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This international collection forms a response from 22 educators to our changing political environment and to the reassessment they provoke of the principles shaping educational thought and practice. The philosophical discussion, however, remains clearly rooted in the world of educational practice and its political content.

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The moral and ethical issues of forming an educated citizenry are quite rel­evant for Ukrainian society. The formation of civic consciousness on the basis of European values is in the problematic field of thephilosophy of education, which is a methodological guideline for the formation of an individual’s worldview. In the article, an attempt is made to outline the conceptual and categorical appara­tus of educatedcitizenship; in particular, the meaning of the term “citizenship” is clarified.Citizenship (...) is defined as a moral quality of an individual that prompts a person to consciously fulfill civil duties and a sense of duty to the state and soci­ety. The connection between the civil socialization of the individual and the cul­ture ofcitizenship, which consists in the presence of a set of virtues: law-abiding, loyalty, community spirit, patriotism, love for the homeland, and international­ism, is also indicated. The work claims that thephilosophy of education, possess­ing a wide arsenal of methodological means of shaping the worldview of a citizen, can direct educational processes in the Ukrainian community. Civic education and upbringing should be carried out by creating a democratic educational environ­ment based on European values: respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, rule of law, and respect for human rights. The conclusions indicate that the problem of the formation of an educated citizenry in Ukraine requires a com­plex joint solution both on the part of the power structures and on the part of educational institutions. The basis of the educational model of the new Ukrainian society is the theoretical basis of the formation of a citizen’s personality, socio-cultural determinants of the formation of civil society, applied aspects of the in­troduction of educatedcitizenship in Ukraine. (shrink)

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The authors delineate the nature and neglect of integrity capacity and global businesscitizenship by world business leaders. They discuss how the philosophical analysis of moral and economic complexity enhances judgment integrity capacity and global businesscitizenship. Finally, the authors recommend positive action steps to improve global businesscitizenship and leadership integrity capacity through a balanced and inclusive pluralistic economicphilosophy.

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This contribution involves an analysis ofphilosophy of higher education in Africa, specifically related to a notion of democraticcitizenship education. If one understands whatphilosophy of higher education constitutes African thought and practice one would get to know how such an understanding of higher education is realised and guides human actions related to the African context. Thus, the main argument of this article involves whatphilosophy of higher education guides understandings and practices on the African (...) continent pertaining to the cultivation of democraticcitizenship education. In this article, the notion of an Africanphilosophy of higher education is rearticulated according to autonomous and deliberative iterations, human co-belonging, and the recognition of pluralist and defensible thought. Based on analyses of (con)textual matters, such aphilosophy of higher education summons university teachers and students to resist their predicaments autonomously, iteratively, and co-responsibly – that is, they are urged to act ethically. (shrink)

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본 논문은 빠른 속도의 인터넷 기술과 함께 발전한 디지털 문화사회의 민주적인 의사소 통행위를 도가철학의 자유와 평등에 대한 논의를 통해 고찰하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 근대의 시민사회를 가능하게 만든 자유와 평등 개념에 대한 논의는 현재까지도 진행된 다. 이것은 일상의 삶에 기능하는 자유와 평등 개념이 그 사회의 정치적 상황과 문화 및 경제의 조건에 따라 끊임없이 변모한다는 것을 말하는 것이기도 하다. 이 점에서 개방적인 형태의 정보교류와 수평의 평등적인 참여성을 주요한 동력으로 삼는 디지털 네트워크 세 계의 소통성은 우리의 의사소통행위를 더욱 민주적인 형태로 고양시켜 나아갈 것으로 (...) 인 식된다. 하지만 우리의 기대와 달리, 디지털 문화사회의 의사소통행위는 이기(利機)의 편리성에 종속되는 형태로 인간의 사고를 형식화 하는 한편 디지털 네트워크 세계 속에서 소통 주 체가 방황하고, 고립되며 배제되는 문화역전 현상, 즉 디지털 문화사회의 인간 소외 현상 을 야기하기도 하다. 그러므로 본 연구는 오늘날 우리의 디지털 문화사회 속에서 요구되는 민주시민의 자질 을 도가철학의 자유와 평등에 관한 논의를 통해 고찰하고, 그 의미를 분석한다. 그리고 이 것은 디지털 문화사회에서 빈도 높게 나타나는 여러 층위의 인간 소외 현상이 갖는 문제 의 해결을 위한 방안을 도가철학의 자유와 평등에 대한 논의를 통해 모색하는 일련의 과 정이 된다. (shrink)

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This paper assesses teachers’ and students’ self-perception as global citizens in the context of Alfred North Whitehead ProcessPhilosophy. The aim of the paper is to identify the potential for globalcitizenship within pedagogy and learning. One hundred students and 50 teachers from Peaceland College of Education, Enugu, in Nigeria, were selected systematically and examined on their belief that an action in situ could pose global consequences or benefits. Respondents were also assessed on other dimensions of globalization. Results (...) showed that although more teachers believed themselves to be global citizens, there was little tendency to stimulate students in this regard. Students conversely exhibited their potential for globalcitizenship by listening more to foreign media than their teachers. For students, however, knowledge of current affairs and interaction with foreigners were significant determinants of self-perception as global citizens; for teachers, it was the motivation to teach and the level of education. The study concludes that adopting processphilosophy in schools has much promise for skills, values, attitudes and dispositions needed to live in a global society. (shrink)

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Canphilosophy be socially relevant? Dating back to Socrates' Apology, and beyond Marx's argument that pure philosophical theory without practical application was unattainable, philosophers have had many diverse views about their work, including that it is indispensable, that it is socially irrelevant, and even that it is harmful. Tracing the controversy through history, this book examines eleven philosophers' arguments concerning the question of the social relevance ofphilosophy, placing each thinker in the appropriate cultural and historical context.

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This book is a collection of twelve new essays on the topic of Kant's account ofcitizenship, the first book-length text on this topic. It features an international cast of leading scholars who specialize in Kant's ethics,philosophy of religion and politicalphilosophy. The contributors connect Kant'sphilosophy with contemporary issues concerningcitizenship, including the moral grounds ofcitizenship rights, the relation betweencitizenship, human rights and dignity, civic virtues,citizenship in the (...) ethical commonwealth, in particular the moral function of religious rituals, the link between ethical duties and faith, and the relation between religious freedom and political power, democratic participation, the legitimacy of international courts, just war theory, cosmopolitanism, and the contemporary relevance of a Kantian account ofcitizenship. The topic is of interest given some of the currently urgentcitizenship-related challenges that we are facing today. Kant's account of justice stipulates that, in a fair and peaceful world, the legal framework that establishes rights and obligations should be effective at national, international and cosmopolitan levels. Kant's legal and politicalphilosophy also features the unique combination of a realistic appraisal of the human condition and powerful normative recommendations concerning action and principles of ethics and law. Together with Kant's emphasis on the requirement of consistency, the approaches discussed in the volume are better able to orient thinking and guide action for currently urgent ethical, legal, political and social problems. KantianCitizenship will appeal to scholars and graduate students working on Kant's legal and politicalphilosophy, as well as scholars from other fields who are interested in legalphilosophy and the politics ofcitizenship. (shrink)

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Will Kymlicka's MulticulturalCitizenship represents an extraordinary attempt to put applied politicalphilosophy to work in the empirical context of contemporary political debates about immigration and ethnic minorities in western society. This paper explores the methodological and interpretative difficulties of combining normative and empirical goals, in a critical discussion of the examples Kymlicka makes of multicultural issues in France, Britain and the US. It goes on to argue that these weaknesses lie in the Rawlsian influence in Kymlicka's work, (...) and that political philosophers may have to rethink their methodological approach if they wish to pursue further the kind of applied work which Kymlicka is aiming for. (shrink)

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Presents the game-changing power ofcitizenship in sports, including what it is, what can happen when players are or are not good citizens, and how it can affect individuals.

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The context for the study is the current curriculum reform in Scotland which demands that teachers enable children to become ‘Responsible Citizens’. The aim of the study was to evaluate the use of Community of Philosophical Inquiry as a pedagogical tool to enhancecitizenship attributes in Scottish children in a range of educational settings. Before and after an extended series of CoPI sessions, the 133 participating children were presented with dilemmas designed to elicit responses which indicate their ability to (...) make informed choices and decisions and to articulate informed, ethical views of complex issues. The sessions were facilitated by class teachers who were trained in CoPI. The results indicate that children’s reason giving was enhanced by participation in CoPI. The implications both for education forcitizenship and the potential ofPhilosophy with Children to contribute to an enhanced school curriculum will be discussed. (shrink)

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According to Val Plumwood (1995), liberal-democracy is an authoritarian political system that protects privilege but fails to protect nature. A major obstacle, she says, is radical inequality, which has become increasingly far-reaching under liberal-democracy; an indicator of ‘the capacity of its privileged groups to distribute social goods upwards and to create rigidities which hinder the democratic correctiveness of social institutions’ (p. 134). This cautionary tale has repercussions for education, especially civics andcitizenship education. To address this, we explore the (...) potential of what Gerard Delanty calls ‘culturalcitizenship’ as an alternative to the disciplinarycitizenship that permeates Western liberal discourse. Culturalcitizenship emphasisescitizenship as communication and continual learning processes, rejecting the idea ofcitizenship as a fixed set of cultural ideals, norms or values defined and enforced by liberal society’s legal, political and cultural institutions, including education and ‘citizenship training’. However, we contend that a critical first step, essential to democratic correctiveness, is to clear away obstacles created by the privileging of a dominant epistemic position. We conclude that Plumwood’sphilosophy alongside John Dewey’s work on democracy and education provide a theoretical framework for effective democratic inquiry aimed towards interconnective, deliberative practice and corrective methodology for epistemic accountability. (shrink)

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In the Laws, Plato theorizescitizenship as simultaneously a political, ethical, and aesthetic practice. His reflection oncitizenship finds its roots in a descriptive psychology of human experience, with sentience and, above all, volition seen as the primary targets of a lifelong training in the values ofcitizenship. In the city of Magnesia described in the Laws erôs for civic virtue is presented as a motivational resource not only within the reach of the 'ordinary' citizen, but also (...) factored by default into its educational system. Supporting a vision of 'perfectcitizenship' based on an internalized obedience to the laws, and persuading the entire polity to consent willingly to it, requires an ideology that must be rhetorically all-inclusive. In this city 'ordinary'citizenship itself will be troped as a performative action: Magnesia's choral performances become a fundamental channel for shaping, feeling and communicating a strong sense of civic identity and unity. (shrink)

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This paper examines assumptions concerning the relationship betweencitizenship, justice, and well-being, based on representative political philosophies, including egoism, utilitarianism, libertarianism, liberalism, and communitarianism. A previous paper raised the possibility of an inter-disciplinary framework for collaboration between psychology and politicalphilosophy. This study picks up that thread and attempts to actualize a collaborative research effort based on a framework grounded in positive political psychology. The first part of this study reflects on the methodology situated between empirical psychology and (...)philosophy in reference to the debates caused by psychological and philosophical situationism. In response to its criticism against virtue ethics, the possibility of reconstructing it on empirical psychology has paradoxically emerged. Similarly, this study validates assumptions on political philosophies employing the psychological method concerning well-being. Accordingly, the central part examines the plausibility of the assumptions by empirical evidence obtained from two internet surveys in Japan. The relationships betweencitizenship, justice, and well-being are the most substantial in the communitarian assumption. The exploratory factor analysis of the two surveys illuminates that the correlations betweencitizenship, justice, and well-being are substantial. This relationship denies the egoism assumption. Moreover, almost all correlations between the three are higher based on virtue-related indicators than hedonic ones. These findings are not in tune with the utilitarian assumption and are most congruent to the communitarian assumption. In addition,citizenship and justice correlate more with political well-being than overall well-being. As these are more directly associated with political well-being in the communitarian assumption, this result aligns with the assumption. Furthermore, the positive relationship between disparity elimination and well-being fits the liberal rather than the libertarian assumption. Nevertheless, the substantial correlation between ethical justice and well-being is higher by virtue-related indicators than hedonic indicators, suggesting distributive justice is associated with the ethical dimension. Again, this fits the communitarian assumption rather than the liberal assumption. Thus, philosophical psychology empirically verifies the interdependence of the three conceptions and the relative plausibility of the communitarian assumption. Moreover, as the relationship between the three is essential for political philosophies, the result increases the reliability of communitarianism. (shrink)

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Questions of identity such as ‘Who am I?’ are often answered by appeals to one or more affiliations with a specific nation (citizenship), culture, ethnicity, religion, etc. Taking as given the idea that identity over time—including identification and re-identification—for objects of a particular kind requires that there be criteria of identity appropriate to things of that kind, I argue thatcitizenship, as a ‘collectivist’ concept, does not generate such criteria for individual citizens, but that the concept person—which specifies (...) the kind of entity that I am—does generate such criteria. Confusion on this point has led some writers oncitizenship to equivocate between identity for individuals and what is properly called self-determination in terms of their group affiliations and commitments. In the second part of the paper, I articulate and defend a relational view of personhood, and argue that it provides adequate grounding for morality in general, and moral education in particular. While not denying the value of civics orcitizenship education, the link between morality andcitizenship is derivative, at best. Finally, I examine the implications of a relational conception of personhood for the specific context of schools and classrooms, arguing that this conception is appropriately represented when the classroom functions as a community of inquiry, in which each member is encouraged to see her/himself as one among others. Drawing on the theory and practice ofPhilosophy for Children, I conclude with a call to reunitecitizenship and moral education with their philosophical roots. (shrink)

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The emergence ofcitizenship out of subjecthood at the end of the eighteenth century presented a series of problems for which the United States, among other countries, seems to have been unprepared: it was unclear who qualified forcitizenship, what privileges it afforded, and what duties it demanded. Nevertheless, this uncertainty could be manipulated pragmatically to take advantage of any given situation without regard for consistency or future implications. By examining the obstacles placed on the path to (...) class='Hi'>citizenship of Native Americans, African Americans, women, and Chinese Americans, this article shows how the (non-)category of the non-citizen was weaponized. Indeed the mistreatment of non-citizens becomes the best indication of the value ofcitizenship. (shrink)

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Following the keen interests incitizenship education across the fields of education, this study delves into the ways in which we conceptualize goodcitizenship. To do so, I focus on two theoretical concepts (i.e., imaginary and cultural mythology) and the provincial level of education policy(ies) and the K-12 curriculum contexts in Canada. Based on my theoretical ground and critical discourse analysis of the un/official documents for Alberta education, I indicate diversity as one crucial element of a cultural mythology: (...) it, as a sign in a second-order semiological system, serves to disseminate a monolithic and depoliticized vision of goodcitizenship based within a particular imaginary of the idealized Canada. This study thus elucidates not only our inherited cultural biases about the popular meanings of goodcitizenship, but also their invisible onto-epistemological presuppositions perpetuating the unchanged institutionalized structures of privilege and their exploitations of poor and minority peoples (e.g., elimination of Indigenous peoples and their land sovereignty). Hence, this study offers critical insights to address unequal relations of power in our prevalent notion(s) ofcitizenship we as educators presume to teach. This work, by doing so, follows the decolonial imperative to rupture the social inequality and discrimination we all strive to resist. (shrink)

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Philosophical discussion aboutcitizenship has traditionally focused on the questions of whatcitizenship is, its relationship to civic virtue and political participation, and whether or not it can be meaningfully exercised at the supra-national level. In recent years, however, philosophers have turned their attention to the legal status attached tocitizenship, and have questioned existing principles ofcitizenship allocation and withdrawal. With regard to the question of who is morally entitled tocitizenship, philosophers have argued (...) for principles ofcitizenship allocation that go beyond birth and lineage, and have focused instead on the value of political attachment and located life plans. These principles have several advantages over existing legal principles, but they suffer from being under-specified, as well as being over and under-inclusive. With regard to loss ofcitizenship, philosophers have primarily denouncedcitizenship withdrawal as a form of punishment by appealing to principles of fair and equal treatment. However, theories purporting to show that denationalization is always wrong have trouble explaining why loss ofcitizenship is so problematic for persons who have committed the most horrendous crimes against their fellow citizens, and who, in so doing, have in effect self-excluded from the political community. (shrink)

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Many international law scholars have begun to argue that the modern world is experiencing a "decline ofcitizenship," and thatcitizenship is no longer an important normative category. On the contrary, this paper argues thatcitizenship remains an important category and, consequently, one that implicates considerations of justice. I articulate and defend a "civic" notion ofcitizenship, one based explicitly on political values rather than shared demographic features like nationality, race, or culture. I use this premise (...) to argue that a justcitizenship policy requires some form of both the jus soli (citizenship based on location of birth) and the jus sanguinis (citizenship based on "blood" or descent) approaches tocitizenship acquisition. In the course of this argument I show why arguments made by Peter Schuck, Rogers Smith, Peter Spiro, Linda Bosniak, and Ayelet Shachar, among others, against this view, are mistaken. This justice-based approach tocitizenship also has significant implications for naturalization law and policy. First, I argue that it requires open and easy naturalization and show why the use of naturalization policy to foster national identification is wrong. Second, I demonstrate that if naturalization is easy and open, some rules limiting certain social benefits and privileges to citizens may be compatible with justice, thereby providing a foundation for future discussions of alienage law. (shrink)

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Defends confrontational modes ofcitizenship as a means to reinvigorate democratic participation and regime accountability. A growing number of people are enraged about the quality and direction of public life, despise politicians, and are desperate for real political change. How can the contemporary neoliberal global political order be challenged and rebuilt in an egalitarian and humanitarian manner? What type of political agency and new political institutions are needed for this? In order to answer these questions, ConfrontationalCitizenship draws (...) on a broad base of perspectives to articulate the concept of confrontationalcitizenship. William W. Sokoloff defends extra-institutional and confrontational modes of political activity along with new ways of conceiving political institutions as a way to create political orders accountable to the people. In contrast to many forms of democratic theory, Sokoloff argues that confrontational modes ofcitizenship (e.g., protest) are good because they increase the accountability of a regime to the people, increase the legitimacy of regimes, lead to improvements in a political order, and serve as a means to vent frustration. The goal is to make the word citizen relevant and dangerous to the settled and closed practices that structure our political world and to provide a hopeful vision of what it means to be politically progressive today. William W. Sokoloff is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Texas, Rio Grande Valley. (shrink)

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Journal ofPhilosophy of Education, EarlyView.

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This brilliantly documented study by two political scientists complements the earlier work by the Belfast scholar, A.J. Milne, The SocialPhilosophy of English Idealism, in the sense that it seeks to trace influences of British idealism in actual social and historical events. Milne’s astute volume expounds the logic of monistic idealism, beginning with the “concrete universal” and exploring the theoretical bases for Bradley’s, Green’s, Bosanquet’s, and Royce’s views on social ethics. This volume, acknowledging the religious context of idealism and (...) its “Metaphysical Theory of Politics”, surveys the impact of “radical philosophical idealism” on British liberalism. Here legislation can be viewed as the pursuit of social justice rather than disguised paternalism. (shrink)

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This article examines the provocative analogy between feudalism and moderncitizenship in Joseph Carens’s case for open borders. The analogy raises a distributive objection against boundedcitizenship: moderncitizenship is an inherited status assigned by birth and is attached to great advantages or disadvantages, and states reinforce these objectionable inequalities by restricting people’s mobility across borders. I argue the analogy is misleading. The case for boundedcitizenship does not stand or fall with feudalism. One can be (...) committed to the value of equality and defend boundedcitizenship while rejecting feudalism. A key aspiration of the modern liberal ideal ofcitizenship is to recognize and promote the equality of citizens. One way to promote the equal standing of citizens is to respect their right of collective self-determination, including the right to make decisions about matters of immigration and membership in their political community. A commitment to equality is compatible with boundedcitizenship if we adopt certain qualifications on the right of collective self-determination, including the duty to remedy historical injustice, the duty to extend membership to resident noncitizens, the duty to take in refugees and other necessitous migrants, and the duty to alleviate global poverty through development assistance. (shrink)

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This work offers a timely philosophical analysis of interrelated normative questions concerning immigration andcitizenship in relation to the global context of multiple nation states. In it, philosophers and scholars from the social sciences address both fundamental questions in moral and politicalphilosophy as well as specific issues concerning policy. Topics covered in this volume include: the concept and the role ofcitizenship, the equal rights and representation of citizens, general moral frameworks for addressing immigration issues, the (...) duty to obey immigration law, the use of ethnic, cultural, or linguistic criteria for selective immigration, domestic violence as grounds for political asylum, and our duty to refugees in general. The urgency of the need to discuss these matters is clear. Several humanitarian crises involving human migration across national boundaries stemming from war, economic devastations, gang violence, and violence in ethnic or religious conflicts have unfolded. Political debates concerning immigration and immigrant communities are continuing in many countries, especially during election years. While there have always been migrating human beings, they raise distinctive issues in the modern era because of the political context under which the migrations take place, namely, that of a system of sovereign nation states with rights to control their borders and determine their memberships. This collection provides readers the opportunity to parse these complex issues with the help of diverse philosophical, moral, and political perspectives. (shrink)

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This article gives a broad sense of existing debate about GlobalCitizenship Education to help situate and contextualize a novel case study. Scholars for Syria originated at a small university in southern Indiana. This grassroots response to the turmoil in Syria bridges the gap between a seemingly distant crisis and a midwestern city in the United States. The unique pedagogical and curricular dimensions of the case study work as a helpful framing device for facilitating exploration of debates about the (...) shape of GCE, as well as providing new ways in which to imagine GCE curriculum, pedagogy, and embedding ethics into wider university initiatives. (shrink)

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What doescitizenship have to do with living a worthy human life? Political scientists and philosophers who study the practice ofcitizenship, including Rawlsian liberals and Niebuhrian realists, have tended to either relegate this question to the private realm or insist that ethical principles must be silenced or seriously compromised in our deliberations as citizens. This book argues that the insulation of public life from the ethical standpoint puts in jeopardy not only our integrity as persons but also (...) the legitimacy and long-term survival of our political communities. In response to this predicament, David Thunder aims to rehabilitate the ethical standpoint in politicalphilosophy, by defending the legitimacy and importance of giving full play to our deepest ethical commitments in our civic roles and developing a set of guidelines for citizens who wish to enact their civic roles with integrity. (shrink)

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Despite women’s increased labor force participation, household divisions of labor remain highly unequal. Properly implemented, gender egalitarian political interventions such as work time regulation, dependent care provisions, and family leave initiatives can induce families to share work more equally than they currently do. But do these interventions constitute legitimate uses of political power? In this article, I defend the political legitimacy of these interventions. Using the conception ofcitizenship at the heart of political liberalism, I argue that citizens would (...) accept political interventions aimed at protecting the ‘genuinely available option’ to enact gender egalitarian lifestyles. More strongly still, I argue that under certain circumstances, citizens would insist on the enactment of political interventions to protect this option. According to political liberalism’s constraints on legitimacy, this insistence renders these interventions not only legitimate but positively mandatory. It is legitimate for a state to exercise power to preserve the genuinely available option to enact a gender egalitarian lifestyle, and under certain circumstances, it is illegitimate for a state to fail to do so. (shrink)

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Against the backdrop of China’s rapid social change in recent decades, this article explores the social categorizations of class andcitizenship and how these have evolved in terms of structure and discourse. In order to do so, possibilities of employing Beck’s theory of second modernity to the case of China are explored. While China does not fit into Beck’s theory on all accounts, it is argued here that his individualization thesis can be fruitfully employed to make sense of China’s (...) ongoing process of modernization. It may provide a welcome new starting point for analyses of China’s current social developments beyond the “simple” modernization theories that still dominate in China studies. (shrink)

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Citizenship is a central concept in politicalphilosophy, bridging theory and practice and marking out those who belong and who share a common civic status. The injustices suffered by immigrants, disabled people, the economically inactive and others have been extensively catalogued, but their disadvantages have generally been conceptualised in social and/or economic terms, less commonly in terms of their status as members of the polity and hardly ever together, as a group. -/- This volume seeks to investigate the (...) partialcitizenship which these groups share and in doing so to reflect upon civic marginalisation as a distinct kind of normative wrong. For example, it is not often considered that children, though their lack of civic and political rights are marginal citizens and thus have something in common with other marginalised groups. Each of the book’s chapters explores some theoretical or practical aspect of marginalcitizenship, and the volume as a whole engages with pressing debates in law and political theory, such as the limits of democratic inclusion, the character of social justice, the integration of migrants, and the enfranchisement of prisoners and children. -/- This book was published as a special issue of the Critical Review of Social and PoliticalPhilosophy. (shrink)

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Many people think thatcitizenship should not be for sale. On their view, it is morally wrong for states to sellcitizenship to foreigners. In this article, I challenge this view. I argue that it is in principle permissible for states to sellcitizenship. I contend that, if states can permissibly deny foreigners access tocitizenship in some cases, then states can permissibly give foreigners the option of buyingcitizenship in these cases. Furthermore, I defend (...) the permissibility of sellingcitizenship against the objections that sellingcitizenship valuescitizenship in the wrong way, corrupts civic norms, and unfairly discriminates against poor foreigners. I conclude by noting that, although sellingcitizenship is not intrinsically wrong, it could still be wrong for states to sellcitizenship in practice. If existent immigration restrictions are unjust, then it may be impermissible for states to sellcitizenship in the real world. (shrink)

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Are there any advantages to thinking and speaking about ethical business in the language ofcitizenship? We will address this question in part by looking at the possible relevance of a vast literature on individualcitizenship that has been produced by political philosophers over the last fifteen years. Some of the central elements ofcitizenship do not seem to apply straightforwardly to corporations. E.g., “citizenship” typically implies membership in a state and an identity akin to national (...) identity; but this connotation ofcitizenship is obviously problematic for multinational corporations. However, the language ofcitizenship does help to focus our attention on various legal and political virtues (or vices) for corporations—topics that have been largely neglected by discussions under other rubrics, such as CSR or sustainability. We finish with an evaluation of the potential benefits and costs of conceptualizing and talking about ethical business practices in the language ofcitizenship. (shrink)

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Citizenship education is a complex matter, and not least the place of civic virtues in it. This is illustrated by a consideration of the civic virtue of gratitude. Two conceptions of gratitude are explored. Gratitude seen as a debt is examined and Kant’s exposition of it, including his objections to a person’s getting himself into the position where he has to show gratitude as a beneficiary, is explored. An alternative conception of gratitude as recognition is developed. This, it is (...) claimed, has more relevance to the kind of gratitude it would be appropriate for citizens of a democratic state to feel. The educational implications of these views are indicated. (shrink)

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We argue that Néron and Norman’s article stops short of the point where it would truly advance our understanding of corporatecitizenship. Their article, in our view, fosters normative confusion and displays significant gaps in logic. In addition, the large and useful literature on business-government relations has for the most part been overlooked by Néron and Norman, even though their article ends with an enthusiastic call for scholarly attention to this subject.

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Corporatecitizenship, social responsibility and sustainability reports could be analyzed from a philosophical viewpoint. In this article, we will use Paul Ricoeur’s hermeneuticphilosophy to assess the narrativity of such reports. Out of a philosophical viewpoint, our exploratory study analyzes the contents of ten reports: two corporatecitizenship reports, three corporate social responsibility reports, and five sustainability reports. Those reports are arising in-time and are thus referring to past corporate events and phenomena. Sometimes such reports introduce a (...) corporate world-dream that could emphasize various issues such as human dignity and inclusiveness/diversity, global health, and planetary stewardship. They could even convey a subversive ideal that could strongly shake the foundations of business. The way business corporations are understanding corporatecitizenship and sustainability could, more or less radically, change the way we are doing business. However, those corporatecitizenship, social responsibility and sustainability reports do not have any emplotment. They are thus stories that cannot be considered as narratives. We could call them “would-be” narratives. (shrink)

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The paper examines the effects of intersecting social divisions on constructions of multi‐layered citizenships and the politics of belonging in contemporary Britain. It starts with conceptual clarifications of the notions ofcitizenship, belonging and intersectionality and then turns to examine contemporary politics of belonging in contemporary Britain, focusing on the current debate on the ‘death of multiculturalism’ and on ‘social cohesion’. It illustrates how the use of civic and democratic values as signifiers of belonging can end up as exclusionary, (...) rather than inclusionary in that discourse. (shrink)

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There is a dire need today to create spaces in which people can make meaning of their existence in the world, abiding by cultural frameworks and practices that acknowledge and validate a meaningful existence for all. People are not just isolated individuals but are connected in diverse ways with other persons within our natural and social environment which is part of the whole universe. The Africanphilosophy of uBuntu or humaneness is re-emerging for its timely relevance and potential as (...) indispensable in our quest for globalcitizenship, peace, and mutual understanding in securing sustainable human development in the broader ecosystem. Comparative educationists have the challenge to devise theoretical frameworks, epistemological and pedagogical constructs as well as pragmatic, useful and effective ways of promoting the virtues of compassion and recognition of our common humanity in eliminating the ills of domination and control that are guided by greed, hatred, jealousy, and intolerance. Comparative Education for GlobalCitizenship, Peace and Shared Living through Ubuntu paves the way for a better understanding of the critical importance of the collective search and endeavor towards achieving the virtues of nonviolence, peace, shared values of living together, globalcitizenship, improved quality of life for all and a better appreciation of the positive implications of interdependence. (shrink)

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This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction Drawing the BoundariesCitizenship and Education.

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Schools in liberal societies are responsible for producing liberal citizens. However, if they have too robust a view ofcitizenship, they may find themselves undermining the view of good lives held by many pacific and law abiding groups. Here I argue against treatingcitizenship as an educational good that simply trumps private values when they conflict and in favor of a view that seeks a context sensitive balance between such conflicting goods. The paper explores Rawls's distinction between two (...) moral powers as a way of understanding the character of some of the private interests in schooling. (shrink)

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In light of the complex notions ofidentity, this paper attempts to consider howto perceive the notion of worldcitizenship.The paper looks to discussions on the self andidentity; focusing on the writing of CharlesTaylor and Alasdair MacIntyre, with particularattention given to the notion of an integratedself.

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