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Comparativepolitical theory is at best an embryonic and marginalized endeavor. As practiced in most Western universities, the study ofpolitical theory generally involves a rehearsal of the canon of Westernpolitical thought from Plato to Marx. Only rarely are practitioners ofpolitical thought willing (and professionally encouraged) to transgress the canon and thereby the cultural boundaries of North America and Europe in the direction of genuine comparative investigation. Border Crossings presents an effort to remedy this (...) situation, fully launching a new era inpolitical theory. Thirteen scholars from around the world examine the variouspolitical traditions of West, South, and East Asia and engage in a reflective cross-cultural discussion that belies the assumptions of an Asian "essence" and of an unbridgeable gulf between West and non-West. The denial of essential differences does not, however, amount to an endorsement of essential sameness. As viewed and as practiced by contributors to this ground-breaking volume, comparativepolitical theorizing must steer a course between uniformity and radical separation--this is the path of "border crossings.". (shrink)

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Democracy has been a flawed hegemony since the fall of communism. Its flexibility, its commitment to equality of representation, and its recognition of the legitimacy of opposition politics are all positive features forpolitical institutions. But democracy has many deficiencies: it is all too easily held hostage by powerful interests; it often fails to advance social justice; and it does not cope well with a number of features of thepolitical landscape, such aspolitical identities, boundary disputes, (...) and environmental crises. Although democracy is valuable it fits uneasily with otherpolitical values and is in many respects less than equal to the demands it confronts. In this volume prominentpolitical theorists and social scientists present original discussions of such central issues. Democracy's Values deals with the nature and value of democracy, particularly the tensions between it and such goods as justice, equality, efficiency, and freedom. (shrink)

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The only complete study of Buber as apolitical thinker. Shed new light upon Buber's I Thou, while also attempting to understand Buber's Zionist thought and activity in a new and fresh manner.

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A collection of essays representing diverse approaches to feminist ethical analysis of social policy. Subjects include the Family and Medical Leave Act, combat exclusion and the role of women in the military, unwed fathers' rights, mail-order brides, pornography, breast implants, and sex-selective abortion. Paper edition (unseen), $17.95. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR.

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This article seeks to critically question the internal logic and coherence of ‘anti-doping’ through the case study of advantage-seeking practices in the sport of Brazilian Jui-Jitsu (BJJ). We provide an analysis of the recent controversy between high-profile fighters Gordon Ryan and Nicky Rod involving the relative morality of image and performance enhancing drug (IPED) use compared with ‘greasing’, whereby BJJ athletes apply substances, such as oil or lubricants, to the body to make it harder for opponents to establish a grip (...) or maintain control during grappling exchanges. We employ this case study to highlight the impasse between the World Anti-Doping Agency’s (WADA) ethical foundation of the ‘spirit of sport’ and the anti-doping industry’s ‘anti-policy’ stance. We then query why a host of non-chemical advantage-seeking practices are normalised and overlooked within the rigid and constrictive systems. Ultimately, we characterise WADA as a myopic compliance system that stifles moral debate around advantage-seeking in sport and is hamstrung by an ethical discord between anti-policy and the neo-Aristotelian ideal of the spirit of sport. We close with a call for a holistic ethical understanding of advantage-seeking in sport and the need to encourage stakeholders to ‘think institutionally’ in order to establish a malleable and reactive response to doping. (shrink)

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Explores some steps toward non-assimilative encounters in the "global village.".

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"... some very serious critiques of French existential phenomenology and post-structuralism... the contributors offer some refreshingly new insights into some tried and 'true' philosophical texts and more recent works of literary theory." -- Philosophy and Literature "By bridging the gap between 'analytic' and 'continental' philosophy, the authors of The Thinking Muse: Feminism and the Modern French Philosophy largely overcome the cultural polarity between 'male thinker' and 'female muse'." -- Ethics "These engaging essays by American Feminists bring toether feminist philosophy, existential (...) phenomenology, and recent currents in French poststructuralist thought. The editors provide an excellent introductory overview, making this an ideal book for courses in feminist theory and philosophy and modern French thought." -- Philosopher's Index "The concerns raised in this volume are substantial.... a solid addition to the canon of American feminist philosophy." -- Philosophy and Literature "... a forum for feminist appropriations of existential and post-structuralist philosophy." -- Canadian Philosophical Reviews Marking a radical shift in the traditional philosophical separation between muse (female) and thinker (male), The Thinking Muse revises the scope and methods of philosophical reflection. These engaging essays by American feminists bring together feminist philosophy, existential phenomenology, and recent currents in French poststructuralist thought. (shrink)

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Politics and Modernity provides a critical review of the key interface of contemporarypolitical theory and social theory about the questions of modernity and postmodernity. Review essays offer a broad-ranging assessment of the issues at stake in current debates. Among the works reviewed are those of William Connolly, Anthony Giddens, J[um]urgen Habermas, Alasdair MacIntyre, Richard Rorty, Charles Taylor and Roy Bhaskar. As well as reviewing the contemporary literature, the contributors assess the historical roots of current problems in the works (...) of Nietzsche and Max Weber. (shrink)

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With their biblically grounded understanding of human nature, Christians are well prepared to engagepoliticalscience. Horne presents a Christian framework, showing how this academic discipline can be studied faithfully.

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Case study research was once the primary methodology of research inpoliticalscience. The shift to other methodologies in recent decades suggests has led to a devaluing of these approaches. This article explores six roles for case studies in the social sciences and argues that an understanding of the multiple aims of research supports a methodological pluralism that includes case study research.

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InterpretivePoliticalScience is the second of two volumes featuring a selection of key writings by R.A.W. Rhodes. Volume II looks forward and explores the 'interpretive turn' and its implications for the craft ofpoliticalscience, especially public administration, and draws together articles from 2005 onwards on the theme of 'the interpretive turn' inpoliticalscience. Part I provides a summary statement of the interpretive approach, and Part II develops the theme of blurring genres (...) and discusses a variety of research methods common in the humanities, including: ethnographic fieldwork, life history, and focus groups. Part III demonstrates how the genres of thought and presentation found in the humanities can be used inpoliticalscience. It presents four examples of such blurring 'at work' with studies of: applied anthropology and civil service reform; women's studies and government departments; and storytelling and local knowledge. The book concludes with a summary of what is edifying about an interpretive approach, and why this approach matters, and revisits some of the more common criticisms before indulging in plausible conjectures about the future of interpretivism. The author seeks new and interesting ways to explore governance, high politics, public policies, and the study of public administration in general. (shrink)

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Integrity ought logically to be a particularly important concept withinpoliticalscience. If those acting within thepolitical system do not have integrity, our ability to trust them, to have confidence in their actions, and perhaps even to consider them legitimate can be challenged. Indeed, the very concept of integrity goes some way towards underwriting positive views ofpolitical actors. Yet, despite this importance,politicalscience as a discipline has perhaps focused too little on (...) questions of integrity. Wherepoliticalscience has looked at the subject of integrity, it has often done so without using the specific linguistic formulation “integrity”. Most commonly, the focus has instead been on “corruption”—a strand of research which has produced results that cannot always be translated into discussions of integrity, by virtue of its narrower focus upon the “negative pole” of public ethics. Other measures, such as “Quality of Government”, focus on positive attributes, notably impartiality, but this also fails fully to capture the notion of integrity: dishonesty can be impartial. Specific formal “codes” used within public life and amongpolitical practitioners can be much more nuanced than the most widely used measures, and can be much closer to what we understand—academically—as “integrity”. This paper argues that the hard conceptual and empirical work of elaborating integrity into a fully operationalizable concept offers the potential reward of an analytical concept that is more closely aligned withpolitical reality. (shrink)

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Authors Kathleen A. Staudt and William G. Weaver argue thatpoliticalscience as a discipline is operating well under full intellectual capacity because connections have not been made with women, gender, or feminist analysis. Staudt and Weaver thoroughly examine the discipline, incorporating analysis of the six relatively autonomous subfields that definepoliticalscience -political theory, American politics, comparative politics, international relations, public law, and public administration. Employing Rounaq Johan's integrative-transformative framework, Staudt and Weaver's study (...) reaches beyond U.S. boundaries into comparative and international studies, connectingpoliticalscience to other social sciences and humanities disciplines and identifying bridge points that can rejuvenate the mainstream ofpoliticalscience, which the authors view as narrow and constricted. Staudt and Weaver document their judgment persuasively. They effectively combine in-depth analysis with original, substantive empirical data culled from mainstream journals, questionnaire responses, syllabi, and textbooks. (shrink)

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The paper examines thepolitical ideas of founding figures of West Germanpoliticalscience by engaging with formative texts from the post-war period of neo-Aristotelian (Dolf Sternberger and Siegfried Landshut), Critical Theory (Arcadius R.L. Gurland and Franz L. Neumann), ordoliberal (Alexander Rüstow) and catholic (Ferdinand Hermens) perspective. It is argued that these early Germanpolitical scientists coincided in the diagnosis of living in a thoroughly politicized post-liberal age. They rejected the separation between empirical and normative (...) class='Hi'>politicalscience and devised heterogeneous disciplinary approaches that can be classified as republican, power-realist, and expertocratic. Although democracy was an important point of reference for some of them, it is not tenable, contrary to older historiography and contemporary self-image, to describe early West-Germanpoliticalscience as a Demokratiewissenschaft (science of democracy) in overall terms. (shrink)

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v. 1. Interpretive theories -- v. 2. Interpretive methods -- v. 3. Interpreting politics -- v. 4. Interpreting policies.

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The conceptual history of politics in post-WWII (West-) Germany is connected to the history of academicpoliticalscience. From the Bundestag plenary debates (beginning in September 1949) both the controversies on thepoliticalscience itself and the contributors of both contemporary scholars and the ‘classics’ of the understanding of politics can be studied. The digitalisation of parliamentary debates opens up new chances for conceptual research in this regard. The article studies the conceptual commitments in the use (...) of the discipline titles (Politikwissenschaft, Politische Wissenschaft, Politologie, Politikforschung, Politische Theorie, alsopoliticalscience) and actors (Politologe, Politikprofessor, Politstudent etc), and looks at who is mentioned in debates, for example,political scientists in early West Germany (Dolf Sternberger, Theodor Eschenburg, Wilhelm Hennis), andpolitical theorists (Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt), Formulae from Weber’s Politik als Beruf seem to be most frequently evoked in the Bundestag. (shrink)

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The problem of social order is the question of what holds complex and diverse societies together. Today, this question has become increasingly urgent in the world. Yet our ability to ask and answer the question in a helpful way is constrained by the intellectual legacy through which the question has been handed down to us. In this impressive, erudite study, Henrik Enroth describes and analyzes how the problem of social order has shaped concept formation, theory, and normative arguments in (...) class='Hi'>politicalscience. The book covers a broad range of influential thinkers and theories throughout the history ofpoliticalscience, from the early twentieth century onwards. Social order has long been a presupposition for inquiry inpoliticalscience; now we face the challenge of turning it into an object of inquiry. (shrink)

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The article substantiates the possibility and necessity of the development of thepoliticalscience of war in Russia as a relatively independent branch ofpoliticalscience. To solve this problem, a retrospective review of the emergence and development of apolitical component in the system of scientific knowledge about war is provided. This process was controversial in Russia. Some credible thinkers, including military scientists, denied thescience of war as such. The study of war (...) as apolitical phenomenon was usually disregarded. Eventually, in the pre-revolutionary period, there prevailed the free-from-politics paradigm of understanding war. Such an approach had negative consequences forpolitical elite, training of military personnel, and public consciousness, which was especially evident in the period of social disasters. During the Soviet period of history, as a result of the indoctrination of social sciences, the politicized study of war had prevailed, which also did not ensure its holistic perception and had negative consequences in the preparation and handling of military force. A comparison of the approaches of militaryscience and social sciences shows that they study the phenomenon of war in fragments, within the framework of their method. At the same time, many valuable scientific works on philosophy, sociology, and psychology of war have been prepared. In conditions when it is generally recognized that war is a continuation of politics, the undevelopedpoliticalscience of war is illogical, its absence does not provide a holistic perception of this complex phenomenon. The article concludes that nowadays Russia has the necessary prerequisites and conditions for the development of thepoliticalscience of war. (shrink)

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Summary This article approaches post-war debates about the relationship between normativepolitical theory and empiricalpoliticalscience from a French perspective. It does so by examining Raymond Aron's commentaries on a series of articles commissioned by him for a special issue of the Revue française descience politique on this theme as well as through an analysis of his wartime dialogue with the neo-Thomist philosopher, Jacques Maritain. Following a consideration of Aron's critique of contemporary approaches to (...) this issue in France, we discuss his own distinctive attempt to draw normative theory and empiricalscience into the same orbit by tracing the interaction of these two elements in his work from the late 1930s to the mid-1960s. (shrink)

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Professor David Kettler commented at the time of the initial release, that this book is "writing with great poise and clarity, the author says important things ...

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This article concerns the relevance of postfoundationalism, including the ideas of Michel Foucault, forpoliticalscience. The first half of the article distinguishes three forms of postfoundationalism, all of which draw some of their inspiration from Foucault. First, the governmentality literature draws on Marxist theories of social control, and then absorbs Foucault’s focus on power/knowledge. Second, the post-Marxists combine the formal linguistics of Saussure with a focus on hegemonic discourses. Third, some social humanists infuse Foucauldian themes into the (...) New Left’s focus on culture, agency and resistance. The second half of the article then describes a research program that may bring together these varieties of postfoundationalism. This research program includes aggregate concepts that overtly allow for the constitutive role of meanings in social life and the contingent nature of these meanings. The concepts are: situated agency, practice and power. A postfoundational research program also needs concepts that demarcate a historicist form of explanation, that is, concepts such as narrative, tradition and dilemma. Finally, this research program contains specific empirical focuses to link these aggregate and explanatory concepts back to governmentality, post-Marxism and social humanism. (shrink)

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Philosophers of socialscience have emphasized mechanistic approaches to causal inquiry for some time now, showing why focusing on the mechanisms behind correlations is preferable to focusing on correlations alone (cf. Johnson 2006, Little 1991, Reiss 2007, 2009, Steel 2004, see also King, Keohane, and Verba 1994 for an example of purely correlational research). In Process Tracing: from Metaphor to Analytic Tool,political scientists Andrew Bennett and Jeffrey Checkel present a concrete method for finding evidence of causal mechanisms, (...) process tracing. Process tracers give evidence for causal relations in terms of the observable implications of the underlying causal mechanisms through which a putative cause affects some effect of interest. Such observable implications often take the form of a chain of events, or process, which connects cause and effect. Though Process Tracing contains applications of mechanistic reasoning unfamiliar to philosophers, and as such will be of interest to those working in the mechanist tradition, Bennett and Checkel’s own discussion of the philosophical foundations of process tracing is limited. The reader will have to delve deep into the volume’s contributed chapters for links between the literature on causation and this new method. (shrink)

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Many journals in the physical sciences require authors to submit assurances of compliance with human subjects and other research ethics standards. These requirements do not cover all disciplines equally, however. In this paper we report on the findings of a survey of perceptions of ethical and managerial problems from journal editors inpoliticalscience and related disciplines. Our results show that few journals inpoliticalscience require assurance statements common to journals for other scientific disciplines. We (...) offer some reasons for this as well as some recommendations for implementing ethical assurance safeguards forpoliticalscience. (shrink)

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This book examines the history of the major paradigms ofpoliticalscience and proposes a new model forpolitical theory. The book champions a neobehavioralpoliticalscience including multimethodological innovations, cross-testing of paradigms, and tenets of a newpoliticalscience that can rise to become a truly theoreticalscience.

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_ Source: _Page Count 21 I argue that Leo Strauss’s critique ofpoliticalscience has been deeply misunderstood. Moreover, once the true nature of Strauss’s critique is clarified, I argue that he does not provide a viable alternative to contemporarypoliticalscience. Instead, his philosophy has mostly justified a “great books” approach to the study of politics, which has contributed to the self-isolation ofpolitical theory from the rest ofpoliticalscience.Political (...) theorists should seek new ways forward that more substantively engage the concerns of the mainstream of the discipline. (shrink)

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Methodologists inpoliticalscience have advocated for causal process tracing as a way of providing evidence for causal mechanisms. Recent analyses of the method have sought to provide more rigorous accounts of how it provides such evidence. These accounts have focused on the role of process tracing for causal inference and specifically on the way it can be used with case studies for testing hypotheses. While the analyses do provide an account of such testing, they pay little attention (...) to the narrative elements of case studies. I argue that the role of narrative in case studies is not merely incidental. Narrative does cognitive work by both facilitating the consideration of alternative hypotheses and clarifying the relationship between evidence and explanation. I consider the use of process tracing in a particular case (the Fashoda Incident) in order to illustrate the role of narrative. I argue that process tracing contributes to knowledge production in ways that the current focus on inference tends to obscure. (shrink)

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The aim of the article is to review JapanesePolitical Studies in Japan (JPSJ) circa 2000 for the purpose of identifying the trends of JPSJ and gauging its scope, subject areas, and methods. I then identify the key questions asked in JPSJ, i.e. for the third quarter of the last century: (1) What went wrong for Japan in the 1930s and 1940s, which had been seemingly making progress in the scheme of and was with a ? (2) What is (...) the secret of Western democracy in excelling itself in terms of keeping freedom and accumulating wealth? For the last quarter of the last century: (1) Why is Japanese politics shaped so heavily by bureaucracy? (2) Why are its citizens so weakly partisan in their voting choice? (3) How are politics and economics intertwined in policy making and electoral behavior? Following these trends in JPSJ in the latter half of the last century, I identify the three trends that have emerged in the first quarter of this century: (1) historicizing the normative and institutional origins of Japanese politics, (2) putting Japanese politics in comparative perspective, (3) the new self-conscious impetus for data collection and theory construction. Despite the steady tide of globalization and the strong influence of Americanpoliticalscience, market size, long tradition, and language facility, leadpolitical scientists in Japan to think and write more autonomously. (shrink)

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This article argues that despite Aristotle’s criticism of him, Isocrates does not actually hold the belief thatpoliticalscience, or universal knowledge of practical affairs, is impossible. When he appears to express this view, he is using hyperbole to distinguish himself from his adversaries. In reality, while he certainly underscores the significance of particular cases and doxa, he also claims to possess insights into universal principles concerning politics. He does so on the ground of philosophical arguments characterized by (...) their consistency, sophistication, and substantive nature. These arguments are robust enough to be structured into a coherent system of principles akin to apoliticalscience in the Aristotelian sense of the term – although Isocrates himself never elaborated thisscience in a clear and systematic manner. The objective of this article is twofold: first, to defend this unconventional interpretation of Isocrates’political speeches, and second, to offer a systematic analysis of the implicitpoliticalscience within them. (shrink)

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Social reformers necessarily proceed, after the fashion of Rousseau, ‘taking men as they are and laws as they can be’. Thus it has been since the founding ofpoliticalscience in the nineteenth century. But the lessons of the behavioural revolution inpoliticalscience are that taking people ‘as they are’ might be more constraining that we ever imagined; and the lessons of the policy sciences are that there are far fewer ways that institutions ‘can be’ (...) than we ever supposed. All told, it might make more sense to start with the limited number of institutional options, rather than starting with a value‐driven wish list and searching for institutions that might more or less fill that bill. (shrink)

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Professor David Kettler commented at the time of the initial release, that this book is "writing with great poise and clarity, the author says important things ...

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Giovanni Sartori (1924-2017) was a founder and icon of contemporarypoliticalscience. A number of his books and articles have become part of the theoretical and conceptual basis of the field, and of socialscience in general. This volume brings together selected essays that examine Sartori as a scholar, university professor and intellectual. It is unique in covering all three aspects of Sartori's academic work: comparative politics, socialscience methodology andpolitical theory. General overviews of (...) Sartori's contribution topoliticalscience are complemented by chapters that focus on specific areas of his interest; and Sartori's theoretical and methodological contributions are examined alongside his extensive public appearances, which remain little known outside Italy. (shrink)

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John W. Burgess was one of the indisputable founders of the discipline ofpoliticalscience in the United States. Two crucial influences on the development of Burgess'spolitical thought were the American Civil War and the Franco-Prussian War. His interest in these historical events, which he saw as central to understanding the importance of the nation-state, deeply influenced the Foundations ofPoliticalScience, his most compact exposition of what he believed to be the core principles (...) ofpoliticalscience. (shrink)

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