انگولا (Angola)، سرڪاري نالو "انگولا جي ريپبلڪ"،آفريڪا جي ڏاکڻي پاسي وارو ھڪ ملڪ آهي ۽ آفريڪا جو پکيڙ ۾ ستون وڏو ملڪ آهي. ان جون سرحدون ڏکڻ ۾نميبيا، اتر ۾ڊيموڪريٽڪ ريپبلڪ آف ڪانگو، اوڀر ۾زمبيا ۽ اولھه ۾ايٽلانٽڪ سمنڊ سان ملن ٿيون. ان جي ھڪ ايڪسڪليو علائقو پڻ آهي جنهن جون سرحدون ٻن ملڪنڊيموڪريٽڪ ريپبلڪ آف ڪانگو ۽ريپبلڪ آف ڪانگو سان ملن ٿيون. اھا ايڪسڪليو علائقو انگولا جو صوبو آهي جنھن جو نالو ڪابنڊا آهي. انگولا جي گادي جو هنڌلوانڊا آھي جيڪو ملڪ جو سڀ کان وڏو شهر آهي.
انگولا قديم پٿر جي دور کان وٺي آباد آهي. بنتو ماڻهن جي توسيع علائقي تائين پهچڻ کان پوءِ، رياستون 13هين صدي عيسويءَ ۾ ٺهي ويون ۽ ڪنفيڊريشن ۾ منظم ڪيون ويون. ڪانگو جي بادشاهت 14هين صدي عيسويء کان ٻين بادشاهن جي وچ ۾ تسلط حاصل ڪرڻ لاء مٿي ڪيو. پورچوگالي ڳولا ڪندڙن سال 1483ع ۾ ڪانگو سان لاڳاپا قائم ڪيا. ڏکڻ ۾ ڊونگو (Ndongo) ۽ متامبا (Matamba) جون سلطنتون هيون، جن کان اڳتي ڏکڻ ۾ اوومبنڊو (Ovimbundu) سلطنتون ۽ اوڀر ۾ بنڊا (Mbunda) سلطنتون هيون. پرتگالي 16هين صدي عيسويء ۾ ساحل کي نوآبادي ڪرڻ شروع ڪيو. ڪانگو پرتگالي خلاف ٽي جنگيون وڙهيون، جن جو خاتمو پرتگالين پاران ڊونگو جي فتح تي ٿيو. 19هين صديءَ ۾ غلامن جي واپار تي پابندي ڪانگو جي غير متنوع معاشي نظام کي سخت متاثر ڪري ڇڏيو ۽ يورپي آبادگارن آهستي آهستي علائقي جي اندرئين حصي ۾ پنهنجي موجودگي قائم ڪرڻ شروع ڪئي. پرتگالي ڪالوني جيڪا انگولا بڻجي وئي، 20هين صدي جي شروعات تائين پنهنجون موجوده سرحدون حاصل نه ڪري سگهي ۽ مقامي گروهن؛ ڪوانياما، ڪواماتو ۽ بنڊا (Mbunda) جي سخت مزاحمت جو تجربو ڪيو.
هڪ ڊگھي نوآبادياتي مخالف جدوجهد (1961ع کان 1974ع تائين) کان پوءِ، انگولا سال 1975ع ۾ هڪ پارٽيءَ واري جمهوريه جي حيثيت سان آزادي حاصل ڪئي، پر ملڪ ساڳئي سال، حڪمران پيپلز موومينٽ فار دي لبريشن آف انگولا (MPLA)، جن کي سوويت يونين ۽ ڪيوبا جي پٺڀرائي حاصل هئي ۽ باغي نيشنل يونين فار دي ٽوٽل انڊيپينڊنس آف انگولا، اصل ۾ هڪ مائوسٽ ۽ بعد ۾ ڪميونسٽ مخالف گروپ جنهن کي آمريڪا ۽ ڏکڻ آفريڪا جي حمايت حاصل هئي، جي وچ ۾ هڪ تباهي واري گهرو ويڙهه ۾ اچي ويو. ويڙهاڪ تنظيم نيشنل لبريشن فرنٽ آف انگولا، جي "زائري" طرفان حمايت ڪئي وئي ۽ فرنٽ فار لبريشن آف دي اينڪليو آف ڪابنڊا، جيڪو ڪابنڊا ايڪسليو جي آزاديءَ جي طلب ڪري ٿو، کي پڻ زائري جي حمايت حاصل آهي.
سال 2002ع ۾ گهرو ويڙهه جي خاتمي کان وٺي، انگولا هڪ نسبتا مستحڪم آئيني جمهوريه جي حيثيت سان اڀري آيو آهي ۽ ان جي معيشت دنيا جي تيز ترين ترقي ڪندڙ ملڪن مان آهي.چين،يورپي يونين ۽آمريڪا پاران ملڪ ۾ واپاري ڀائيوار ۽ سڀ کان وڏي سيڙپڪاري آهي. تنهن هوندي به، معاشي ترقي انتهائي اڻ برابري آهي، ملڪ جي دولت جو گهڻو حصو آباديءَ جي غير متناسب ننڍڙي حصي ۾ مرڪوز آهي، ڇاڪاڻ ته اڪثر انگولن جي زندگي جو معيار گهٽ آهي؛ زندگي جي اميد دنيا ۾ سڀ کان گهٽ آهي، جڏهن ته ٻارن جي موت جي شرح سڀ کان وڌيڪ آهي.
انگولا گڏيل قومن، آفريڪي يونين، پرتگالي ڳالھائيندڙ ملڪن جي ڪميونٽي ۽ ڏاکڻي آفريڪي ڊولپمينٽ ڪميونٽي جو ميمبر آهي. سال 2023ع تائين، انگولا جي آبادي اندازي مطابق ٽي ڪروڙ بهتر لک (37.2 ملين) آهي. انگولن ڪلچر صدين کان پرتگالي اثر يعنيپرتگالي ٻولي ۽ڪيٿولڪ چرچ جي غلبي سان گڏ مختلف قسم جي مقامي رسمن ۽ روايتن سان ملندڙ جلندڙ ثقافت جي عڪاسي ڪري ٿو.
بادشاهه جوائو پهريون، ڪانگو جي بادشاهت جو مانيڪونگو
جديد انگولا جي آبادي وڏي تعداد ۾ خانه بدوش خوئي ۽ سان ماڻهن جي پهرين بنتو لڏپلاڻ کان اڳ هئي. خوئي ۽ سان جا ماڻهو چراگاهن يا فصل پوکڻ جي بجاءِ شڪار گڏ ڪندڙ هئا.[5] پهرين صدي قبل مسيح ۾، اهي اتر کان اچڻ وارن بنتو ماڻهن، جن مان اڪثر ڪري اڄڪلهه جي اتر اولههنائجيريا ۽ ڏکڻنائيجر جا اصل هئا، طرفان بي گهر ٿيا.[6] بنتو ڳالهائيندڙن، انگولا جي مرڪزي هاءِلينڊز ۽ لوانڊا جي ميدانن ۾ ڪيلي ۽ تارو جي پوک ۽ گڏوگڏ وڏن ڍورن جي سنڀال کي متعارف ڪرايو. انگولا جي سڄي علائقي ۾ ڪيترن ئي جاگرافيائي روڪٿام عنصرن جي ڪري، يعني سختيءَ سان گذرڻ لائق زمين، گرم ۽ مرطوب آبهوا ۽ موتمار بيمارين جي گھڻائي جي ڪارڻ انگولا ۾ اڳ-نوآبادياتي قبيلن جو پاڻ ۾ ميلاپ ناياب هو.
مهاجرن جي آباد ٿيڻ کان پوءِ ڪيئي سياسي ادارا پيدا ٿيا. انهن مان سڀ کان وڌيڪ مشهور، انگولا ۾ ٻڌل، ڪانگو جي بادشاهت هئي. اها اتر طرف، جيڪا هاڻي جمهوري جمهوريه ڪانگو، جمهوريه ڪانگو ۽ گيبون آهن، وڌائي وئي. هن ڏکڻ-اولهه ۽ اولهندي آفريڪا جي سامونڊي ڪناري تي ٻين شهري-رياستن ۽ تهذيبن سان واپاري رستا قائم ڪيا. ان جا واپاري جيتوڻيڪ عظيم زمبابوي ۽ متاپا سلطنت تائين پهچي ويا، جيتوڻيڪ بادشاهي ٿوري يا نه سمندر ذريعي واپار ۾ مصروف هئي.[7] ان جي ڏکڻ ۾ ڊونگو جي بادشاهت هئي، جن ڪري بعد ۾ پرتگالي ڪالوني جو علائقو ڪڏهن ڪڏهن ڊونگو جي نالي سان سڃاتو ويندو هو. ان جي اڳيان متمبا جي سلطنت هئي.[8] اتر ۾ ڪڪونگو جي ننڍي بادشاهت بعد ۾ ڪانگو بادشاهي جي هڪ باجگذار هئي. انهن سڀني رياستن جا ماڻهو عام ٻولي طور ڪڪنگو ڳالهائيندا هئا.
پرتگال جي بادشاهه مينوئل فرسٽ پاران ڪانگو جي بادشاهه افونسو فرسٽ کي عطا ڪيل ڪوٽ آف آرمز
پورچوگالي ڳولا ڪندڙ ڊيوگو ڪاو 1484ع ۾ هن علائقي ۾ پهتو.[9] گذريل سال پورچوگالين ڪانگو جي سلطنت سان لاڳاپا قائم ڪيا هئا، جيڪي ان وقت اتر ۾ جديد گبون کان ڏکڻ ۾ ڪوانزا نديءَ تائين پکڙيل هئا. پورچوگالين پنھنجي ابتدائي واپاري پوسٽ سويو ۾ قائم ڪئي، جيڪو ھاڻي انگولا ۾ ڪئبنڊا ايڪسليو کان سواءِ اتر ۾ سڀ کان وڏو شھر آھي. پاولو ڊياس ڊي نوويس سال 1575ع ۾ ساؤ پاولو ڊي لوانڊا ٺهرايو، جنهن ۾ آبادگارن جي هڪ سئو خاندانن ۽ چار سئو سپاهين سان گڏ هو. بينگوئلا 1587ع ۾ مضبوط ٿيو ۽ 1617ع ۾ هڪ ٽائون شپ بڻجي ويو. هڪ آمرانه رياست، ڪانگو جي بادشاهي پنهنجي بادشاهي جي چوڌاري انتهائي مرڪزيت رکندڙ هئي ۽ پاڙيسري رياستن کي ويسلن جي طور تي ڪنٽرول ڪيو. ان جي مضبوط معيشت هئي، جنهن جو بنياد ٽامي، هٿي دانت، لوڻ، لڪ ۽ ٿوري حد تائين غلامن جي صنعتن تي ٻڌل هو.[10] غلاميءَ جي جاگيردارانه نظام مان پرتگال سان سرمائيداريءَ ۾ منتقلي ڪانگو جي بادشاهت جي تاريخ لاءِ اهم ثابت ٿيندي.[11]
جيئن ڪانگو ۽ پورچوگال جا لاڳاپا 16 صدي جي شروعات ۾ وڌيا، تيئن بادشاهن جي وچ ۾ واپار به وڌيو. گهڻو ڪري واپار کجيءَ جي ڪپڙي، ٽامي ۽ هٿي دانت ۾ ٿيندو هو، پر غلامن جو تعداد پڻ وڌي رهيو هو.[12] ڪانگو ڪجھ غلام برآمد ڪيا، ۽ ان جي غلامن جي منڊي اندروني رھي. پر، ساؤ ٽومي جي پرتگالي آباديءَ کان پوءِ هڪ ڪامياب کنڊ پوکڻ واري ڪالوني جي ترقيءَ کانپوءِ، ڪانگو ٻيٽ جي واپارين ۽ پوکيءَ لاءِ غلامن جو وڏو ذريعو بڻجي ويو. بادشاهه افونسو طرفان خط و ڪتابت ملڪ جي اندر غلامن جي خريداري ۽ وڪري بابت دستاويز ڪري ٿي. هن جي اڪائونٽن ۾ پڻ تفصيل آهي ته جنگ ۾ قبضو ڪيل غلامن کي پرتگالي واپارين کي ڏنو ويو يا وڪرو ڪيو ويو.[13]
Afonso continued to expand the kingdom of Kongo into the 1540s, expanding its borders to the south and east. The expansion of Kongo's population, coupled with Afonso's earlier religious reforms, allowed the ruler to centralize power in his capital and increase the power of the monarchy. He also established a royal monopoly on some trade.[14][15] To govern the growing slave trade, Afonso and several Portuguese kings claimed a joint monopoly on the external slave trade.[14][15]
The slave trade increasingly became Kongo's primary, and arguably sole,economic sector. A major obstacle for the Kingdom of Kongo was that slaves were the only commodity for which the European powers were willing to trade. Kongo lacked an effectiveinternational currency. Kongolese nobles could buy slaves with the national currency ofnzimbu shells, which could be traded for slaves. These could be sold to gain international currency.
As the slave trade was the only commodity in which Europeans were interested in the region during the 16th and 17th centuries, the Kongo economy was unable todiversify or laterindustrialise outside of sectors in which slavery was involved, such as thearms industry.[16][17] The increased production and sale of guns within the kingdom was due to the salient issue of the slave trade, which had become an increasingly violent struggle. There was a constant need for slaves for the kings and queens to sell in exchange for foreign commodities, the absence of which would prevent them from having any influence with European powers such as Portugal and eventually theDutch Republic.
Kongolese kings needed this influence to garner support from European powers for quelling internal rebellions. The situation became increasingly complicated during the rule ofGarcia II, who needed the assistance of the Dutch military to drive out the Portuguese fromLuanda, in spite of the fact that Portugal was Kongo's primary slave trading partner.[16]
By the early 17th century, the supply of foreign slaves captured by the Kongolese externally was waning. The government began to approve the enslavement of freeborn Kongolese citizens for relatively minor infractions, nearly any disobeying of the authoritarian system and the aristocracy. If several villagers were deemed guilty of a crime, it became relatively common for the whole village to be enslaved. The resulting chaos and internal conflict from Garcia II's reign would lead into that of his son and successor,António I. He was killed in 1665 by Portuguese at theBattle of Mbwila 1665, together with a substantial proportion of the aristocracy. The colonists were expanding their power.[18]
War broke out more widely in the Kingdom of Kongo after the death of António I.[17] Much of the stability and access toiron ore andcharcoal necessary forgunsmiths to maintain the arms industry was disrupted. From then on, in this period almost every Kongolese citizen was in danger of being enslaved.[19][16] Many Kongolese subjects were adroit in making guns, and they were enslaved to have their skills available to colonists in the New World, where they worked as blacksmiths, ironworkers, and charcoal makers.[17]
The Portuguese established several other settlements, forts and trading posts along the Angolan coast, principally trading inAngolan slaves forplantations. Local slave dealers provided a large number of slaves for thePortuguese Empire,[20] usually in exchange for manufactured goods from Europe.[21][22] This part of theAtlantic slave trade continued until afterBrazil's independence in the 1820s.[23]
Despite Portugal's territorial claims in Angola, its control over much of the country's vast interior was minimal.[24] In the 16th century Portugal gained control of the coast through a series of treaties and wars. Life for European colonists was difficult and progress was slow.John Iliffe notes that "Portuguese records of Angola from the 16th century show that a greatfamine occurred on average every seventy years; accompanied by epidemic disease, it might kill one-third or one-half of the population, destroying the demographic growth of a generation and forcing colonists back into the river valleys".[25]
During thePortuguese Restoration War, theDutch West India Companyoccupied the principal settlement of Luanda in 1641, using alliances with local peoples to carry out attacks against Portuguese holdings elsewhere.[23] A fleet underSalvador de Sá retook Luanda in 1648; reconquest of the rest of the territory was completed by 1650. New treaties with theKongo were signed in 1649; others withNjinga's Kingdom ofMatamba andNdongo followed in 1656. The conquest ofPungo Andongo in 1671 was the last major Portuguese expansion from Luanda, as attempts to invade Kongo in 1670 and Matamba in 1681 failed. Colonial outposts also expanded inward from Benguela, but until the late 19th century the inroads from Luanda and Benguela were very limited.[24] Hamstrung by a series of political upheavals in the early 1800s, Portugal was slow to mount a large scale annexation of Angolan territory.[23]
History of Angola; written in Luanda in 1680.
Theslave trade was abolished in Angola in 1836, and in 1854 the colonial government freed all its existing slaves.[23] Four years later, a more progressive administration appointed by Portugal abolishedslavery altogether. However, these decrees remained largely unenforceable, and the Portuguese depended on assistance from the BritishRoyal Navy and what became known as theBlockade of Africa to enforce their ban on the slave trade.[23] This coincided with a series of renewed military expeditions into the bush.
By the mid-nineteenth century Portugal had established its dominion as far north as theCongo River and as far south asMossâmedes.[23] Until the late 1880s, Portugal entertained proposals to link Angola with itscolony inMozambique but was blocked by British and Belgian opposition.[26] In this period, the Portuguese came up against different forms of armed resistance from various peoples in Angola.[27]
TheBerlin Conference in 1884–1885 set the colony's borders, delineating the boundaries of Portuguese claims in Angola,[26] although many details were unresolved until the 1920s.[28] Trade between Portugal and its African territories rapidly increased as a result of protectivetariffs, leading to increased development, and a wave of new Portuguese immigrants.[26]
Between 1939 and 1943, Portuguese army operations against the Mucubal, who they accused of rebellion and cattle-thieving, resulted in hundreds of Mucubal killed. During the campaign, 3,529 were taken prisoner, 20% of whom were women and children, and imprisoned in concentration camps. Many died in captivity from undernourishment, violence and forced labor. Around 600 were sent toSao Tome and Principe. Hundreds were also sent to a camp inDamba, where 26% died.[29]
Under colonial law, black Angolans were forbidden from forming political parties or labour unions.[30] The first nationalist movements did not take root until afterWorld War II, spearheaded by a largely Westernised and Portuguese-speaking urban class, which included manymestiços.[31] During the early 1960s they were joined by other associations stemming fromad hoc labour activism in the rural workforce.[30] Portugal's refusal to address increasing Angolan demands forself-determination provoked an armed conflict, which erupted in 1961 with theBaixa de Cassanje revolt and gradually evolved into a protractedwar of independence that persisted for the next twelve years.[32] Throughout the conflict, three militant nationalist movements with their own partisan guerrilla wings emerged from the fighting between the Portuguese government and local forces, supported to varying degrees by thePortuguese Communist Party.[31][33]
TheNational Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) recruited fromBakongo refugees inZaire.[34] Benefiting from particularly favourable political circumstances inLéopoldville, and especially from a common border with Zaire, Angolan political exiles were able to build up a power base among a large expatriate community from related families, clans, and traditions.[35] People on both sides of the border spoke mutually intelligible dialects and enjoyed shared ties to the historical Kingdom of Kongo.[35] Though as foreigners skilled Angolans could not take advantage ofMobutu Sese Seko's state employment programme, some found work as middlemen for the absentee owners of various lucrative private ventures. The migrants eventually formed the FNLA with the intention of making a bid for political power upon their envisaged return to Angola.[35]
A largelyOvimbundu guerrilla initiative against the Portuguese in central Angola from 1966 was spearheaded byJonas Savimbi and theNational Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).[34] It remained handicapped by its geographic remoteness from friendly borders, the ethnic fragmentation of the Ovimbundu, and the isolation of peasants on European plantations where they had little opportunity to mobilise.[35]
During the late 1950s, the rise of the Marxist–LeninistPopular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in the east and Dembos hills north of Luanda came to hold special significance. Formed as a coalition resistance movement by theAngolan Communist Party,[32] the organisation's leadership remained predominantlyAmbundu and courted public sector workers inLuanda.[34] Although both the MPLA and its rivals accepted material assistance from theSoviet Union or the People's Republic ofChina, the former harboured strong anti-imperialist views and was openly critical of theUnited States and its support for Portugal.[33] This allowed it to win important ground on the diplomatic front, soliciting support from nonaligned governments inMorocco,Ghana,Guinea,Mali, and theUnited Arab Republic.[32]
The MPLA attempted to move its headquarters fromConakry to Léopoldville in October 1961, renewing efforts to create a common front with the FNLA, then known as theUnion of Angolan Peoples (UPA) and its leaderHolden Roberto. Roberto turned down the offer.[32] When the MPLA first attempted to insert its own insurgents into Angola, the cadres were ambushed and annihilated by UPA partisans on Roberto's orders—setting a precedent for the bitter factional strife which would later ignite theAngolan Civil War.[32]
انگولا صدين کان پورچوگال جي ڪالوني يا بيٺڪ رھيو آھي. ان قبضي دوران مقامي قبيلن جون پورچوگيزي حاڪمن سان لڙايون ھلنديون آيون. ڊگھي عرصي تائين ھلندڙ آزاديءَ جي جنگ ذريعي ھڪ مارڪسٽ ۽ ليننسٽ پارٽي موومينٽ آف پيپلز فار لبريشن آف انگولا ڊاڪٽر اگستينو نيتو جي سربراهي ۾ 1975 ۾ آزادي ماڻي جنھن ملڪ ۾ سوويت يونين۽ ڪيوبا جي مدد سان ھڪ پارٽيءَ واري جي حاڪميت واري سوشلسٽ رياست قائم ڪئي جنھن کان پوءِ ملڪ ۾ خانہ جنگي شروع ٿي وئي ھڪ اينٽي ڪميونسٽ پارٽيءَ جنھن جو نالو پارٽي نيشنل يونين فار ٽوٽل انڊپينڊنس آف انگولا، مختصر نالو يونيتا سوشلسٽ حڪومت سان ڪميونزم جي خاتمي لاءِ مزاحمت ڪئي. ان باغي پارٽي جي مدد يونائيٽيڊ اسٽيٽس ۽ ڏکڻ آفريڪا جي نسلي حڪومت ڪري رهيا هئا. اھا لڙائي 2002 ۾ ختم ٿي جڏهن ھڪ يونيٽري صدارتي ريپبلڪ قائم ٿي.
Throughout the war of independence, the three rival nationalist movements were severely hampered by political and military factionalism, as well as their inability to unite guerrilla efforts against the Portuguese.[36] Between 1961 and 1975 the MPLA, UNITA, and the FNLA competed for influence in the Angolan population and the international community.[36] TheSoviet Union andCuba became especially sympathetic towards the MPLA and supplied that party with arms, ammunition, funding, and training.[36] They also backed UNITA militants until it became clear that the latter was at irreconcilable odds with the MPLA.[37]
The collapse of Portugal'sEstado Novo government following the 1974Carnation Revolution suspended all Portuguese military activity in Africa and the brokering of a ceasefire pending negotiations for Angolan independence.[36] Encouraged by theOrganisation of African Unity, Holden Roberto, Jonas Savimbi, and MPLA chairmanAgostinho Neto met inMombasa in early January 1975 and agreed to form a coalition government.[38] This was ratified by theAlvor Agreement later that month, which called for general elections and set the country's independence date for 11 November 1975.[38] All three factions, however, followed up on the ceasefire by taking advantage of the gradual Portuguese withdrawal to seize various strategic positions, acquire more arms, and enlarge their militant forces.[38] The rapid influx of weapons from numerous external sources, especially the Soviet Union and the United States, as well as the escalation of tensions between the nationalist parties, fueled a new outbreak of hostilities.[38] With tacit American and Zairean support the FNLA began massing large numbers of troops in northern Angola in an attempt to gain military superiority.[36] Meanwhile, the MPLA began securing control of Luanda, a traditional Ambundu stronghold.[36] Sporadic violence broke out in Luanda over the next few months after the FNLA attacked the MPLA's political headquarters in March 1975.[38][39] The fighting intensified with street clashes in April and May, and UNITA became involved after over two hundred of its members were massacred by an MPLA contingent that June.[38] An upswing in Soviet arms shipments to the MPLA influenced a decision by theCentral Intelligence Agency to likewise provide substantial covert aid to the FNLA and UNITA.[40]
In August 1975, the MPLA requested direct assistance from the Soviet Union in the form of ground troops.[40] The Soviets declined, offering to send advisers but no troops; however, Cuba was more forthcoming and in late September dispatched nearly five hundred combat personnel to Angola, along with sophisticated weaponry and supplies.[37] By independence, there were over a thousand Cuban soldiers in the country.[40] They were kept supplied by a massiveairbridge carried out with Soviet aircraft.[40] The persistent buildup of Cuban and Soviet military aid allowed the MPLA to drive its opponents from Luanda and blunt an abortive intervention by Zairean andSouth African troops, which had deployed in a belated attempt to assist the FNLA and UNITA.[38] The FNLA was largely annihilated after the decisiveBattle of Quifangondo, although UNITA managed to withdraw its civil officials and militia from Luanda and seek sanctuary in the southern provinces.[36] From there, Savimbi continued to mount a determined insurgent campaign against the MPLA.[40]
Between 1975 and 1991, the MPLA implemented an economic and political system based on the principles ofscientific socialism, incorporatingcentral planning and aMarxist–Leninistone-party state.[41] It embarked on an ambitious programme ofnationalisation, and the domestic private sector was essentially abolished.[41] Privately owned enterprises were nationalised and incorporated into a single umbrella of state-owned enterprises known asUnidades Economicas Estatais (UEE).[41] Under the MPLA, Angola experienced a significant degree of modernindustrialisation.[41] However, corruption and graft also increased and public resources were either allocated inefficiently or simply embezzled by officials for personal enrichment.[42] The ruling party survived anattempted coup d'état by theMaoist-orientedCommunist Organisation of Angola (OCA) in 1977, which was suppressed after a series of bloody political purges left thousands of OCA supporters dead.[43]
The MPLA abandoned its former Marxist ideology at its third party congress in 1990, and declaredsocial democracy to be its new platform.[43] Angola subsequently became a member of theInternational Monetary Fund; restrictions on the market economy were also reduced in an attempt to draw foreign investment.[44] By May 1991 it reached a peace agreement with UNITA, theBicesse Accords, which schedulednew general elections for September 1992.[44] When the MPLA secured a major electoral victory, UNITA objected to the results of both the presidential and legislative vote count and returned to war.[44] Following the election, theHalloween massacre occurred from 30 October to 1 November, where MPLA forces killed thousands of UNITA supporters.[45]
22 فيبروري، 2002ع تي، سرڪاري فوجون، 22 ساومبين کي صوبي، موڪسيڪو ۾ ھڪڙي جھڙپ ۾ ماريو.[46] يونيتا ۽ ايم پي ايل اي اپريل ۾ "لوئينا مفاهمت جي ياداشت" تي رضامندي ڏنيو؛ يونيتا (UNITA) پنهنجي هٿياربند ونگ کي ڇڏي ڏيڻ تي اتفاق ڪيو.[47] 2008ع ۽ 2012ع جي چونڊن سان، يونيتا ۽ ايف اين ايل اي (FNLA) اپوزيشن پارٽين سان گڏ، هڪ ايم پي ايل اي-حڪومتي-پارٽي نظام ظاهر ٿيو.[48]
انگولا ۾ هڪ ڊگھي جنگ جي نتيجي ۾، بارودي سرنگن جي ڪثرت ۽ ڪابنڊا جي آزاديءَ جي حق ۾ جاري سياسي تحريڪ (FLEC پاران ڪابنڊا جي ڊگھي تڪرار جي تناظر ۾)، هڪ سنگين انساني بحران آهي. جڏهن ته اندروني طور تي بي گهر ٿيل گهڻا هاڻي راڄڌاني جي چوڌاري ڪچي آبادين م وسندا آهن ۽ عام انگولا جي واسين لاء صورتحال مايوس ڪن اهي.[49][50]
سال 2016ع ۾ ڏڪار ڏاکڻي آفريڪا ۾ 25 سالن ۾ بدترين خوراڪ جي بحران جو سبب بڻيو ۽ انگولا جي اٺن صوبن مان 14 لک ماڻهن کي متاثر ڪيو. خوراڪ جي قيمتن ۾ اضافو ٿيو ۽ غذائي کوٽ جي شديد شرح ٻيڻي ٿي وئي ۽ 95,000 کان وڌيڪ ٻار متاثر ٿيا.[51]
صدر جوز ايڊوارڊو ڊوس سانتوس سال 2017ع ۾ 38 سالن کان پوءِ انگولا جي صدر جي حيثيت سان استعيفيٰ ڏئي ڇڏي، پرامن طور تي سانتوس جو چونڊيل، جوآو لورينڪو جانشين بڻيو.[52] ڊوس سانتوس خاندان جا ڪجهه ميمبر بعد ۾ اعلي پيماني تي ڪرپشن سان ڳنڍيل مليا. جولاءِ، 2022ع ۾، اڳوڻو صدر جوس ايڊورڊو ڊوس سانتوس اسپين ۾ فوت ٿي ويو.[53]
آگسٽ، 2022ع ۾، حڪمران پارٽي، ايم پي ايل اي، هڪ ٻي چونڊ ۾ اڪثريت حاصل ڪئي ۽ صدر لورينڪو چونڊن ۾ پنجن سالن جي هڪ ٻي مدت حاصل ڪئي. بهرحال، هي چونڊ انگولا جي تاريخ ۾ سخت ترين هئي.[54]
اگستينو نيتو، انگولا جو پھريون صدر، 1978 ۾ لوئانڊا ۾ پولينڊ جي سفير سان ملندي
At 1٬246٬700 km2 (481٬400 sq mi),[55] Angola is the world's twenty-second largest country – comparable in size to Mali, or twice the size of France or of Texas. It lies mostly between latitudes4° and18°S, and longitudes12° and24°E.
The coastalexclave ofCabinda in the north has borders with theRepublic of the Congo to the north and with the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the south.[56] Angola has a favorable coastline for maritime trade, with four natural harbors: Luanda, Lobito, Moçâmedes, and Porto Alexandre. These natural indentations contrast with Africa's typical coastline of rocky cliffs and deep bays.[57] Angola's capital,Luanda, lies on the Atlantic coast in the northwest of the country.[58]
Angola had a 2018Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 8.35/10, ranking it 23rd globally out of 172 countries.[59] In Angolaforest cover is around 53% of the total land area, equivalent to 66,607,380 hectares (ha) of forest in 2020, down from 79,262,780 hectares (ha) in 1990. In 2020, naturally regenerating forest covered 65,800,190 hectares (ha) and planted forest covered 807,200 hectares (ha). Of the naturally regenerating forest 40% was reported to beprimary forest (consisting of native tree species with no clearly visible indications of human activity) and around 3% of the forest area was found within protected areas. For the year 2015, 100% of the forest area was reported to be underpublic ownership.[60][61]
Like the rest of tropical Africa, Angola experiences distinct, alternatingrainy anddry seasons.[62] In the north, the rainy season may last for as long as seven months—usually from September to April, with perhaps a brief slackening in January or February.[62] In the south, the rainy season begins later, in November, and lasts until about February.[62] The dry season (cacimbo) is often characterized by a heavy morning mist.[62] In general, precipitation is higher in the north, but at any latitude it is greater in the interior than along the coast and increases with altitude.[62] Temperatures fall with distance from the equator and with altitude and tend to rise closer to the Atlantic Ocean.[62] Thus, atSoyo, at the mouth of theCongo River, the average annual temperature is about 26 °C, but it is under 16 °C atHuambo on the temperate central plateau.[62] The coolest months are July and August (in the middle of the dry season), when frost may sometimes form at higher altitudes.[62]
Due toclimate change, Angola's annual average temperature has increased by 1.4.°C since 1951, and is expected to keep rising[63] while rainfall is becoming more variable.[64] Angola is highly vulnerable to climate change impacts.[65] Natural hazards such asfloods, erosion,droughts, andepidemics (e.g.:malaria,cholera andtyphoid fever) are expected to worsen with climate change.Rising sea levels also pose a significant risk to Angola's coastal areas, where around 50% of the population lives.[66]
In 2023 Angola emitted 174.71 million tonnes ofgreenhouse gases, around 0.32% of the world's total emissions, making it the 46th highest emitting country.[67] In itsNationally Determined Contribution, Angola has pledged a 14% reduction in its greenhouse gas emissions by 2025 and an additional 10% reduction conditional on international support.[68] According to theWorld Bank, achievingclimate resilience in Angola requires diversifying the country's economy away from its dependence on oil.[63]
A booming economy due to oil revenues and stable politics, Angola has seen an increase in its international trading sector.Luanda city centre.The Banco Nacional de Angola building on the Marginal in Luanda dates from 1956.TAAG Angolan Airlines is Angola's national airline.New suburb (new housing area) in Luanda built in 2010.Offshorepetrol platform prepared for moving to final destination on high sea, Luanda, Angola, Atlantic Ocean
↑Heywood, Linda M. "Slavery and Its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo: 1491–1800."The Journal of African History 50, no. 1 (2009): 1–22. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40206695.
↑Heywood, Linda M. "Slavery and Its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo: 1491–1800."The Journal of African History 50, no. 1 (2009): 1–22. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40206695.
↑15.015.1Heywood, Linda M. "Slavery and Its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo: 1491–1800."The Journal of African History 50, no. 1 (2009): 1–22. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40206695.
↑Iliffe, John (2007)Africans: the history of a continentآرڪائيو ڪيا ويا 10 June 2016 حوالو موجود آهيوي بيڪ مشين.. Cambridge University Press. p. 68.ISBN0-521-68297-5. For valuable complements for the 16th and 17th centuries see Beatrix Heintze,Studien zur Geschichte Angolas im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, Colónia/Alemanha: Köppe, 1996
↑26.026.126.2Corrado, Jacopo (2008).The Creole Elite and the Rise of Angolan Protonationalism: 1870–1920. Amherst, New York: Cambria Press. pp. 11–13.ISBN978-1604975291.
↑See René Pélissier,Les guerres grises: Résistance et revoltes en Angola, (1845-1941), Éditions Pélissier, Montamets, 78630 Orgeval (France), 1977
↑See René Pélissier,La colonie du Minotaure. Nationalismes et révoltes en Angola (1926–1961), éditions Pélissier, Montamets, 78630 Orgeval (France), 1979
↑30.030.1Okoth, Assa (2006).A History of Africa: African nationalism and the de-colonisation process. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers. pp. 143–147.ISBN9966-25-358-0.
↑32.032.132.232.332.4Cornwell, Richard."The War of Independence"(PDF). Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies. وقت 21 February 2015 تياصل(PDF) کان آرڪائيو ٿيل. حاصل ڪيل20 February 2015.Unknown parameter|url-status= ignored (مدد)
↑33.033.1Stockwell, John (1979).In Search of Enemies. London: Futura Publications Limited. pp. 44–45.ISBN978-0393009262.
↑35.035.135.235.3Chabal, Patrick (2002).A History of Postcolonial Lusophone Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. p. 142.ISBN978-0253215659.
↑36.036.136.236.336.436.536.6Rothschild, Donald (1997).Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives for Cooperation. Washington: The Brookings Institution. pp. 115–120.ISBN978-0815775935.
↑37.037.1Domínguez, Jorge (1989).To Make a World Safe for Revolution: Cuba's Foreign Policy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 131–133.ISBN978-0674893252.
↑Spikes, Daniel (1993).Angola and the Politics of Intervention: From Local Bush War to Chronic Crisis in Southern Africa. Jefferson: McFarland & Company. pp. 143–144.ISBN978-0899508887.
↑41.041.141.241.3Ferreira, Manuel (2002). Brauer, Jurgen; Dunne, J. Paul. eds.Arming the South: The Economics of Military Expenditure, Arms Production and Arms Trade in Developing Countries. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 251–255.ISBN978-0-230-50125-6.
↑Akongdit, Addis Ababa Othow (2013).Impact of Political Stability on Economic Development: Case of South Sudan. Bloomington: AuthorHouse Ltd, Publishers. pp. 74–75.ISBN978-1491876442.
↑43.043.1Tucker, Spencer (2013).Encyclopedia of Insurgency and Counterinsurgency: A New Era of Modern Warfare. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO Ltd, Publishers. pp. 374–375.ISBN978-1610692793.
↑44.044.144.2Tordoff, William (1997).Government and Politics in Africa (Third ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 97–98.ISBN978-0333694749.
↑W. James, Martin (2004).Historical Dictionary of Angola. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 161–162.ISBN978-1538111239.
↑"Country Comparisons – Area".The World Factbook. United States Central Intelligence Agency. وقت 4 February 2021 تياصل کان آرڪائيو ٿيل.Unknown parameter|url-status= ignored (مدد)
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