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Results for 'Jun-Ichi Abe'

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  1. Incremental process of musical key identification.Rie Matsunaga &Jun-Ichi Abe -2007 - In McNamara D. S. & Trafton J. G.,Proceedings of the 29th Annual Cognitive Science Society. Cognitive Science Society. pp. 1277--1282.
     
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  2.  126
    The acquisition process of musical tonal schema: implications from connectionist modeling.Rie Matsunaga,Pitoyo Hartono &Jun-Ichi Abe -2015 -Frontiers in Psychology 6:139951.
    Using connectionist modeling, we address fundamental questions concerning the acquisition process of musical tonal schema of listeners. Compared to models of previous studies, our connectionist model (Learning Network for Tonal Schema, LeNTS) was better equipped to fulfill three basic requirements. Specifically, LeNTS was equipped with a learning mechanism, bound by culture-general properties, and trained by sufficient melody materials. When exposed to Western music, LeNTS acquired musical ‘scale’ sensitivity early and ‘harmony’ sensitivity later. The order of acquisition of scale and harmony (...) sensitivities shown by LeNTS was consistent with the culture-specific acquisition order shown by musically westernized children. The implications of these results for the acquisition process of a tonal schema of listeners are as follows: (a) the acquisition process may entail small and incremental changes, rather than large and stage-like changes, in corresponding neural circuits; (b) the speed of schema acquisition may mainly depend on musical experiences rather than maturation; and (c) the learning principles of schema acquisition may be culturally invariant while the acquired tonal schemas are varied with exposed culture-specific music. (shrink)
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  3. Kagaku jidai no tetsugaku.Jun'ichi Aomi (ed.) -1964
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  4. Evolução das idéias da física.Junʻichi Osada -1972 - [São Paulo]: E. Blücher.
     
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  5. Shogakusha no tame no gendai shichō gaisetsu.Jun'ichi Tanaka -1932
     
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  6. Hōtetsugaku ronshū.Jun'ichi Aomi -1981
     
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  7. Hō to gengo.Jun'ichi Aomi -1965
     
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  8. Kōkyō tetsugaku nyūmon: jiyū to fukusūsei no aru shakai no tame ni.Jun'ichi Saitō -2023 - Tōkyō-to Shibuya-ku: NHK Shuppan. Edited by Masashi Yazawa.
     
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  9. Runesansu no idai to taihai.Junʼichi Shimizu -1972
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  10.  9
    Jitsuzon no tetsugaku.Junʾichi Toyofuku (ed.) -1983 - Tōkyō: Kōbundō Shuppansha.
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  11.  63
    Reappropriating the Japanese Myths: Motoori Norinaga and the Creation Myths of the Kojiki and Nihon shoki.Isomae Jun'ichi -2000 -Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 27 (1-2):15-39.
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  12. Nishida tetsugaku ni okeru chishikiron no kenkyū.Jun'ichi Tanaka -2012 - Kyōto-shi: Nakanishiya Shuppan.
     
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  13. Hōgaku ni okeru riron to jissen.Jun'ichi Aomi (ed.) -1975
     
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  14. Bengoshi rinri no hikakuhōteki kenkyū.Junʼichi Asahi (ed.) -1986 - Tōkyō: Hatsubai Nihon Hyōronsha.
     
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  15. Izutsu Toshihiko: sekai to taiwasuru tetsugaku.Jun'ichi Ono -2023 - Tōkyō-to Minato-ku: Keiō Gijuku Daigaku Shuppankai.
     
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  16.  16
    Religious Discourse in Modern Japankindai Nihon No Shūkyō Gensetsu to Sono Keifu: Shūkyō, Kokka, Shintō: Religion, State, and Shintō.Jun'ichi Isomae -2014 - Brill.
    Religious Discourse in Modern Japan explores the transportation of the Western concept of “religion” in in the modern era; the emergence of discourse on Shinto, philosophy, and Buddhism; and the evolution of the academic discipline of religious studies in Japan.
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  17. "Kenri no tame no tōsō" o yomu.Junʼichi Murakami -1983 - Tōkyō: Iwanami Shoten. Edited by Rudolf von Jhering.
     
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  18. Shisutemu to jiko kansatsu: fikushon to shite no hō.Junʾichi Murakami -2000 - Tōkyō: Tōkyō Daigaku Shuppankai.
     
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  19. Rinri shisōshi.Junʾichi Toyofuku -1982 - Tokyo: Kōbundō Shuppansha.
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  20.  7
    Bijinesu rinrigaku no tenkai.Junʾichi Miyasaka -1999 - Kyōto-shi: Kōyō Shobō.
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  21. State shinto within the larger process of westernization.Jun'ichi Isomae -2007 - In Timothy Fitzgerald,Religion and the secular: historical and colonial formations. Oakville, CT: Equinox. pp. 93.
  22. Ajiwai no genshōgaku: chikaku keiken no maruchimodariti.Junʼichi Murata -2019 - Tōkyō-to Shinjuku-ku: Puneumasha.
     
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  23. Gendai tetsugaku.Junʾichi Toyofuku -1977
     
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  24. Jorudāno Burūno no kenkyū.Junʼichi Shimizu -1970
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  25. Kagakuteki hyūmanizumu.Junʾichi Sugai -1948
     
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  26. Kagakushi no shodammen.Junʼichi Sugai -1950
     
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  27.  28
    Science as a Culture in Contemporary Japan.Jun-Ichi Kyogoku -1964 -Annals of the Japan Association for Philosophy of Science 2 (4):209-212.
  28.  31
    Deconstructing “Japanese religion”: A historical survey.Isomae Jun’Ichi -2005 -Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 32 (2):235-248.
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  29.  51
    Deconstructing" Japanese Religion": A Historical Survey.Jun'ichi Isomae & 磯前順一 -forthcoming -Japanese Journal of Religious Studies.
  30. Marukusu shugi to iu keiken: 1930-40 nendai no Nihon no rekishigaku.Jun'ichi Isomae &Harry D. Harootunian (eds.) -2008 - Tōkyō: Aoki Shoten.
     
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  31.  13
    Shimin shakai no benshōhō.Junʾichi Takahashi -1988 - Tōkyō: Kōbundō.
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  32.  17
    Gyakkō no seiji tetsugaku: fuseigi kara toikaesu = Political philosophy against the light.Sang-Jung Kang &Jun'ichi Saitō (eds.) -2016 - Kyōto-shi Kita-ku: Hōritsu Bunkasha.
    政治社会への新しい視座を導く案内書。「正義」からではなく「不正義」から見ると自明とされている制度や規範はどのように異なって見えるのか。思想家たちが問題を発見してきた視座に注目し、この社会の政治を問い返 す。.
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  33. Behavioral intervention for children with autism and its effects on brain plasticity.Nozomi Naoi &Jun-Ichi Yamamoto -2006 - In D. Andler, M. Okada & I. Watanabe,Reasoning and Cognition. pp. 2--187.
     
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  34.  17
    "Kindai no chōkoku" to Kyōto gakuha: kindaisei, teikoku, fuhensei = "Overcoming modernity" and the Kyoto School: modernity, empire, and universality.Naoki Sakai &Jun'ichi Isomae (eds.) -2010 - Kyōto-shi: Ningen Bunka Kenkyū Kikō Kokusai Nihon Bunka Kenkyū Sentā.
  35.  29
    An Investigation Into the Relationship Between Onset Age of Musical Lessons and Levels of Sociability in Childhood.Satoshi Kawase,Jun’Ichi Ogawa,Satoshi Obata &Takeshi Hirano -2018 -Frontiers in Psychology 9.
    Previous studies have suggested that musical training in childhood is beneficial for sociability. However, it remains unclear how age of onset of group music lessons is associated with the late sociability of children from a long-term perspective. This study investigated associations between group music lessons conducted at a music school and children’s levels of sociability by focusing on the age of onset of the lessons. We conducted a survey of 276 children aged 4–5 years (M = 58.5 months) and 6–7 (...) years (M = 82.7 months) who commenced music lessons at ages 1, 2, 4, and 6 years. We found that (1) the empathy scores of children aged 6–7 years who began lessons when 1-year-old were greater than those who began lessons when 4-years-old, (2) the communication scores of children aged 4–5 years who began lessons when 1-year-old were greater than those who began lessons when older than 1 year, and (3) the empathy and extraversion scores were high in those aged 6–7 years who began lessons in that age range. The results suggest that early onset of music lessons could positively influence children’s sociability; in contrast, after about age 7 years, children who already had high sociability may be more inclined to select group music lessons. By focusing on the impact of regular group music lessons from a very young age on later levels of sociability, these results further elucidate the effects of musical lessons. In sum, participation in group music lessons 2–4 times per month can be effective social training for very young children and foster their later sociability. (shrink)
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  36.  75
    Young Children's Folk Knowledge of Robots.Nobuko Katayama,Jun’Ichi Katayama,Michiteru Kitazaki &Shoji Itakura -2010 -Asian Culture and History 2 (2):P111.
    Children, in their everyday lives, encounter several types of humanoid robots. The purpose of this study was to investigate children’s folk knowledge of robots using the card-choice task. In the task, both adults and five- and six-year-old children were given nine questions concerning the biological and psychological properties of robots. They were asked to choose the appropriate stimuli from among five objects including living things, nonliving things, and a robot. The results revealed that the children tended to attribute certain biological (...) properties to the robot. These results accorded with previous results. However, in our study, contrary to previous such studies, even older children showed such a tendency. Moreover, the children were unable to choose all the cards in the same way as the adults. Thus, it can be concluded that children’s knowledge of robots is incomplete. And the children’s knowledge is changed by method. (shrink)
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  37. Shokugyō no rinri.Yoshio Kobayashi,Helmut Erlinghagen &Junʼichi Okada (eds.) -1958
     
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  38. Blind and Visually Impaired People: Mobility and Orientation-CyARM: Interactive Device for Environment Recognition and Joint Haptic Attention Using Non-visual Modality.Tetsuo Ono,Takanori Komatsu,Jun-Ichi Akita,Kiyohide Ito &Makoto Okamoto -2006 - In O. Stock & M. Schaerf,Lecture Notes In Computer Science. Springer Verlag. pp. 1251-1258.
  39. Sharing of Learning Knowledge in an Information Age-A System Assisting Acquisition of Japanese Expressions Through Read-Write-Hear-Speaking and Comparing Between Use Cases of Relevant Expressions.Kohji Itoh,Hiroshi Nakamura,Shunsuke Unno &Jun'ichi Kakegawa -2006 - In O. Stock & M. Schaerf,Lecture Notes In Computer Science. Springer Verlag. pp. 1071-1078.
     
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  40.  24
    Metaspace.Takuya Abe &Shin'ichi Hisamatsu -2007 -Theory, Culture and Society 24 (7-8):370-372.
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  41. Yamazaki Ansai gakuha.Junzō Nishi,Ryūichi Abe &Masao Maruyama (eds.) -1980 - Iwanami Shoten.
     
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  42.  37
    Mobile effect of hydrogen on intergranular decohesion of iron: first-principles calculations.Masatake Yamaguchi,Jun Kameda,Ken-Ichi Ebihara,Mitsuhiro Itakura &Hideo Kaburaki -2012 -Philosophical Magazine 92 (11):1349-1368.
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  43. Mōshi, Jun-shi.Yoshishige Abe -1937
     
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  44.  25
    A Portrait of Abe no Seimei.Shigeta Shinʾichi,Gaynor Sekimori & 繁田信一 -forthcoming -Japanese Journal of Religious Studies.
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  45. Review of: Isomae Jun'ichi, Kiki shinwa no metahisutori. [REVIEW]Gary Ebersole -1999 -Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 26 (1-2):206-208.
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  46.  40
    Zen and Philosophy: An Intellectual Biography of Nishida Kitaro (review).Thomas P. Kasulis -2004 -Buddhist-Christian Studies 24 (1):268-271.
    In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Zen and Philosophy: An Intellectual Biography of Nishida KitarōThomas P. KasulisZen and Philosophy: An Intellectual Biography of Nishida Kitarō. By Michiko Yusa. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002. 482 pp.Readers of this journal know that much Buddhist-Christian dialogue over the past three decades has featured Kyōto School philosophy for the Buddhist side of the conversations. The major figures in that school known to the West are Nishida Kitarō, (...) Tanabe Hajime, Nishitani Keiji, Takeuchi Yoshinori, and Ueda Shizuteru. Other philosophers not formally connected to the school but in some ways kindred spirits with it include Watsuji Tetsurō, Hisamatsu Shin'ichi, and Abe Masao. Both individually and collectively these philosophers represent a formidable intellectual tradition, simultaneously challenging and inspiring their Western theological and philosophical counterparts. In surveying the Western responses to the Kyōto School, however, I often find an odd lacuna: the philosophers behind the thought are often absent or, at best, caricatured.The mischief here comes from two directions. On one hand, there are the Western theologians and philosophers who read in translation the works by Nishitani or Tanabe and are astounded by the sophistication of the thought and the way familiar Western philosophical thinkers such as Hegel, Kant, Heidegger, and Plato are interwoven in the arguments. Not being Asian specialists, these readers quite naturally focus on parts of the texts most familiar and intelligible—the interplay with Western ideas and values. This approach has helped Western thinkers discover hidden cultural assumptions in their own philosophizing and religious thinking. Missing, however, is the culturally Japanese character of the Kyōto School philosophers. At least until very recently, these philosophers did not write for a Western audience, but [End Page 268] for their Japanese compatriots. Thus, however much their philosophies might be Western in style and content, it is likely that at least some of their questions (and therefore their answers) were responses to Japanese, rather than Western, concerns. Given the upheaval that Japanese culture and society underwent in the first half of the twentieth century, it is especially important to factor into the equation such contemporaneous cultural concerns.Partly in response to this situation, there has more recently been a response from some Western intellectual historians of Japan who seek to debunk the Kyōto School as a whole, finding in it nothing more than disguised ethnocentrism, jingoism, and imperialism. In making their case, they often ignore the full philosophical systems developed by the Kyōto School thinkers and focus instead on comments from public forums or lectures. Sometimes no more than a few isolated quotations are used to support the case. What is wrong here is not necessarily the claim that Kyōto School philosophy was implicated in the political thought of the wartime years, but rather the cavalier scholarship used to support that claim. A whole school of philosophers tends to be lumped together with little concern for sorting out individual differences. For intellectual historians of this ilk, it is as if books are written by ideologies rather than individuals (or even individual ideologues). Such caricatures of the Kyōto School may even minimize the significance of the fact that some philosophers associated with the movement, Miki Kiyoshi and Tosaka Jun for example, died in prison for their leftist ideas and practices. The Kyōto School is not nearly as hegemonic as some of its critics like to claim.In short, these two commonWestern approaches to reading the Kyōto School philosophers tend either to overlook their Japaneseness or to deny their individuality. Either way, the philosopher disappears from the philosophizing. Here Yusa's book is a vital corrective. Her intellectual biography both Japanizes and humanizes Nishida Kitarō (1870-1945), the founder of the Kyōto School and the inspiration for most of Japan's modern philosophy. Her narrative gives us insight after insight into the concrete contexts in which Nishida's thought developed. Her discussion of each progression in Nishida's thought over his lifetime is framed by relevant events in his family life, his professional career, his interaction with colleagues, and the readings that were inspiring him at the time. Japanese editions of modern writers' collected works commonly... (shrink)
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  47.  41
    Review of: Sakai Naoki 酒井直樹 and Isomae Jun'ichi 磯前順一, eds., Overcoming Modernity and the Kyoto School: Modernity, Empire, and Universality [[近代の超克] と京都学派—近代性, 帝国, 普遍性]. [REVIEW]Michiko Yusa -2012 -Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 39 (2):391-394.
  48.  54
    Masao Abe: A Bodhisattva's Vow.James Fredericks -2008 -Buddhist-Christian Studies 28:115-117.
    In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Masao Abe: A Bodhisattva’s VowJames FredericksAbout ten years ago, I enjoyed a fine Japanese lunch with my friend and teacher, the late Masao Abe. I gathered with him and his wife, Ikuko, in a traditional restaurant in Kyoto. Abe Sensei had been somewhat pensive and withdrawn for most of the meal. Mrs. Abe and I had been bantering about how late the tsuyu rains had been that year and (...) the effect it was having on Kyoto’s hydrangea. Suddenly Sensei began to speak with an unusual tone of voice, as if saying something of great importance to no one in particular. “It is not enough,” he said. Mrs. Abe and I fell silent and attentive. He repeated himself in the same voice: “It is not enough.” I knew immediately what my teacher was talking about. In his old age and after a long and distinguished career of teaching and lecturing about Zen in the West, Abe Sensei was talking about a Buddhist teaching dear to his heart, “the standpoint of emptiness.” Out of politeness, I did not want to indicate that I understood his meaning so directly and sat wondering what I should say in response. Finally, I settled on something like this: “I will continue to study; Sensei, please continue to teach.” I spoke in the most formal Japanese I could muster out of respect for my teacher and friend.Sitting on the tatami mats in that restaurant in Kyoto was not the only time that Sensei has ever said “it is not enough.” In April 1942, four months after the beginning of the Pacific War, Masao Abe entered Kyoto Imperial University to study philosophy of religion. He was twenty-seven years old, buffeted by criticism for not enlisting in the military, and fearful of the power of nihilism at work in his homeland. In Kyoto, he was much attracted by the lectures of Tanabe Hajime, who was already filled with foreboding over Japan’s impending defeat and looking to Pure Land Buddhism for guidance. Tanabe’s comment “Amida is not far from here” brought Abe to weep inconsolably in the realization that it was he who was moving away from Amida even as Amida was moving toward him. Even still, Sensei would eventually find the Pure Land path “not enough” for resisting the forces of nihilism in the world and in himself.After the war, Abe joined a Zen meditation group that met at Myōshinji in Kyoto. The group was directed by Hisamatsu Shin’ichi, a Zen layman and lecturer on Buddhism at the university. In December 1951, Abe had a violent encounter with Hisamatsu that people still talk about. Zen had begun to erode Abe’s Pure Land faith and the threat of nihilism had returned in force. One evening, in great agitation, [End Page 115] Abe rose from his meditation pillow and lunged toward Hisamatsu screaming, “Is this the true self?” He was restrained briefly and then left the room. Later, Abe said in despair, “I cannot find anyplace where I can stand,” and Hisamatsu answered him straight away: “Stand right at that place where there is no place to stand.” This is what Abe Sensei called “the standpoint of emptiness.” Abe would eventually teach at great universities in the United States and Europe and become one of the leading figures in the dialogue among Buddhists and Christians. At the heart of all of this has been his unwavering commitment to expounding the standpoint of emptiness. Unwavering, that is, until that day in Kyoto over lunch when he said, “It is not enough.”Of Buddhism’s many impressive teachings, the bodhisattva ideal must be one of the most wondrous. A bodhisattva is one who, in the quest for enlightenment, has come to the threshold of nirvana itself. Ready to enter into bliss, the bodhisattva renounces nirvana and turns back to samsara. This return to samsara takes the form of a vow to work skillfully for the benefit of every sentient being. In the bodhisattva’s vow, Buddhism teaches a great and paradoxical truth. Since attachment is the birthplace of sorrow, wisdom requires that attachment be renounced. In the quest for liberation from... (shrink)
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  49.  60
    Masao Abe's Early Spiritual Journey and his Later Philosophy.Donald W. Mitchell -2008 -Buddhist-Christian Studies 28:107-110.
    In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Masao Abe’s Early Spiritual Journey and his Later PhilosophyDonald W. MitchellMasao Abe was born in 1915 in Osaka, Japan. He was the third of six children, and his father was a physician. His mother was the only person in the family who practiced religion, namely, Jōdo Shinshū or Shin Buddhism. As a university student, Abe attended what is now Osaka Municipal University, where he studied economics and law. While (...) at the university, he read the Tannishō, a text by Shinran. Abe later said that he understood from that text that “self-power” was futile and the only hope for salvation was “other-power” faith in the grace of Amida Buddha. However, he also understood that this life of grace entailed the relinquishment of “self-centered calculation.” Abe felt that he was not able to set aside his ego-self and began for the first time in his life to experience the tension between Buddha and ego, or, in more Western terms, the duality of God and self. This concern led Abe into a very personal spiritual quest that would define his life and work.Given this concern, after graduation, Masao Abe wanted to attend Kyōto University to study Buddhism. Because of family issues, however, he took a position at a trading company in Kōbe, where he worked for four years. Those years were marked by a sense of meaninglessness, and in the end Abe quit his job and entered Kyōto University, where he studied Western philosophy under Tanabe Hajime, who was himself influenced by Shin Buddhism. It was during that time that Abe met Hisamatsu Shin’ichi, an associate professor at Kyōto University and a well-known and committed practitioner of Zen Buddhism.At one point, Abe took his spiritual concerns about the tension he felt between his ego-centeredness and the religious life to Hisamatsu. He asked, “I am nothing more than a lump of selfish passions. Yet, isn’t it true that in Mahāyāna Buddhism one can be saved just as one is, selfish passions and all?” Hisamatsu responded, “The very thought that there are selfish passions is a selfish passion. Originally there is no such thing.” 1 Abe understood from Hisamatsu that there was a more fundamental ground below the dualism between Buddha and ego, a ground in which this dualism is overcome and salvation from any such dualistic struggle could be found.But Abe was not ready to surrender his Pure Land religiosity. In fact, it was during [End Page 107] this time at Kyōto University that he had an experience of Amida Buddha’s grace. As Abe put it, he realized that while he thought that he was “running toward” Amida Buddha in his struggle with faith, he realized that Amida Buddha was not something to go to, but, rather, Amida was already right there with him all the time. Abe said that at that moment he threw himself on the tatami floor and wept in gratitude. It was gratitude for Amida’s presence and grace that embraced Abe just as he was, full of passions and ego. When he told Hisamatsu about this experience, Hisamatsu was very happy and never questioned Abe about his Pure Land views again.Gradually, under the influence of Hisamatsu and with his deeper study of Buddhism, Abe realized that while his Pure Land experience was valid, there was a more fundamental or original religious standpoint to be discovered. Abe still struggled with the duality between the life of Amida’s grace and embracement of Abe with his ego, and Abe’s ego-centered passions themselves. He felt, under Hisamatsu’s influence, that it might be on that more fundamental standpoint that this duality would be overcome. He also saw the undeniable realization of this original nondualistic standpoint in Hisamatsu himself, and this led him to turn more fully to Zen practice under Hisamatsu’s guidance in the context of the F.A.S. Society.Given the foundational paradigm shift Abe faced in Hisamatsu and the depth of his own struggle with the dualism still involved in his Pure Land position, Zen practice under Hisamatsu was extremely demanding for... (shrink)
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  50.  50
    Masao Abe: DT Suzuki's Legacies and an" Academic Dharma Lineage" in North America.Michiko Yusa -2008 -Buddhist-Christian Studies 28:111-113.
    In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Masao Abe: D. T. Suzuki’s Legacies and an “Academic Dharma Lineage” in North AmericaMichiko YusaProfessor Abe is generally regarded as the torch bearer of D. T. Suzuki. But how did that come about? This essay sheds light on the relationship between Suzuki and Abe.Abe’s professor, Hisamatsu Shin’ichi, had come to know Suzuki through his mentor Nishida Kitarō. Suzuki was one of Nishida’s closest friends. It appears that Hisamatsu’s (...) and Suzuki’s cordial relationship became closer after Nishida’s death in 1945. Hisamatsu in turn was the link for Abe to come to know Suzuki. Abe recalls his first encounter with Suzuki, which took place in the winter of 1947, when Suzuki was in bed with a bad cold and Abe was sent by Hisamatsu to make a sick call on his behalf. Abe was then Hisamatsu’s teaching assistant ( joshu). Seeing Suzuki in person for the first time, Abe could not help but feel the unique spiritual presence of this man. At that time, Abe, though a committed follower of Pure Land Buddhism, was deeply troubled with his spiritual quest. Perhaps sensing Abe’s agony, Suzuki gave him a copy of his imperial lecture The Essence of Buddhism, in which he had treated Zen and Pure Land thought as sharing the same Mahayana roots.1Abe’s second visit to Suzuki came in the spring of 1949, when Suzuki was preparing to leave for the United States to spend “the rest of his life in order to bring the message of Zen Buddhism” to the West. At that time Abe was to convey Hisamatsu’s concern that Suzuki ought to remain in Japan and contribute to internationalizing Zen by translating Zen texts into English, for, in Hisamatsu’s mind, there was no one better qualified than Suzuki to carry out that task.2Suzuki was ready to make a bold move, however. Having witnessed Hiroshima-Nagasaki, he was convinced that the message of wisdom and compassion based on the awakening to the “true self” that Zen speaks of was an effective and necessary antidote to the egocentric mindset, which manifested also as national ego-centrism, rampant in the post–World War II world. He was convinced that the message of awakening and compassion would give the humanity a better chance at peace. In fact, by the early 1950s, with the intensification of the Cold War and the turmoil in Korea, there was a palpable fear that World War III might break out any day, and Suzuki certainly shared that ominous sense.3 [End Page 111]Zen Must Adopt New ExpressionsSuzuki left for the United States on June 16, 1949, to attend the Second East-West Philosopher’s Conference and to teach at the University of Hawai‘i in the summer and the fall semesters. Through his interaction with Western and Asian thinkers at the conference as well as with his students at the university, he came to feel strongly that (1) it was important to emphasize compassion (hi) in the face of an excessive Zen emphasis on the koan practice, (2) Zen Buddhists must develop their “logical” expression to articulate Zen teaching in language understandable to Westerners, and, in this connection, (3) it was incumbent on him to introduce the thought of Nishida Kitarō to the West. In Suzuki’s own words, “Contemporary Zen is short of compassion (hi). Therefore, it lacks the momentum to engage society and work from within it. Again, it lacks a logical discourse (riron). This is something Nishida always used to say. In order to make Western thinkers understand Zen teaching, one must have a logical system (ronri).” 4These three points are clearly present and developed in Abe’s works. In his introduction to Zen and Western Thought (1985), Abe wrote that (1) Zen embraces a profound philosophy (echoing Suzuki’s concern for the necessity for logical articulation), (2) the ultimate in Zen and in Buddhism is “absolute Nothingness” or “Emptiness” (echoing Nishida’s philosophy), (3) Buddhism is a radical realism and a compassionate way of life (echoing Suzuki’s concern for compassion), and (4) a new cosmology, not a new humanism, is needed in... (shrink)
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