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Elizabeth S. Spelke [79]Elizabeth Spelke [31]
  1.  199
    Core systems of number.Stanislas Dehaene,Elizabeth Spelke &Lisa Feigenson -2004 -Trends in Cognitive Sciences 8 (7):307-314.
  2.  91
    Principles of object perception.Elizabeth S. Spelke -1990 -Cognitive Science 14 (1):29--56.
    Research on human infants has begun to shed light on early-developing processes for segmenting perceptual arrays into objects. Infants appear to perceive objects by analyzing three-dimensional surface arrangements and motions. Their perception does not accord with a general tendency to maximize figural goodness or to attend to nonaccidental geometric relations in visual arrays. Object perception does accord with principles governing the motions of material bodies: Infants divide perceptual arrays into units that move as connected wholes, that move separately from one (...) another, that tend to maintain their size and shape over motion, and that tend to act upon each other only on contact. These findings suggest that o general representation of object unity and boundaries is interposed between representations of surfaces and representations of objects of familiar kinds. The processes that construct this representation may be related to processes of physical reasoning. (shrink)
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  3.  175
    (1 other version)Core knowledge.Elizabeth S. Spelke -2000 -American Psychologist 55 (11):1233-1243.
    Complex cognitive skills such as reading and calculation and complex cognitive achievements such as formal science and mathematics may depend on a set of building block systems that emerge early in human ontogeny and phylogeny. These core knowledge systems show characteristic limits of domain and task specificity: Each serves to represent a particular class of entities for a particular set of purposes. By combining representations from these systems, however human cognition may achieve extraordinary flexibility. Studies of cognition in human infants (...) and in nonhuman primates therefore may contribute to understanding unique features of human knowledge. 2020 APA, all rights reserved). (shrink)
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  4.  132
    Origins of knowledge.Elizabeth S. Spelke,Karen Breinlinger,Janet Macomber &Kristen Jacobson -1992 -Psychological Review 99 (4):605-632.
    Experiments with young infants provide evidence for early-developing capacities to represent physical objects and to reason about object motion. Early physical reasoning accords with 2 constraints at the center of mature physical conceptions: continuity and solidity. It fails to accord with 2 constraints that may be peripheral to mature conceptions: gravity and inertia. These experiments suggest that cognition develops concurrently with perception and action and that development leads to the enrichment of conceptions around an unchanging core. The experiments challenge claims (...) that cognition develops on a foundation of perceptual or motor experience, that initial conceptions are inappropriate to the world, and that initial conceptions are abandoned or radically.. (shrink)
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  5.  162
    Large number discrimination in 6-month-old infants.Fei Xu &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2000 -Cognition 74 (1):1-11.
    Six-month-old infants discriminate between large sets of objects on the basis of numerosity when other extraneous variables are controlled, provided that the sets to be discriminated differ by a large ratio (8 vs. 16 but not 8 vs. 12). The capacities to represent approximate numerosity found in adult animals and humans evidently develop in human infants prior to language and symbolic counting.
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  6.  96
    Initial knowledge: six suggestions.Elizabeth Spelke -1994 -Cognition 50 (1-3):431-445.
    Although debates continue, studies of cognition in infancy suggest that knowledge begins to emerge early in life and constitutes part of humans' innate endowment. Early-developing knowledge appears to be both domain-specific and task-specific, it appears to capture fundamental constraints on ecologically important classes of entities in the child's environment, and it appears to remain central to the commonsense knowledge systems of adults.
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  7.  985
    Log or linear? Distinct intuitions of the number scale in Western and Amazonian indigene cultures.Pierre Pica,Stanislas Dehaene,Elizabeth Spelke &Véronique Izard -2008 -Science 320 (5880):1217-1220.
    The mapping of numbers onto space is fundamental to measurement and to mathematics. Is this mapping a cultural invention or a universal intuition shared by all humans regardless of culture and education? We probed number-space mappings in the Mundurucu, an Amazonian indigene group with a reduced numerical lexicon and little or no formal education. At all ages, the Mundurucu mapped symbolic and nonsymbolic numbers onto a logarithmic scale, whereas Western adults used linear mapping with small or symbolic numbers and logarithmic (...) mapping when numbers were presented nonsymbolically under conditions that discouraged counting. This indicates that the mapping of numbers onto space is a universal intuition and that this initial intuition of number is logarithmic. The concept of a linear number line appears to be a cultural invention that fails to develop in the absence of formal education. (shrink)
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  8. Core Knowledge of Geometry in an Amazonian Indigene Group.Stanislas Dehaene,Véronique Izard,Pierre Pica &Elizabeth Spelke -2006 -Science 311 (5759)::381-4.
    Does geometry constitues a core set of intuitions present in all humans, regarless of their language or schooling ? We used two non verbal tests to probe the conceptual primitives of geometry in the Munduruku, an isolated Amazonian indigene group. Our results provide evidence for geometrical intuitions in the absence of schooling, experience with graphic symbols or maps, or a rich language of geometrical terms.
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  9.  238
    Object permanence in five-month-old infants.Elizabeth S. Spelke -1985 -Cognition 20 (3):191-208.
    A new method was devised to test object permanence in young infants. Fivemonth-old infants were habituated to a screen that moved back and forth through a 180-degree arc, in the manner of a drawbridge. After infants reached habituation, a box was centered behind the screen. Infants were shown two test events: a possible event and an impossible event. In the possible event, the screen stopped when it reached the occluded box; in the impossible event, the screen moved through the space (...) occupied by the box. The results indicated that infants looked reliably longer at the impossible than at the possible event. This hnding suggested that infants (1) understood that the box continued to exist, in its same location, after it was occluded by the screen, and (2) expected the screen to stop against the occluded box and were surprised, or puzzled, when it failed to do so. A control experiment in which the box was placed next to the screen provided support for this interpretation of the results. Together, the results of these experiments indicate that, contrary to Piaget’s (1954) claims, infants as young as 5 months of age understand that objects continue to exist when occluded. The results, also indicate that 5-month-old infants realize that solid objects do not move through the space occupied by other solid objects. (shrink)
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  10. Education Enhances the Acuity of the Nonverbal Approximate Number System.Manuela Piazza,Pierre Pica,Véronique Izard,Elizabeth Spelke &Stanislas Dehaene -2013 -Psychological Science 24 (4):p.
    All humans share a universal, evolutionarily ancient approximate number system (ANS) that estimates and combines the numbers of objects in sets with ratio-limited precision. Interindividual variability in the acuity of the ANS correlates with mathematical achievement, but the causes of this correlation have never been established. We acquired psychophysical measures of ANS acuity in child and adult members of an indigene group in the Amazon, the Mundurucú, who have a very restricted numerical lexicon and highly variable access to mathematics education. (...) By comparing Mundurucú subjects with and without access to schooling, we found that education significantly enhances the acuity with which sets of concrete objects are estimated. These results indicate that culture and education have an important effect on basic number perception. We hypothesize that symbolic and nonsymbolic numerical thinking mutually enhance one another over the course of mathematics instruction. (shrink)
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  11.  60
    The construction of large number representations in adults.Elizabeth Spelke &Hilary Barth -2003 -Cognition 86 (3):201-221.
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  12.  102
    The double-edged sword of pedagogy: Instruction limits spontaneous exploration and discovery.Elizabeth Bonawitz,Patrick Shafto,Hyowon Gweon,Noah D. Goodman,Elizabeth Spelke &Laura Schulz -2011 -Cognition 120 (3):322-330.
  13.  599
    Science and Core Knowledge.Susan Carey &Elizabeth Spelke -1996 -Philosophy of Science 63 (4):515 - 533.
    While endorsing Gopnik's proposal that studies of the emergence and modification of scientific theories and studies of cognitive development in children are mutually illuminating, we offer a different picture of the beginning points of cognitive development from Gopnik's picture of "theories all the way down." Human infants are endowed with several distinct core systems of knowledge which are theory-like in some, but not all, important ways. The existence of these core systems of knowledge has implications for the joint research program (...) between philosophers and psychologists that Gopnik advocates and we endorse. A few lessons already gained from this program of research are sketched. (shrink)
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  14.  54
    Ontological categories guide young children's inductions of word meaning: Object terms and substance terms.Nancy N. Soja,Susan Carey &Elizabeth S. Spelke -1991 -Cognition 38 (2):179-211.
  15.  171
    What makes us Smart? Core knowledge and natural language.Elizabeth S. Spelke -2003 - In Dedre Gentner & Susan Goldin-Meadow,Language in Mind: Advances in the Study of Language and Thought. MIT Press. pp. 277--311.
  16. Symbolic arithmetic knowledge without instruction.Camilla K. Gilmore,Shannon E. McCarthy &Elizabeth S. Spelke -unknown
    Symbolic arithmetic is fundamental to science, technology and economics, but its acquisition by children typically requires years of effort, instruction and drill1,2. When adults perform mental arithmetic, they activate nonsymbolic, approximate number representations3,4, and their performance suffers if this nonsymbolic system is impaired5. Nonsymbolic number representations also allow adults, children, and even infants to add or subtract pairs of dot arrays and to compare the resulting sum or difference to a third array, provided that only approximate accuracy is required6–10. Here (...) we report that young children, who have mastered verbal counting and are on the threshold of arithmetic instruction, can build on their nonsymbolic number system to perform symbolic addition and subtraction11–15. Children across a broad socio-economic spectrum solved symbolic problems involving approximate addition or subtraction of large numbers, both in a laboratory test and in a school setting. Aspects of symbolic arithmetic therefore lie within the reach of children who have learned no algorithms for manipulating numerical symbols. Our findings help to delimit the sources of children’s difficulties learning symbolic arithmetic, and they suggest ways to enhance children’s engagement with formal mathematics. We presented children with approximate symbolic arithmetic problems in a format that parallels previous tests of non-symbolic arithmetic in preschool children8,9. In the first experiment, five- to six-year-old children were given problems such as ‘‘If you had twenty-four stickers and I gave you twenty-seven more, would you have more or less than thirty-five stickers?’’. Children performed well above chance (65.0%, t1952.77, P 5 0.012) without resorting to guessing or comparison strategies that could serve as alternatives to arithmetic. Children who have been taught no symbolic arithmetic therefore have some ability to perform symbolic addition problems. The children’s performance nevertheless fell short of performance on non-symbolic arithmetic tasks using equivalent addition problems with numbers presented as arrays of dots and with the addition operation conveyed by successive motions of the dots into a box (71.3% correct, F1,345 4.26, P 5 0.047)8.. (shrink)
     
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  17.  80
    Numerical abstraction by human infants.Prentice Starkey,Elizabeth S. Spelke &Rochel Gelman -1990 -Cognition 36 (2):97-127.
  18.  97
    Non-symbolic arithmetic in adults and young children.Hilary Barth,Kristen La Mont,Jennifer Lipton,Stanislas Dehaene,Nancy Kanwisher &Elizabeth Spelke -2006 -Cognition 98 (3):199-222.
  19.  76
    Modularity and development: the case of spatial reorientation.Linda Hermer &Elizabeth Spelke -1996 -Cognition 61 (3):195-232.
  20. Perception of partly occluded objects in infancy* 1.Philip J. Kellman &Elizabeth S. Spelke -1983 -Cognitive Psychology 15 (4):483–524.
    Four-month-old infants sometimes can perceive the unity of a partly hidden object. In each of a series of experiments, infants were habituated to one object whose top and bottom were visible but whose center was occluded by a nearer object. They were then tested with a fully visible continuous object and with two fully visible object pieces with a gap where the occluder had been. Pattems of dishabituation suggested that infants perceive the boundaries of a partly hidden object by analyzing (...) the movements of its surfaces: infants perceived a connected object when its ends moved in a common translation behind the occluder. Infants do not appear to perceive a connected object by analyzing the colors and forms of surfaces: they did not perceive a connected object when its visible parts were stationary, its color was homogeneous, its edges were aligned, and its shape was simple and regular. These findings do not support the thesis, from gestalt psychology, that object perception first arises as a consequence of a tendency to perceive the simplest, most regular configuration, or the Piagetian thesis that object perception depends on the prior coordination of action. Perception of objects may depend on an inherent conception of what an object is. (shrink)
     
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  21. The native language of social cognition.Elizabeth S. Spelke -unknown
    What leads humans to divide the social world into groups, preferring their own group and disfavoring others? Experiments with infants and young children suggest these tendencies are based on predispo- sitions that emerge early in life and depend, in part, on natural language. Young infants prefer to look at a person who previously spoke their native language. Older infants preferentially accept toys from native-language speakers, and preschool children preferentially select native-language speakers as friends. Variations in accent are sufficient to evoke (...) these social preferences, which are observed in infants before they produce or comprehend speech and are exhibited by children even when they comprehend the foreign-accented speech. Early-developing preferences for native-language speakers may serve as a foundation for later-developing preferences and conflicts among social groups. (shrink)
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  22.  130
    Foundations of cooperation in young children.Kristina R. Olson &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2008 -Cognition 108 (1):222-231.
  23.  129
    Non-symbolic arithmetic abilities and mathematics achievement in the first year of formal schooling.Camilla K. Gilmore,Shannon E. McCarthy &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2010 -Cognition 115 (3):394-406.
  24.  58
    Brief non-symbolic, approximate number practice enhances subsequent exact symbolic arithmetic in children.Daniel C. Hyde,Saeeda Khanum &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2014 -Cognition 131 (1):92-107.
  25.  26
    Six-month-old infants expect agents to minimize the cost of their actions.Shari Liu &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2017 -Cognition 160 (C):35-42.
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  26.  203
    Melting Lizards and Crying Mailboxes: Children's Preferential Recall of Minimally Counterintuitive Concepts.Konika Banerjee,Omar S. Haque &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2013 -Cognitive Science 37 (7):1251-1289.
    Previous research with adults suggests that a catalog of minimally counterintuitive concepts, which underlies supernatural or religious concepts, may constitute a cognitive optimum and is therefore cognitively encoded and culturally transmitted more successfully than either entirely intuitive concepts or maximally counterintuitive concepts. This study examines whether children's concept recall similarly is sensitive to the degree of conceptual counterintuitiveness (operationalized as a concept's number of ontological domain violations) for items presented in the context of a fictional narrative. Seven- to nine-year-old children (...) who listened to a story including both intuitive and counterintuitive concepts recalled the counterintuitive concepts containing one (Experiment 1) or two (Experiment 2), but not three (Experiment 3), violations of intuitive ontological expectations significantly more and in greater detail than the intuitive concepts, both immediately after hearing the story and 1 week later. We conclude that one or two violations of expectation may be a cognitive optimum for children: They are more inferentially rich and therefore more memorable, whereas three or more violations diminish memorability for target concepts. These results suggest that the cognitive bias for minimally counterintuitive ideas is present and active early in human development, near the start of formal religious instruction. This finding supports a growing literature suggesting that diverse, early-emerging, evolved psychological biases predispose humans to hold and perform religious beliefs and practices whose primary form and content is not derived from arbitrary custom or the social environment alone. (shrink)
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  27.  105
    Language and number: a bilingual training study.Elizabeth S. Spelke -2001 -Cognition 78 (1):45-88.
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  28.  586
    Exact equality and successor function: Two key concepts on the path towards understanding exact numbers.Véronique Izard,Pierre Pica,Elizabeth S. Spelke &Stanislas Dehaene -2008 -Philosophical Psychology 21 (4):491 – 505.
    Humans possess two nonverbal systems capable of representing numbers, both limited in their representational power: the first one represents numbers in an approximate fashion, and the second one conveys information about small numbers only. Conception of exact large numbers has therefore been thought to arise from the manipulation of exact numerical symbols. Here, we focus on two fundamental properties of the exact numbers as prerequisites to the concept of EXACT NUMBERS : the fact that all numbers can be generated by (...) a successor function and the fact that equality between numbers can be defined in an exact fashion. We discuss some recent findings assessing how speakers of Munduruc (an Amazonian language), and young Western children (3-4 years old) understand these fundamental properties of numbers. (shrink)
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  29.  103
    Beyond Core Knowledge: Natural Geometry.Elizabeth Spelke,Sang Ah Lee &Véronique Izard -2010 -Cognitive Science 34 (5):863-884.
    For many centuries, philosophers and scientists have pondered the origins and nature of human intuitions about the properties of points, lines, and figures on the Euclidean plane, with most hypothesizing that a system of Euclidean concepts either is innate or is assembled by general learning processes. Recent research from cognitive and developmental psychology, cognitive anthropology, animal cognition, and cognitive neuroscience suggests a different view. Knowledge of geometry may be founded on at least two distinct, evolutionarily ancient, core cognitive systems for (...) representing the shapes of large-scale, navigable surface layouts and of small-scale, movable forms and objects. Each of these systems applies to some but not all perceptible arrays and captures some but not all of the three fundamental Euclidean relationships of distance (or length), angle, and direction (or sense). Like natural number (Carey, 2009), Euclidean geometry may be constructed through the productive combination of representations from these core systems, through the use of uniquely human symbolic systems. (shrink)
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  30.  41
    Human infants’ understanding of social imitation: Inferences of affiliation from third party observations.Lindsey J. Powell &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2018 -Cognition 170 (C):31-48.
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  31.  73
    Updating egocentric representations in human navigation.Ranxiao Frances Wang &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2000 -Cognition 77 (3):215-250.
  32. (1 other version)Preschool Children's Mapping of Number Words to Nonsymbolic Numerosities.Jennifer S. Lipton &Elizabeth S. Spelke -unknown
    Five-year-old children categorized as skilled versus unskilled counters were given verbal estimation and number word comprehension tasks with numerosities 20 – 120. Skilled counters showed a linear relation between number words and nonsymbolic numerosities. Unskilled counters showed the same linear relation for smaller numbers to which they could count, but not for larger number words. Further tasks indicated that unskilled counters failed even to correctly order large number words differing by a 2 : 1 ratio, whereas they performed well on (...) this task with smaller numbers, and performed well on a nonsymbolic ordering task with the same numerosities. These findings provide evidence that large, approximate numerosity representations become linked to number words around the time that children learn to count to those words reliably. (shrink)
     
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  33.  47
    Spontaneous mapping of number and space in adults and young children.Maria-Dolores de Hevia &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2009 -Cognition 110 (2):198-207.
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  34. aCCENT TrumpS raCE iN GuiDiNG ChilDrEN'S SOCial prEfErENCES.Elizabeth S. Spelke -unknown
    A series of experiments investigated the effect of speakers’ language, accent, and race on children’s social preferences. When presented with photographs and voice recordings of novel children, 5-year-old children chose to be friends with native speakers of their native language rather than foreign-language or foreign-accented speakers. These preferences were not exclusively due to the intelligibility of the speech, as children found the accented speech to be comprehensible, and did not make social distinctions between foreign-accented and foreign-language speakers. Finally, children chose (...) same-race children as friends when the target children were silent, but they chose other-race children with a native accent when accent was pitted against race. A control experiment provided evidence that children’s privileging of accent over race was not due to the relative familiarity of each dimension. The results, discussed in an evolutionary framework, suggest that children preferentially evaluate others along dimensions that distinguished social groups in prehistoric human societies. (shrink)
     
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  35. Infants' discrimination of number vs. continuous extent.Elizabeth Spelke -manuscript
    Seven studies explored the empirical basis for claims that infants represent cardinal values of small sets of objects. Many studies investigating numerical ability did not properly control for continuous stimulus properties such as surface area, volume, contour length, or dimensions that correlate with these properties. Experiment 1 extended the standard habituation/dishabituation paradigm to a 1 vs 2 comparison with three-dimensional objects and confirmed that when number and total front surface area are confounded, infants discriminate the arrays. Experiment 2 revealed that (...) infants dishabituated to a change in front surface area but not to a change in number when the two variables were pitted against each other. Experiments 3 through 5 revealed no sensitivity to number when front surface area was controlled, and Experiments 6 and 7 extended this pattern of findings to the Wynn (1992) transformation task. Infants’ lack of a response to number, combined with their demonstrated sensitivity to one or more dimensions of continuous extent, supports the hypothesis that the representations subserving object-based attention, rather than those subserving enumeration, underlie performance in the above tasks. (shrink)
     
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  36.  59
    Core knowledge, language learning, and the origins of morality and pedagogy: Reply to reviews ofWhat babies know.Elizabeth S. Spelke -2023 -Mind and Language 38 (5):1336-1350.
    The astute reviews by Hamlin and by Revencu and Csibra provide compelling arguments and evidence for the early emergence of moral evaluation, communication, and pedagogical learning. I accept these conclusions but not the reviewers' claims that infants' talents in these domains depend on core systems of moral evaluation or pedagogical communication. Instead, I suggest that core knowledge of people as agents and as social beings, together with infants' emerging understanding of their native language, support learning about people as moral agents, (...) moral patients, communicators, and teachers. These issues are open, however, and our competing views invite further testing. (shrink)
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  37. (1 other version)Conceptual pecursors to language.SusanJ Hespos &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2004 -Nature 430:453-456.
     
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  38.  707
    Navigation as a source of geometric knowledge: Young children’s use of length, angle, distance, and direction in a reorientation task.Sang Ah Lee,Valeria A. Sovrano &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2012 -Cognition 123 (1):144-161.
  39. Perceiving and reasoning about objects: Insights from infants.Elizabeth S. Spelke &Gretchen A. Van de Walle -1993 - In Naomi Eilan, Rosaleen A. McCarthy & Bill Brewer,Spatial representation: problems in philosophy and psychology. Cambridge: Blackwell.
     
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  40.  94
    Skills of divided attention.Elizabeth Spelke -1976 -Cognition 4 (3):215-230.
  41.  50
    Précis ofWhat Babies Know.Elizabeth S. Spelke -2024 -Behavioral and Brain Sciences 47:e120.
    Where does human knowledge begin? Research on human infants, children, adults, and nonhuman animals, using diverse methods from the cognitive, brain, and computational sciences, provides evidence for six early emerging, domain-specific systems of core knowledge. These automatic, unconscious systems are situated between perceptual systems and systems of explicit concepts and beliefs. They emerge early in infancy, guide children's learning, and function throughout life.
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  42.  61
    Do infants show social preferences for people differing in race?Katherine D. Kinzler &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2011 -Cognition 119 (1):1-9.
  43.  99
    Infants' ability to connect gaze and emotional expression to intentional action.Ann T. Phillips,Henry M. Wellman &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2002 -Cognition 85 (1):53-78.
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  44. All Numbers Are Not Equal: An Electrophysiological Investigation of Small and Large Number Representations.Daniel C. Hyde &Elizabeth S. Spelke -unknown
    & Behavioral and brain imaging research indicates that human infants, humans adults, and many nonhuman animals represent large nonsymbolic numbers approximately, discriminating between sets with a ratio limit on accuracy. Some behavioral evidence, especially with human infants, suggests that these representations differ from representations of small numbers of objects. To investigate neural signatures of this distinction, event-related potentials were recorded as adult humans passively viewed the sequential presentation of dot arrays in an adaptation paradigm. In two studies, subjects viewed successive (...) arrays of a single number of dots interspersed with test arrays presenting the same or a different number; numerical range (small numerical quantities 1–3 vs. large numerical.. (shrink)
     
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  45. Core systems in human cognition.Elizabeth Spelke -manuscript
    Research on human infants, adult nonhuman primates, and children and adults in diverse cultures provides converging evidence for four systems at the foundations of human knowledge. These systems are domain specific and serve to represent both entities in the perceptible world (inanimate manipulable objects and animate agents) and entities that are more abstract (numbers and geometrical forms). Human cognition may be based, as well, on a fifth system for representing social partners and for categorizing the social world into groups. Research (...) on infants and children may contribute both to understanding of these systems and to attempts to overcome misconceptions that they may foster. (shrink)
     
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  46.  63
    Object perception and object-directed reaching in infancy.Claes von Hofsten &Elizabeth S. Spelke -1985 -Journal of Experimental Psychology 114 (2):198-212.
  47. Perception of unity, persistence, and identity: Thoughts on infants' conceptions of objects.Elizabeth S. Spelke -1985 - In Jacques Mehler & Robin Fox,Neonate Cognition: Beyond the Blooming Buzzing Confusion. Lawrence Erlbaum. pp. 89--113.
     
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  48. Natural number and natural geometry.Elizabeth S. Spelke -2011 - In Stanislas Dehaene & Elizabeth Brannon,Space, Time and Number in the Brain: Searching for the Foundations of Mathematical Thought. Oxford University Press. pp. 287--317.
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  49.  79
    Core multiplication in childhood.Elizabeth S. Spelke -2010 -Cognition 116 (2):204-216.
  50.  42
    Preverbal infants identify emotional reactions that are incongruent with goal outcomes.Amy E. Skerry &Elizabeth S. Spelke -2014 -Cognition 130 (2):204-216.
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