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  1. Political ignorance is both rational and radical.Adam F. Gibbons -2023 -Synthese 202 (3):1-22.
    It is commonly held that political ignorance is rational, a response to the high costs and low benefits of acquiring political information. But many recent critics of the claim that political ignorance is rational instead urge that it is a simple consequence of agents not concerning themselves with the acquisition of political information whatsoever. According to such critics, political ignorance is inadvertent radical ignorance rather than a rational response to the incentives faced by agents in democracies. And since political ignorance (...) is not a response to incentives, these critics urge, it cannot be ameliorated by incentivizing the acquisition of political information. This paper has two goals. First, I show that these seemingly competing accounts of political ignorance are in fact complementary, together explaining much political ignorance. Indeed, there is a sense in which political ignorance can be both rational and radical at the same time. Second, I more closely examine the relationship between incentives, kinds of political ignorance, and the acquisition of political information. On the one hand, from the fact that political ignorance is rational it does not follow that it can be overcome by incentivizing the acquisition of information. On the other hand, from the fact that political ignorance is radical it does not follow that it cannot be overcome by incentivizing the acquisition of information. Lastly, the complexity of the information in question is more relevant to determining whether ignorance can be overcome than whether such ignorance is rational or radical. (shrink)
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  • Weaponizing Conspiracy Theories.Chris Ranalli -manuscript
    A popular idea about conspiracy theorists is that they are purveyors of misinformation. However, this idea fails to appreciate the fact that there are different species of conspiracy theorists, each with different pro-relations to conspiracy theories. Some are theorists who posit conspiracies as the best explanation of one or more event. They are traditional conspiracy theorists. Despite their explanatory aims, their theories can be broadcasted and shared, leading people to believe them on the basis of testimony alone. There are conspiracy (...) theorists who do research, engaged in evidential inquiry, and those who just trust those who do. Others are not theorists at all but people who use conspiracy theories as tools to facilitate doubt in the service of their prudential goals. They are conspiracy doubt-mongers. Still others are related to certain conspiracy claims the way some religious believers are to certain religious claims. They are conspiracy worldviewers. I argue that conspiracy doubt-mongers are the primary purveyors of misinformation. Conspiracy doubt-mongering weaponizes conspiracy theories for problematic prudential ends, approximating radical skeptical doubt. I also argue that generalism about conspiracy theory belief remains problematic even after we take account of the different species of conspiracy theorist and the purpose of their conspiracy theorizing. [Draft for Misinformation and Other Epistemic Pathologies, M. Popa-Wyatt (ed.) Cambridge University Press]. (shrink)
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  • The Function of Memes in Political Discourse.Glenn Https://Orcidorg Anderau &Daniel Https://Orcidorg Barbarrusa -2024 -Topoi 43 (5):1529-1546.
    The use of memes has become increasingly widespread in political discourse. However, there is a dearth of philosophical discussion on memes and their impact on political discourse. This paper addresses this gap in the literature and bridges the divide between the empirical and philosophical work on memes by offering a functionalist account which allows for a more in-depth analysis of the role memes play in political discourse. We offer a taxonomy of the eight key characteristics of memes: 1. humor; 2. (...) fostering in-group identity; 3. caricatures; 4. replicability; 5. context collapse; 6. hermeneutical resources; 7. low reputational cost; 8. signaling. On the positive side, the propensity memes have to foster in-group identity and to function as a hermeneutical tool for people to make sense of their own experiences are a boon especially to marginalized communities. On the flipside, the creation of an in-group/out-group dynamic can also be exploited by sinister political actors, especially since the low reputational cost of circulating memes allows for plausible deniability. We use the analysis in this paper to jumpstart a discussion of how we should understand memes and debate which norms should govern the novel speech act of posting a meme given its impact on political discourse. Based on our findings, we end with a call to adopt stricter norms for the act of posting a meme. (shrink)
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  • Desinformació, discursos d'odi i un poble menyspreat.Jaume Soler Pérez -2024 -Diari la Veu.
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