiqued the limits of both the liberal-feminist discourse on participation in the labour market as the prerequisite for equal opportunities, and the dependence of much socialist-feminist discourse on the centrality of the welfare state for female emancipation.
Research paper thumbnail of “EDUFACTORY”: PRECARIZACIÓN DE LA PRODUCCIÓN DEL CONOCIMIENTO Y ALTERNATIVAS
ResumenEn el contexto de la reciente huelga del Sindicato de Trabajadores de la UniversidadAutó... moreResumen
En el contexto de la reciente huelga del Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Universidad
Autónoma Metropolitana, llevada a cabo en la ciudad de México, este artículo se basa
en la idea de que la universidad es una “fábrica”, en el proceso de ser privatizada,
flexibilizada y globalizada, para la producción y la diseminación de conocimiento,
acorde con los máximos estándares posibles de eficiencia y competitividad. Esta
racionalidad, conocida como “capitalismo académico” o “posfordismo académico”, ha
causado el incremento de trabajo flexible en la academia, acarreando el reemplazo
gradual de los profesores de tiempo completo –cuyas categorías laborales fueron
creadas durante el boom de la universidad pública y la escolarización de las masas
en la era keynesiana– por profesores de tiempo parcial, flexibilizados, sin seguridad
laboral o con un trabajo “precario”.
Abstract
In the context of the recent strike by the Independent Union of the Workers of the
Autonomous Metropolitan University, Mexico City, this article is based on the concept
that the neoliberal state university is a “factory”, in the process of being privatized,
flexibilised and globalized, for the production and dissemination of knowledge in the
most intensive, filtered and competitive manner possible. This development, known
as “academic capitalism” or “academic postfordism”, has caused the increased flexibilisation
of work in the academy, resulting in the gradual replacement of the full
time –permanent positions created during the boom of the public university and of
mass scholarization in the Keynesian era– with part-time, flexibilised, and above
all insecure, or “precarious” work.
Research paper thumbnail of Globalización, maquiladoras e identidades transnacionales en Ciudad Juárez: perspectivas teóricas
El punto de partida de esta ponencia es la hipótesis que las configuraciones locales yglobales d... moreEl punto de partida de esta ponencia es la hipótesis que las configuraciones locales y
globales de identidad en Ciudad Juárez están determinadas por los procesos económicos
de la globalización, cuya manifestación principal es la planta de asamblea para
exportación, o sea la maquiladora. Hasta aquí, los estudios sobre las identidades
fronterizas han dado énfasis a los procesos socio-culturales y han considerado mucho
menos la importancia de los procesos económicos en la construcción de las identidades.
Entonces, el objetivo principal de la ponencia es examinar las perspectivas teóricas de un
proyecto de investigación que busca determinar si identidades transnacionales están
surgiendo entre los y las obreros de la maquiladora, debido a los impactos de la
globalización; cuales formas estas identidades transnacionales podrían tomar; y que
podrían ser sus impactos sociales e implicaciones políticas.
Research paper thumbnail of Globalisation, maquiladoras and transnational identities in Ciudad Juarez (Chihuahua) and El Paso (Texas)
This paper’s point of departure is that the local and global configurations of identity inCiudad... moreThis paper’s point of departure is that the local and global configurations of identity in
Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, and in El Paso, Texas, are determined by the processes of
economic globalisation, whose main manifestation is or has been until recently the
maquiladora assembly plant. Hitherto, studies on border identities have emphasized more
socio-cultural processes and have not analysed economic processes sufficiently as
decisive in the construction of identities. The paper’s objective is to identify the salient
characteristics of the identities of maquiladora workers and ex-workers on both sides of
the border and to ascertain if transnational identities are emerging because of the impacts
of globalisation. It derives from an ongoing Mexican government-funded research project
which has an overall aim of contributing to the improvement of intercultural coexistence
and gender relationships within and between the two border cities.
Research paper thumbnail of La puerta del huerto y del jardín
La puerta del huerto y del jardín
En el artículo, que mantiene su enfoque central sobre el trabajo de reproducción como cuestión no... moreEn el artículo, que mantiene su enfoque central sobre el trabajo de reproducción como cuestión no resuelta y terreno cada vez más golpeado por políticas destructivas, se analizan las devas-taciones que cruzan las huertas y los jardines de la reproducción dentro y fuera de los cuerpos (ejemplificadas por el abuso de la histerectomía en la medicina como por las políticas agrícolas de la tierra), individuando en los sujetos que defienden los poderes reproductivos de la vida en los cuerpos y en la tierra (mujeres, agricultores, pueblos indígenas, campesinos, pescadores) los sujetos cruciales para contrastar esas tendencias y diseñar un mundo distinto
Research paper thumbnail of Resistiendo al imperio: Autonomía, autonomismo y movimientos sociales latinoamericanos
Centrándose en los movimientos sociales autónomos contemporáneos en México, Brasil, Argentina y B... moreCentrándose en los movimientos sociales autónomos contemporáneos en México, Brasil, Argentina y Bolivia, este artículo intenta evaluar críticamente los conceptos de imperio, imperialismo, multitud y resistencia para entender mejor el desafío que enfrentan las fuerzas sociales y políticas que organizan oposición y proponen alternativas al neoimperialismo de Estados Unidos y al capitalismo global en América Latina. Después de una discusión de los conceptos centrales de autonomía y movimiento social se examinan los conceptos controversiales de “imperio” y “multitud” en Hardt y Negri y Coco y Negri, junto con los contra argumentos en defensa de los conceptos marxistas clásicos de imperialismo, clase obrera, frentismo, socialismo y soberanía nacional de los críticos de Hardt y Negri, como Boron, Katz y Callinicos. Luego se consideran las varias formas de resistencia autónoma en América Latina, tanto contra el “Consenso de Washington” neoliberal como contra el neoliberalismo “progresista” de los países del Mercosur. Se debate si el Estado nacional en América Latina todavía tiene un papel de resistencia contra los planes de expansión del “imperio”, una pregunta que no se puede evitar en un continente donde el “nacionalismo de izquierda” sigue siendo la principal ideología izquierdista, a pesar del zapatismo en México, la izquierda autónoma de los piqueteros en Argentina, el movimiento de los campesinos sin tierra en Brasil, y el indigenismo autónomo en todo el continente.
Research paper thumbnail of La crisis economica global ... ¡somos nosotros!
La crisis economica global ... ¡somos nosotros!
La resonancia y complejidad de la crisis de 2008-2009 obliga la reflexión para intentar caracteri... moreLa resonancia y complejidad de la crisis de 2008-2009 obliga la reflexión para intentar caracterizarla. Al revisar la producción reciente, nos interesó lo que discuten investigadores de diferentes partes del mundo: David Harvey, Giovanni Arrighi, Immanuel Wallerstein, Robert Brenner, Samir Amin, Tony Negri y Michael Hardt, entre los más destacados.
Research paper thumbnail of Autonomia: a movement of refusal: social movements and social conflict in Italy in the 1970's.
Autonomia: a movement of refusal: social movements and social conflict in Italy in the 1970's.
This thesis examines the continuing significance in contemporary Italy of the Italian new social ... moreThis thesis examines the continuing significance in contemporary Italy of the Italian new social movement of 1973-83, Autonomia, by positing it as a movement of refusal: of capitalist work, of the party form, of the clandestine form of political violence, and of the politics of `taking ...
Research paper thumbnail of Whither autonomism as a global social movement?
Whither autonomism as a global social movement?
Research paper thumbnail of Hybridity, Transnationalism, and Identity in the US-Mexican Borderlands
Hybrid identities: theoretical and empirical …, Jan 1, 2008
Research paper thumbnail of Resistance to precarity in knowledge production. The case of a Mexican state university
The precarity of Autonomous Metropolitan University (UAM) manual, administrative and academic wor... moreThe precarity of Autonomous Metropolitan University (UAM) manual, administrative and academic workers was one of the main causes of SITUAM’s3 historic strike between February and April 2008, the longest since the university’s foundation in Mexico City in 1974. However, the conflict has remained unsolved and it seems that this process will continue to provoke unrest and tension among workers until it is solved, probably after another form of strike or industrial dispute in the not so distant future. But what exactly is university precarity? What are its main forms? Could it be more effectively combated than through the stalemate trench warfare of the prolonged strike?
In an attempt to answer these questions this chapter starts from the proposition suggested by the international online discussion list and blog “Edu-factory” (http://www.edu-factory.org/edu15/) that the university has become an increasingly privatized and globalized "factory" for the production and dissemination of knowledge in themost intensive and competitive form possible, increasingly linked to the demands of private enterprise and the “free market”, rather than those of society. As for research, the state university is ever more in competition with research foundations and the private sector. These developments occur within and are crucial to the ongoing transition from industrial to cognitive capitalism, which Vercellone (2009: 119) defines as “a system of accumulation in which the productive value of professional and scientific work becomes dominant, and the central stakes in the valorization of capital relate directly to the control and transformation of knowledge into fictitious goods.”
As the higher education sector is key to the creation of surplus value in cognitive capitalism in which production and strategic dissemination of knowledge is central, a series of struggles are now being fought against both the privatization and transnationalization of the sector as well as the precarization, flexibilisation and casualization ofits workforce. However, given the highly flexibilised, segmented and hierarchical nature of this workforce, these conflicts require the invention of new forms of struggle that will be more effective both in creating and maintaining the unity necessary to win by imposing a more effective pressure on the administration of public universities than the prolonged strike of the historical trade union movement. Above all, the organization of the production and distribution of knowledge as “common wealth” instead of fetishized market commodity is the key to thwarting both the neoliberalization of the public university and finally of neoliberalism-as-cognitive-capitalism itself (Hardt & Negri, 2009). For, as Roggero (2012) so succinctly demonstrates, the transformation of labor under cognitive capitalism and the production, distribution and consumption of knowledge are intimately entwined in a system where labor is not only in the process of being made ever more precarious, but is also obliged to continually retrain and refine its intellectual capacities if it is to remain as “living labor”. But as labor always seeks its autonomy from the subordinating power of capital, so the struggle for the control of knowledge will be at the centre of its political practice:
“(...) recent university movements demonstrate (...) the new dynamic and changing relation between technical and political composition. That is they demonstrate the possibility of shattering and overturning the political economy of merit into collective control and evaluation of the production of knowledge; the populist battle against the corrupt into a generalized struggle against the debt, over the salary and income, for the re- appropriation of social wealth; and the backlash against the system of representation, as well as ‘antipolitical’ behavior, into a radical politics of the common.” (Roggero, 2012: 12).
Research paper thumbnail of Entre el autonomismo y y el zapatismo 2013
No solamente es la libertad, pero también un crecimiento antropológico que causa una acumulación ... moreNo solamente es la libertad, pero también un crecimiento antropológico que causa una acumulación de deseos, de necesidades, de voluntad; es, principalmente, un fenómeno colectivo, es profundamente cooperativa. La autonomía es del común.
Research paper thumbnail of "Hot Autumn": Italy’s Factory Councils and Autonomous Workers’ Assemblies, 1970s
"Ours to Master and to Own: Workers’ Councils from the Commune to the Present", Sep 1, 2011
This chapter examines and analyzes the historical development of workers’ councils within the Ita... moreThis chapter examines and analyzes the historical development of workers’ councils within the Italian factory system during the “Long 1968,” based on two rival models: the factory councils and the autonomous workers’ assemblies. Following the 1969 “Hot Autumn” wildcat strike wave, the autonomous workers’ movement aimed to topple the unions from their hegemonic position, while the three Italian union confederations—CGIL,1 CISL,2 and UIL3—attempted to recover their representative power. Conflicts over wage bargaining were used to destabilize the factory system and
the capitalist division of labor, thus creating the conditions for workers’ counterpower in the factory. The factory councils  integrated often radically different political positions, but with the shared ultimate objective of restoring the hegemony of the unions as a unitary organizational form while still expressing the will of at least part of the rank and file.
Research paper thumbnail of Un rire qui vous enterrera tous – Italie 1977
Un texte sur « l’ironie comme protestation et le langage comme lutte dans le mouvement italien de... moreUn texte sur « l’ironie comme protestation et le langage comme lutte dans le mouvement italien de 1977 » ou comment l’usage subversif du langage peut aider à ridiculiser les représentations et les pratiques politiques autoritaires, staliniennes, sociales-démocrates, gauchistes…
Research paper thumbnail of AUTONOMISM AS A GLOBAL SOCIAL MOVEMENT
"Despite the consensus opinion that alterglobalism is in crisis and apparently without a clear ob... more"Despite the consensus opinion that alterglobalism is in crisis and apparently without a clear objective or
vehicle for promoting global change through the ineffective World Social Forum “model,” a significant
anticapitalist tendency continues to remain active. However, questions remain over autonomism’s ability to
avoid ghettoizing itself and provide more than intense internal criticism of other more institutionalized and
“vertical” currents. Autonomism originated in Europe in the seventies and eighties, specifically around the
Autonomia and Autonomen radical social movements in Italy and Germany. Based on Italian workerist
theories of worker self-management and autonomy from the mediating institutions of both capital and labor,
the movement has since absorbed strong influences from radical feminism, the North American counterculture,
French poststructuralism, neoanarchism, Mexican neo-Zapatism, and the Argentinean workerrecuperated
factory and self-management movements."
Research paper thumbnail of Autonomia i Autonomistyczne Ruchy
Nowy włoski ruch społeczny z połowy i końca lat 70. XX w., znanyjako Autonomia bądź Autonomia Op... moreNowy włoski ruch społeczny z połowy i końca lat 70. XX w., znany
jako Autonomia bądź Autonomia Operaia (Autonomia Robotnicza), odegrał
kluczową rolę będąc zbiorowym aktorem historii europejskich protestów
i konfliktów społecznych drugiej połowy XX w. Po pierwsze, miał on
istotny wpływ na niezmiernie konfliktogenną i stosunkowo nagłą transformację
Włoch, które od połowy lat 70. z jeszcze niedawno uprzemysłowionego
państwa zaczęły stawać się „postfordystycznym”, postindustrialnym
społeczeństwem. Proces ten cały czas się toczy wraz ze stopniowym wyłanianiem
się Drugiej Republiki, w ramach szerszych procesów integracji
europejskiej, politycznej niestabilności, regionalnym brakiem równowagi
i skandalami korupcyjnymi Pierwszej Republiki. Po drugie, doświadczenia
Autonomii rzuciły światło na problemy dotyczące zmieniającej się natury
wspólnej tożsamości, organizacji politycznej i społecznej kontestacji
w zurbanizowanych, rozwiniętych społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych.
Research paper thumbnail of FOR AN ANALYSIS OF AUTONOMIA: AN INTERVIEW WITH SERGIO BOLOGNA
Movimento is delighted to offer, as part of our "Storie d'Italia '68-'77" series, an interview by... moreMovimento is delighted to offer, as part of our "Storie d'Italia '68-'77" series, an interview by Patrick Cuninghame with Sergio Bologna in which they discuss the political and cultural implications of the various social movements that sprang up in Italy in the 1970's and in particular Autonomia. The interview was conducted in June 1995 in Mexico City.
Research paper thumbnail of “A Laughter That Will Bury You All”: Irony as Protest and Language as Struggle in the Italian 1977 Movement
“A Laughter That Will Bury You All”: Irony as Protest and Language as Struggle in the Italian 1977 Movement
Perhaps the most innovative aspect of the Italian “1977 Movement” in its conflict with the grey, ... morePerhaps the most innovative aspect of the Italian “1977 Movement” in its conflict with the grey, humourless political system was its use of irony to ridicule its opponents. Irony was central to the identity of the movement and its cultural and political break with the institutional old and vanguardist new lefts. Its use, particularly by the “Metropolitan Indians”, the transversalists and other “creatives”, marked a social revolt by mainly marginalized young people, who invented a new political counter-culture based on linguistic experimentation in circumstances far from the optimism of 1968. The paper, based directly on primary sources from the movement and on interviews with former participants, reassesses a movement usually characterized as “violent” by Italianist social history. It concludes that the movement's “ironic praxis” contributed to a fundamental change in Italian society in the late seventies and has influenced the political style of contemporary alter-globalist and anti-capitalist movements.
Research paper thumbnail of A Rainbow at Midnight: Zapatistas and Autonomy
THE BRUTAL MASSACRE of 45 indigenous sympathisers, mostly womenand children, of the EZLN (Zapati... moreTHE BRUTAL MASSACRE of 45 indigenous sympathisers, mostly women
and children, of the EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army) in a
refugee camp near Acteal in the south-eastern state of Chiapas,Mexico, last
December 22, at the hands of paramilitary death squads linked to the PRI
government served to remind world opinion that the ‘Rebellion of the Forgotten’
of January 1994 has moved from a low to a high intensity conflict.The success of
the Zapatistas in mobilising Mexican and international ‘civil society’, particularly
through the Internet, in a common struggle against the disastrous human and
environmental consequences of neoliberalism, globalisation and “free trade”and
for increased autonomy for indigenous peoples has forced the PRI regime, under
the instigation of the US government and World Bank, to adopt a more violent and
politically riskier strategy of repression through state terror. This has effectively
ended the phase of negotiations which led to the signing of the San Andrés
Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture in February 1996, which the PRI
(Party of the Institutional Revolution) regime has since refused to implement, so
intensifying the conflict.
and children, of the EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army) in a refugee camp near Acteal in the south-eastern state of Chiapas, Mexico, last December 22, at the hands of paramilitary death squads linked to the PR sovernment served to remind world opinion that the ‘Rebellion of the Forgotten’ of January 1994 has moved from a low to a high intensity conflict. The success of he Zapatistas in mobilising Mexican and international ‘civil society’, particularly hrough the Internet, in a common struggle against the disastrous human and snvironmental consequences of neoliberalism, globalisation and “free trade” and ‘or increased autonomy for indigenous peoples has forced the PRI regime, under he instigation of the US government and World Bank, to adopt a more violent and olitically riskier strategy of repression through state terror. This has effectively ended the phase of negotiations which led to the signing of the San Andrés Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture in February 1996, which the PR ‘Party of the Institutional Revolution) regime has since refused to implement, so ntensifying the conflict. T= BRUTAL MASSACRE of 45 indigenous sympathisers, mostly women
Research paper thumbnail of Italian feminism, workerism and autonomy in the 1970s The struggle against unpaid reproductive labour and violence
Based on interviews and social movement primary sources, this article critically analyzes the con... moreBased on interviews and social movement primary sources, this article critically analyzes the contributions of that current of Italian feminism which, while maintaining its distance, has both influenced and been influenced by the evolution from the neo-Marxist workerist movements of the 1960s to today’s global autonomist movements. Through the writings of Mariarosa Dalla Costa and other academics, and the activism of New Left-related feminists movements such as Lotta Feminista, one of the first transnational feminist movements, Wages for Housework, began to network in North America and Western Europe from the mid 1970s. In their campaign against sexual violence within the working class family as a disciplinary measure used by men to force unwaged housework from women, and their demands for waged housework, sex work and other forms of unwaged reproductive labour as part of an overall demand for a guaranteed social salary, these theoretician-activists have made links with grassroots, autonomous movements among mainly non-unionised women workers. They have critiqued the limits of both the liberal-feminist discourse on participation in the labour market as the prerequisite for equal opportunities, and the dependence of much socialist-feminist discourse on the centrality of the welfare state for female emancipation.
Research paper thumbnail of “EDUFACTORY”: PRECARIZACIÓN DE LA PRODUCCIÓN DEL CONOCIMIENTO Y ALTERNATIVAS
ResumenEn el contexto de la reciente huelga del Sindicato de Trabajadores de la UniversidadAutó... moreResumen
En el contexto de la reciente huelga del Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Universidad
Autónoma Metropolitana, llevada a cabo en la ciudad de México, este artículo se basa
en la idea de que la universidad es una “fábrica”, en el proceso de ser privatizada,
flexibilizada y globalizada, para la producción y la diseminación de conocimiento,
acorde con los máximos estándares posibles de eficiencia y competitividad. Esta
racionalidad, conocida como “capitalismo académico” o “posfordismo académico”, ha
causado el incremento de trabajo flexible en la academia, acarreando el reemplazo
gradual de los profesores de tiempo completo –cuyas categorías laborales fueron
creadas durante el boom de la universidad pública y la escolarización de las masas
en la era keynesiana– por profesores de tiempo parcial, flexibilizados, sin seguridad
laboral o con un trabajo “precario”.
Abstract
In the context of the recent strike by the Independent Union of the Workers of the
Autonomous Metropolitan University, Mexico City, this article is based on the concept
that the neoliberal state university is a “factory”, in the process of being privatized,
flexibilised and globalized, for the production and dissemination of knowledge in the
most intensive, filtered and competitive manner possible. This development, known
as “academic capitalism” or “academic postfordism”, has caused the increased flexibilisation
of work in the academy, resulting in the gradual replacement of the full
time –permanent positions created during the boom of the public university and of
mass scholarization in the Keynesian era– with part-time, flexibilised, and above
all insecure, or “precarious” work.
Research paper thumbnail of Globalización, maquiladoras e identidades transnacionales en Ciudad Juárez: perspectivas teóricas
El punto de partida de esta ponencia es la hipótesis que las configuraciones locales yglobales d... moreEl punto de partida de esta ponencia es la hipótesis que las configuraciones locales y
globales de identidad en Ciudad Juárez están determinadas por los procesos económicos
de la globalización, cuya manifestación principal es la planta de asamblea para
exportación, o sea la maquiladora. Hasta aquí, los estudios sobre las identidades
fronterizas han dado énfasis a los procesos socio-culturales y han considerado mucho
menos la importancia de los procesos económicos en la construcción de las identidades.
Entonces, el objetivo principal de la ponencia es examinar las perspectivas teóricas de un
proyecto de investigación que busca determinar si identidades transnacionales están
surgiendo entre los y las obreros de la maquiladora, debido a los impactos de la
globalización; cuales formas estas identidades transnacionales podrían tomar; y que
podrían ser sus impactos sociales e implicaciones políticas.
Research paper thumbnail of Globalisation, maquiladoras and transnational identities in Ciudad Juarez (Chihuahua) and El Paso (Texas)
This paper’s point of departure is that the local and global configurations of identity inCiudad... moreThis paper’s point of departure is that the local and global configurations of identity in
Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, and in El Paso, Texas, are determined by the processes of
economic globalisation, whose main manifestation is or has been until recently the
maquiladora assembly plant. Hitherto, studies on border identities have emphasized more
socio-cultural processes and have not analysed economic processes sufficiently as
decisive in the construction of identities. The paper’s objective is to identify the salient
characteristics of the identities of maquiladora workers and ex-workers on both sides of
the border and to ascertain if transnational identities are emerging because of the impacts
of globalisation. It derives from an ongoing Mexican government-funded research project
which has an overall aim of contributing to the improvement of intercultural coexistence
and gender relationships within and between the two border cities.
Research paper thumbnail of La puerta del huerto y del jardín
La puerta del huerto y del jardín
En el artículo, que mantiene su enfoque central sobre el trabajo de reproducción como cuestión no... moreEn el artículo, que mantiene su enfoque central sobre el trabajo de reproducción como cuestión no resuelta y terreno cada vez más golpeado por políticas destructivas, se analizan las devas-taciones que cruzan las huertas y los jardines de la reproducción dentro y fuera de los cuerpos (ejemplificadas por el abuso de la histerectomía en la medicina como por las políticas agrícolas de la tierra), individuando en los sujetos que defienden los poderes reproductivos de la vida en los cuerpos y en la tierra (mujeres, agricultores, pueblos indígenas, campesinos, pescadores) los sujetos cruciales para contrastar esas tendencias y diseñar un mundo distinto
Research paper thumbnail of Resistiendo al imperio: Autonomía, autonomismo y movimientos sociales latinoamericanos
Centrándose en los movimientos sociales autónomos contemporáneos en México, Brasil, Argentina y B... moreCentrándose en los movimientos sociales autónomos contemporáneos en México, Brasil, Argentina y Bolivia, este artículo intenta evaluar críticamente los conceptos de imperio, imperialismo, multitud y resistencia para entender mejor el desafío que enfrentan las fuerzas sociales y políticas que organizan oposición y proponen alternativas al neoimperialismo de Estados Unidos y al capitalismo global en América Latina. Después de una discusión de los conceptos centrales de autonomía y movimiento social se examinan los conceptos controversiales de “imperio” y “multitud” en Hardt y Negri y Coco y Negri, junto con los contra argumentos en defensa de los conceptos marxistas clásicos de imperialismo, clase obrera, frentismo, socialismo y soberanía nacional de los críticos de Hardt y Negri, como Boron, Katz y Callinicos. Luego se consideran las varias formas de resistencia autónoma en América Latina, tanto contra el “Consenso de Washington” neoliberal como contra el neoliberalismo “progresista” de los países del Mercosur. Se debate si el Estado nacional en América Latina todavía tiene un papel de resistencia contra los planes de expansión del “imperio”, una pregunta que no se puede evitar en un continente donde el “nacionalismo de izquierda” sigue siendo la principal ideología izquierdista, a pesar del zapatismo en México, la izquierda autónoma de los piqueteros en Argentina, el movimiento de los campesinos sin tierra en Brasil, y el indigenismo autónomo en todo el continente.
Research paper thumbnail of La crisis economica global ... ¡somos nosotros!
La crisis economica global ... ¡somos nosotros!
La resonancia y complejidad de la crisis de 2008-2009 obliga la reflexión para intentar caracteri... moreLa resonancia y complejidad de la crisis de 2008-2009 obliga la reflexión para intentar caracterizarla. Al revisar la producción reciente, nos interesó lo que discuten investigadores de diferentes partes del mundo: David Harvey, Giovanni Arrighi, Immanuel Wallerstein, Robert Brenner, Samir Amin, Tony Negri y Michael Hardt, entre los más destacados.
Research paper thumbnail of Autonomia: a movement of refusal: social movements and social conflict in Italy in the 1970's.
Autonomia: a movement of refusal: social movements and social conflict in Italy in the 1970's.
This thesis examines the continuing significance in contemporary Italy of the Italian new social ... moreThis thesis examines the continuing significance in contemporary Italy of the Italian new social movement of 1973-83, Autonomia, by positing it as a movement of refusal: of capitalist work, of the party form, of the clandestine form of political violence, and of the politics of `taking ...
Research paper thumbnail of Whither autonomism as a global social movement?
Whither autonomism as a global social movement?
Research paper thumbnail of Hybridity, Transnationalism, and Identity in the US-Mexican Borderlands
Hybrid identities: theoretical and empirical …, Jan 1, 2008

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