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This article, which will appear in three parts over three issues of Historical Materialism, presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year of the Evo Morales government inBolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the class structure of the country, the changing character of contemporary capitalist imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers, (...) at a general level, the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. These considerations are then grounded in analyses of the 2000–5 revolutionary epoch, the 18 December 2005 elections, the social origins and trajectory of the Movimiento al Socialismo as a party, the complexities of the relationship between indigenous liberation and socialist emancipation, the process of the Constituent Assembly, the political economy of natural gas and oil, the rise of an autonomist right-wing movement, US imperialism, andBolivia's relations with Venezuela and Cuba. The central argument is that the economic policies of the new government exhibit important continuities with the inherited neoliberal model and that advancing the project of indigenous liberation and socialist emancipation will require renewed self-activity, self-organisation and strategic mobilisation of popular left-indigenous forces autonomous from the MAS government. (shrink)

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ABSTRACT This article explores the development inBolivia under president Evo Morales, through a critical postcolonial approach. From a traditional liberal perspective, this article concludes that the liberal democratic system under Morales has not been deepening, though certain new participatory aspects of democracy, including socio-economic reforms have been carried out. In contrast, this article analyses to what extent the presidency of Evo Morales may be seen as the end of the postcolonialism, and the beginning of a new era in (...) whichBolivia’s indigenous people finally have been incorporated into the forward development of a multi-ethnic society. By analysing issues such as time, nation, land, space, globalization and language, the conclusion is that the new constitution marks a fresh beginning, one beyond the colonial and postcolonial eras, for indigenous groups, but it will not bring back the old indigenous societies as was dominating the territory of today’s modern state. (shrink)

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This article presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year of the Evo Morales government inBolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the changing character of contemporary capitalism imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers at a general level the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. Part III examines the complexities of the (...) politics of indigenous liberation and the political economy of the Movimiento al Socialismo government between January 2006 and January 2007. It pays special attention to the limits of reform in the hydrocarbons sector. Also explained in Part III is the formation of an autonomist right-wing movement in the eastern lowlands, and how the new Right has intervened in the process of the Constituent Assembly. The article shows how the actual Constituent Assembly set into motion by the Morales administration in 2006 differs in fundamental terms from the revolutionary assembly envisioned by leading left-indigenous forces during the cycle of revolt in the first five years of this century. (shrink)

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This article presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year of the Evo Morales government inBolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the changing character of contemporary capitalist imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers at a general level the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. Part II of this three-part essay addresses (...) four major themes. First, it reviews the literature on revolution in contemporaryBolivia. Second, it explains why the 2000 to 2005 period is best conceived as a revolutionary epoch in which left-indigenous social forces were engaged in a combined liberation struggle against racial oppression and class exploitation. However, it argues that this revolutionary epoch has not led to social revolution. Third it examines in detail the electoral rise of Evo Morales and his Movimiento al Socialismo party in the December 2005 elections. Fourth, it explores the historical trajectory of the MAS in terms of its changing class composition, ideology, and political strategies since the party's inception in the late 1990s. (shrink)

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In the 1990s,Bolivia’s indigenous population mobilized to claim new political roles, and in the process, directly challenged the privileged position of economic elites within national political institutions. In response, business associations in Santa Cruz,Bolivia’s most prosperous region, began to demand regional autonomy—in contrast to the demand for authoritarianism that characterized prior generations of business elites when confronted with threatening political change. After examining Santa Cruz’ past relationship with the national government, this article explores the challenges that (...) led economic elites in the department to seek autonomy and the strategies that they have adopted in pursuit of this goal. (shrink)

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EnBolivia, el Estado Plurinacional se institucionalizó en 2009 por medio de la Asamblea Constituyente, luego de un amplio periodo de movilizaciones sociales. Sin embargo, la idea de plurinacionalidad había aparecido en 1983, en el contexto de los debates del sindicalismo campesino. El objetivo del artículo es analizar las características de la noción de plurinacionalidad en la Constitución Política, historizando sus dimensiones más relevantes. La hipótesis es que esta formulación fue capturada por la noción de Estado, enfatizando su institucionalización (...) en desmedro de su potencial político en la reconfiguración de las relaciones interétnicas e interculturales. Teórica y metodológicamente trabajaré desde la historia de los lenguajes políticos. (shrink)

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Este artículo muestra los resultados de una revisión bibliográfica sistemática sobre la disponibilidad léxica enBolivia, Perú, Ecuador y Venezuela. Para el desarrollo adecuado de la investigación se utilizaron las plataformas Dialnet, Scielo, Google Scholar y DispoLex. Con los datos recogidos, se ha podido inferir que la producción científica en torno a esta temática es reciente. Sin embargo, esto no implica que las publicaciones puedan considerarse poco relevantes. Todo lo contrario, gracias a ellas se han propuesto planes para fomentar (...) la lectura, el análisis del vocabulario relacionado con las nuevas tecnologías o, por ejemplo, el uso de nuevas herramientas web. (shrink)

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Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela are cases in which, despite of the collapse of party systems, the fragmentation of popular sectors, and the dismantling of corporatism that resulted from neoliberal reforms, a new mode of incorporation nonetheless emerged. This article argues that left government responses to the demands of heterogeneous, mobilized, popular sectors shaped a new incorporation in the political arena. In it governments deal differentially with the proliferation of politically significant popular sectors and subaltern social groups. This segmented popular (...) interest intermediation is explained by the interaction of three broad conditions: the configuration of popular sector forces and their linkages to left parties when they took office after the crisis of neoliberalism, the ideational frames of said parties’ leadership, and the dynamics of opposition and support for the regime’s project. The new incorporation establishes a new normal in the relationship of popular sectors to politics in democratic regimes. (shrink)

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RESUMENLos preámbulos son introducciones cortas que manifiestan, en términos generales, el propósito y contexto de una constitución. Su contenido presenta una gran variedad de temas que reflejan el momento histórico y la ideología que dio origen al marco legal de un país. En este artículo utilizamos el análisis crítico del discurso para examinar los preámbulos de las constituciones deBolivia y Ecuador y planteamos que ambos son ejemplos claros de pensamiento decolonial. Nos hemos centrado en tres aspectos del pensamiento (...) decolonial: biocentrismo, plurinacionalismo y visibilidad del género social. Este artículo también muestra que la traducción inglesa de estos preámbulos falla en transmitir su propuesta epistemológica. (shrink)

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Indigenous movements throughout the Andes have put forward the idea of plurinationalism as a theoretical concept of social transformation. Plurinationalism demands a complete overturning of the existing state structure and a rethinking of the idea of the national collective and social formation undergirding a given nation state. In essence, plurinationalism, through a variety of both ideological and material programs and processes, recognizes and incorporates the various distinct indigenous nationalities that comprise a social formation into a unified state apparatus while maintaining (...) and expanding those communities’ powers of autonomy, self-governance, and cultural and economic reproduction. Plurinationality, therefore, can be understood to represent the most fundamental and critical endeavor put forward byBolivia's largely indigenous popular classes over the past two decades. Not only does the concept challenge our understanding of the modern socio-political formations of the nation state, but it also offers a distinct perspective on the notion of revolution. (shrink)

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Despite being neighbouring countries,Bolivia and Argentina appear to be a world apart in terms of economics, international relations, and women’s rights. Historically, women’s rights have been fairly similar in both countries, but while one country seemingly made “progress,” the other country appeared to be stagnating. By exploring violence against women, and the current state of contraception and abortion laws it becomes apparent that “progress” does not necessarily bring about social change.

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This article examines the relationship between southern non-government organizations (SNGOs) and northern non-government organizations (NNGOs) inBolivia. The term 'partnership' for many years now has been a buzzword within the development debate, particularly in reference to the relationship between SNGOs and NNGOs. The term is ubiquitous in development literature in the North but is invariably absent from similar literature in the South. According to Fowler (1992. Building partnerships between northern and southern development NGOs: Issues for the nineties. Development Journal (...) of the Society for International Development 1: 16-23), 'the distinctive feature of a partnership is that it involves sharing, with a sense of mutuality and equality of the parties involved'. This suggests that a partnership involves associates on an equal footing, within a horizontal structure of mutual respect, where resources are distributed equitably and decisions made jointly. It is also well known that one of the underlying problems of development which emerges not only in the literature but in practice is the unequal relationship between the south and north. I will argue that the relationship between SNGOs and NNGOs continues to be entrenched within a power structure based on western hegemony and a form of neo-colonialism. I will support my argument by highlighting data collected during a research study which was carried out inBolivia.1 The main findings included that in spite of all the rhetoric which surrounds the topic, the situation has changed very little. SNGOs work by strategic plans but often have to resort to other sectors and activities to take advantage of possible funding opportunities. In relation to accountability, SNGOs are fully aware who they need to be accountable to but tend to prioritize accountability to donors; NNGOs were found to be weak in being accountable to their partners and client groups. There needs to be some clarity of the roles of the NGOs, especially NNGOs, and an analysis of their changing role. Shared values are insufficient on their own to build effective partnerships; obstacles such as the inequitable distribution of resources and unequal power relations hinder effective partnerships. Finally, in reality, partnerships between SNGOs and NNGOs rarely exist in the true sense of the word. This unequal relationship between SNGOs and NNGOs translates into an underlying problem of development; how the dichotomy of the south and north can be destructive and counterproductive to effective development. (shrink)

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The proposal of this article is to present and discuss the methodology applied in the frame of a socio-anthropological research held inBolivia and Peru on child development and growth. The objectives of the investigation were to study the mother?s perceptions (and those of other related caretakers..

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O presente artigo aborda a crise do modelo democrático representativo, estruturado em razão da ascensão do capitalismo liberal. Analisa a possibilidade de instauração de um novo paradigma político, a partir das experiências recentemente ocorridas na Bolívia. Trata-se da democracia comunitária, que procede de tradições distintas da ocidental e emerge a partir de um processo de lutas de insurgência popular vivenciadas naquele país. Aponta-se o pluralismo jurídico como elemento de coesão para consolidar as vitórias democráticas ocorridas na Bolívia, contribuindo para a (...) afirmação de uma genuína democracia por meio da ação dos sujeitos coletivos e do reconhecimento dos grupos comunitários. (shrink)

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In this article I explore the multiple and at times conflicting public health and folk discourses which shape breast-feeding practices in Punata,Bolivia. I examine why women may cease to breast-feed despite active efforts made by the healthcare system to promote breast-feeding. Breast-feeding practices are saturated with meaning and circumscribed by time and economic constraints as well as numerous cultural factors. These include conceptualizations of the body, emotions and illnesses that affect infants who are breast-fed, as well as constructions (...) of the mother–infant bond and attitudes about what constitutes ‘good mothering’ and its relationship to gender and class expectations. In this locality, the emotions of lactating women are said to find release through their breast milk and are seen to cause illness in their breast-feeding infants. I explore how mothers accepted, challenged or contested such views, and how they negotiated the politics of blame that emerged regarding who was at fault for their infant's illnesses. I demonstrate how breast-feeding is an embodied experience intrinsically linked to ideas about motherhood and show how the deployment of blame for these illnesses can strategically obfuscate or shed light on the numerous social and economic constraints under which women may find themselves. (shrink)

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For fifty years,Bolivia’s political party system was a surprisingly robust component of an otherwise fragile democracy, withstanding coups, hyperinflation, guerrilla insurgencies, and economic chaos. Why did it suddenly collapse around 2002? This article offers a theoretical lens combining cleavage theory with Schattschneider’s concept of competitive dimensions for an empirical analysis of the structural and ideological characteristics ofBolivia’s party system from 1952 to 2010. Politics shifted from a conventional left-right axis of competition, unsuited to Bolivian society, to (...) an ethnic/rural–cosmopolitan/urban axis closely aligned with its major social cleavage. That shift fatally undermined elite parties and facilitated the rise of structurally and ideologically distinct organizations, as well as a new indigenous political class, that transformed the country’s politics. Decentralization and political liberalization were the triggers that politicizedBolivia’s latent cleavage, sparking revolution from below. The article suggests a folk theorem of identitarian cleavage and outlines a mechanism linking deep social cleavage to sudden political change. (shrink)

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Quinoa farmers in San Agustín,Bolivia face the dilemma of producing for a growing international market while defending their community interests and resources, meeting their basic household needs, and making a profit. Farmers responded to a changing market in the 1970s by creating committees in defense of quinoa and farmer cooperatives to represent their interests and maximize economic returns. Today farmer cooperatives offer high, stable prices, politically represent farmers, and are major quinoa exporters, but intermediaries continue to play an (...) important role in the local economy. Meanwhile, some farmers rebuff the national cooperatives and intermediaries in favor of a denomination of origin and closer association with local cooperatives. This article, based on 4 months of ethnographic research, explores the reasons for the continued presence of intermediaries on the market landscape and how farmers have worked to create a quinoa economy embedded with fair trade values. Farmers demand stable prices, flexible standards, provision of services, and promises of maintaining the distinctive qualities of San Agustín quinoa. They frame their trades in economic, utility, and solidarity terms to reflect their livelihood strategies, farming capabilities, and personal concepts of fair trade. Meanwhile cooperatives, development initiatives, and intermediaries each argue that their particular buying practices allow farmers to attain household goods, credit, and cash for food and economic security. (shrink)

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This article assesses the strengths and weaknesses of theological education within the evangelical, Spanish-speaking world of Latin America, using the findings of a survey in 2012 of protestant institutions inBolivia as a case study. There is a particular focus on Pentecostals, since they form the majority of evangelicals in the continent. The study is placed in the context of historical developments, both globally and regionally, from which the involvement and influence of Western mission and models of education are (...) critiqued. The claim by some of a crisis in theological education is examined, and the challenges for the future of evangelical provision are explored. These include the need for contextualization, the importance of a close relationship between churches and seminaries, and the centrality of mission at the heart of the theological curriculum. It is argued that there should be greater interdependence based on an intercultural model of theology. It is hoped that the conclusions provide some resonances for theological education globally. (shrink)

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Hunger reduction, a universal goal, is often pursued through the concept of food security, which partially shifts the responsibility from national states to food banks. However, the active involvement of various stakeholders in food banks is frequently overlooked. The first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic prompted the High-Level Panel of Experts on Food Security and Nutrition of the Committee on World Food Security to acknowledge the necessity of stakeholders´ participation in achieving food security. Despite the significant influence of power relations (...) on the operations of a food bank, there is a shortage of evidence on the role of power relations among stakeholders in food banks, particularly in developing countries. Therefore, this paper delves into the power dynamics among actors in a food bank in a metropolitan region inBolivia (Plurinational State) before and during the COVID-19 pandemic and their impact on the food sovereignty of the actors and the region. Our research was guided by an analytical framework based on Gaventa’s Power Cube and the definition of food sovereignty from the Declaration of Nyéléni. We employed rigorous qualitative research methods, including participatory observation and semi-structured in-depth interviews, over three months in an iterative process. Our findings reveal that power relations can enhance the food distributed by the food bank, but they can also limit the agency of actors, particularly the most vulnerable, such as women and children, leading to constraints in food access. These power relations were influenced by trust among actors, their motivations and needs, cultural and spiritual values, and their presence in social media. (shrink)

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ABSTRACT The Plurinational Constitutional Court is the final arbiter of legal disputes involving the interpretation and application of the Political Constitution of the Plurinational State ofBolivia (2009) (BC). Its role is especially important given that the BC follows a type of decolonial ‘hybrid’ constitutional model that incorporates the Indigenous concept of Vivir Bien (VB) as part of their legal paradigm. Using tools from Case Law Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis, this article explores the Court’s judicial interpretation and application (...) of VB and its principles to a legal dispute regarding Indigenous Peoples’ constitutional right to be consulted over government measures impacting their ancestral territories. The results indicate that the judges would foreground and background different aspects of the VB principles to support their views, resorting to their use in a hierarchical form that is not mandated in the BC. This shows a gap between formal incorporation and the practical application of the VB principles. This research informs the fields of legal studies, decolonial thought, and discourse studies. (shrink)

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The effects of breast-feeding and supplementation practices on recent diarrhoea occurrence and stunted growth are modelled using logistic regression techniques. Data from the Demographic and Health Survey ofBolivia, 1989, show that, among children aged 3-36 months at the date of interview, the benefits of breast-feeding to child health were most pronounced among children living in rural poverty. Reduced breast-feeding among these children increased the likelihood of diarrhoea and stunted growth. In addition, the introduction of solid foods to currently (...) lactating infants negatively influenced child health. (shrink)

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En los últimos treinta años del s. XIX y los primeros del s. XX se produjeron algunas de las polémicas científicas y políticas sobre el evolucionismo más vigorosas que se recuerden en cada país. El propósito de esta obra, que incluye algunos de los diálogos polémicos efectuados sobre todo enBolivia y México, es doble: por una parte, contribuir a la reelaboración del modelo de estudio de la transmisión de las ideas científicas, utilizando el evolucionismo como estudio de caso (...) y, por otra, recrear y analizar los diálogos y antidiálogos, los personajes, las instituciones, los textos y contextos de este período en diversos países de Iberoamérica. (shrink)

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El presente trabajo estudia la jurisprudencia constitucional de Ecuador yBolivia, relacionada con el pluralismo jurídico y la interpretación intercultural. Tomando como referencia los postulados teóricos del pluralismo jurídico débil y del pluralismo jurídico fuerte, se pretende dar cuenta del monismo jurídico presente dentro de la postura normativista que sigue la Corte Constitucional, y del pluralismo posmoderno que parece seguir el Tribunal Plurinacional deBolivia, por medio de la interpretación intercultural y decolonial del derecho.

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Focusing on contemporaryBolivia, this article examines promises and pitfalls of political and legal initiatives that have turned Pachamama into a subject of rights. The conferral of rights on the indigenous earth being had the potential to unsettle the Western ontological distinction between active human subjects who engage in politics and passive natural resources. This essay, however, highlights some paradoxical effects of the rights of nature inBolivia, where Evo Morales’ model of development relies on the intensification of (...) the export-oriented extractive economy. Through the analysis of a range of texts, including paintings, legal documents, political speeches and activist interventions, I consider the equivocation between the normatively gendered Mother Earth that the state recognises as the subject of rights, and the figure of Pachamama evoked by feminist and indigenous activists. Pachamama, I suggest, has been incorporated into the Bolivian state as a being whose generative capacities have been translated into a rigid gender binary. As a gendered subject of rights, Pachamama/mother Earth is exposed to governmental strategies that ultimately increase its subordination to state power. The concluding remarks foreground the import of feminist perspectives in yielding insights concerning political ontological conflicts. (shrink)

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Valorising the biocultural heritage of common goods could enable peasant farmers to achieve socially and economically inclusive sustainability. Increasingly appreciated by consumers, peasant heritage products offer small farmers promising opportunities for economic, social and territorial development. Identifying the obstacles and levers of this complex, multi-scale and multi-stakeholder objective requires an integrative framework. We applied the panarchy conceptual framework to two cases of participatory research with small quinoa producers: a local fair in Chile and quinoa export production inBolivia. In (...) both cases, the “commoning” process was crucial both to bring stakeholders together inside their communities and to gain outside recognition for their production and thus achieve social and economic inclusion. Despite the differences in scale, the local fair and the export market shared a similar marketing strategy based on short value chains promoting quality products with high identity value. In these dynamics of biocultural heritage valorisation, the panarchical approach revealed the central place as well as the vulnerability of the community territory. As a place of both anchoring and opening, the community territory is the privileged space where autonomous and consensual control over the governance of common biocultural resources can be exercised. (shrink)

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El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar la lectura y los usos que realiza Álvaro García Linera de la sociología de Pierre Bourdieu. El marco teórico para realizar dicho estudio lo constituye la categoría gramsciana de traducción, referida al ejercicio de trazar equivalencias entre diferentes lenguajes científicos, filosóficos, políticos e históricos. La hipótesis que se sostiene es que García Linera traduce los principales conceptos de la sociología de Bourdieu a partir de un doble movimiento. Primero, a través de su puesta (...) en diálogo y fusión con la teoría crítica de Marx y la tradición del marxismo crítico. Segundo, a través del uso de dichos conceptos —una vez pasados por el tamiz del marxismo— para analizar las estructuras simbólicas de la clase obrera boliviana y la etnicidad como principio de distinción y de exclusión política del campesinado-indígena. The present article aims to analyze the reading and uses that Álvaro García Linera makes of Pierre Bourdieu's sociology. The theoretical framework of this study is the Gramscian category of translation, which refers to the exercise of drawing equivalences between different scientific, philosophical, political, and historical languages. The hypothesis that is maintained is that García Linera translates the main concepts of sociology of Bourdieu from a double movement. First, through its dialogue and fusion of these concepts with the theory of Marx and the tradition of critical Marxism. Second, using these concepts —once they have been screened by Marxism— to analyze the symbolic structures of the Bolivian working class and ethnicity as a principle of distinction and political exclusion of the indigenous peasantry. (shrink)

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The concept of biopolitics is undoubtedly situated in contemporary reflections with Michel Foucault as one of its notable representatives in theoretical development. In this sense, recent research, even stepping away from the ideas put forward by Foucault, has given way to valuable notions, as in the cases of Esposito, Agamben, and Lemke. Evidently, racism becomes important because of its magnitude and, above all, the actuality that crosses the limits in the complex Bolivian reality. The relationship between racism and biopolitics converges (...) in a heated philosophical and political interpretation. In the reflections on racism inBolivia, biopolitics can establish and connect aspects that have not been taken into account so far in what is called racist ideology. (shrink)

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Parties are central agents of democratic representation. The literature assumes that this function is an automatic consequence of social structure and/or a product of incentives derived from electoral competition. However, representation is contingent upon the organizational structure of parties. The connection between a party and an organized constituency is not limited to electoral strategy; it includes an organic connection through permanent formal or informal linkages that bind party programmatic positions to social groups’ preferences, regardless of the electoral returns. This article (...) analyzes how the Movimiento al Socialismo inBolivia and the Frente Amplio in Uruguay developed two different forms of relationship with social organizations that result from the interplay of historical factors traceable to the parties’ formative phases and party organizational attributes. Party organizational features that grant voice to grassroots activists serve as crucial mechanisms for bottom-up incorporation of societal interests and demands. (shrink)

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Tomando pie en la Sentencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos dictada en el caso Angulo Losada vs.Bolivia, se propone una reflexión sobre qué significa la perspectiva de género en el Derecho. Aunque dicho enfoque no resulta novedoso en la jurisprudencia de dicho Tribunal, sostendremosque la Sentencia referenciada constituye un punto de inflexión en su consolidación dentro del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Un análisis del argumentario empleado por el Tribunal en casos precedentes donde aplicó la perspectiva (...) de género permite concluir que la principal novedad se encuentra en las medidas de reparación acordadas, que buscan tener un efecto no sólo restitutivo sino también y principalmente correctivo para remediar lo que se pasa a denominar una situación de discriminación estructural de las mujeres. (shrink)

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The Cochabamba water war in 2000 was the first water war of the twenty-first century. During the mobilizations inBolivia, a factory workers’ manifesto read: “We don’t want private property nor state property, but self-management and social property.” The social practices of many Cochabambinos and Cochabambinas did not defend water as an object. They supported forms of life in common and a way of practicing democracy in the politics of presence. They recalled traditional usos y costumbres, which have been (...) reconfigured in their encounter with other unprecedented practices, situations, and legal systems. Finally, the water war insurgents aimed to restore another practice of democracy and different property relations. Social property (propiedad social) was born in the social and political context of the water war mobilizations. In this article, I investigate social property as a practice that exceeds the current legal definition of ownership and discloses new legal forms of relationship with water. Methodologically, it is about extracting theory from practice – extracting from concrete social practices new concepts that require thinking about. (shrink)

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Esta obra analiza las maneras en que las diferentes nociones inspiradas en el Sumak Kawsay (Buen Vivir) / Suma Qamaña (Vivir Bien) se han desarrollado en dos ámbitos específicos, el político-institucional y el académico, tanto en la República del Ecuador como en el Estado Plurinacional deBolivia. Con este aporte se busca dar cuenta de otras formas de conocer y de reproducir el conocimiento entre dos lugares, a partir de comprensiones concretas y diversas, con el propósito de que los (...) saberes y prácticas propios en los que se ha inspirado el Buen Vivir / Vivir Bien, permitan establecer un diálogo intercultural entre occidente y el mundo amerindio. Así mismo, contribuye a repensar la construcción de escenarios diversos para reivindicar y visibilizar a quienes no han sido tenidos en cuenta en la construcción de Estado y las políticas públicas, lo cual permite hacer planteamientos desde nuevos marcos epistemológicos que intentan consolidar el pensamiento complejo."--Back cover. (shrink)

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The failure of the Canadian pharmaceutical company Biolyse Pharma to obtain authorization under Canada’s Access to Medicines Regime to produce 15 million badly needed doses of a generic copy...

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In this passage, Zavaleta describes the connections between the moment of real subsumption, social totalisation, the production of social-scientific knowledge that takes the resultant totality as its object, including Marxist theory, and finally, the emergence of a broad intersubjectivity with the capacity to become a revolutionary historical actor.

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