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From Paper to Erected Walls: The Astronomical Observatory of Coimbra: 1772–1799

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Part of the book series:History of Mechanism and Machine Science ((HMMS,volume 27))

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Abstract

The idea to establish an astronomical observatory at the University of Coimbra (OAUC) was inspired by a major reform of that university in 1772. At that time the observatory was planned for the site where the Castle of the city was built. However, mainly due to financial difficulties, its construction stopped after 3 years. Meanwhile a small building was erected (1775–1777) to serve astronomical lessons. The problem of lack of a real and effective observatory to serve true scientific research required a solution that began to be formulated around the years 1785–1790. In this article we explore the problems related with the foundation of the OAUC and discus the importance of astronomical instruments in implementing its primary scientific mission—elaboration of the astronomical ephemeris (1803).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The ACL was created on December 24, 1779. José Monteiro da Rocha was one of its first members (elected in January 16, 1780).

  2. 2.

    This letter of Monteiro da Rocha to the ACL’s Secretary is, as much as we can understand, his answer to another one (unknown) of Luis António Furtado asking about his opinion on that ACL’s project.

  3. 3.

    Instead of the meridian of Lisbon, Monteiro da Rocha suggested the meridian of the island of Ferro, commonly used at the time by national and foreign mariners.

  4. 4.

    The need to stimulate a satisfactory solution to the longitude problem would prompt the British government to create in 1714 a prize of £ 20,000—the famous Longitude Act.

  5. 5.

    Very little is known about the first years of Monteiro da Rocha’s life. It is known that he joined the Jesuits in his youth (1752) and left Portugal to go to Brazil where he studied at the Jesuit school of Salvador da Bahia (1752–1759). Following the expulsion of the Jesuits from Portugal in 1759, Monteiro da Rocha left the Society of Jesus and later returned to Portugal (1766). In 1771, he was called by the marquis of Pombal to participate in the educational Reform of the University of Coimbra. Henceforth he will be the lecturer in charge of the courses of Physics and Applied Mathematics (1772–1783) and Astronomy (1783–1804). In 1795 he was appointed Dean and Permanent Director of the Faculty of Mathematics and Director of the Royal Astronomical Observatory of the University of Coimbra. He was also vice-principal of the University from 1786 to 1804. In 1800 Monteiro da Rocha became a member of the royal council of Prince Regent João VI (1767–1826) and in 1804 became tutor to Prince Pedro (1798–1834) (future Emperor of Brazil and King of Portugal) and moved to Lisbon where he died on 11 December 1819. His scientific work covered quite separate mathematical and astronomical domains. The astronomical work of Monteiro da Rocha spans from theoretical to practical astronomy, the most significant elements being: a work on the determination of comet’s orbits, several papers on calculation of eclipses, on longitudes; astronomical tables of the sun, moon and planets and charts of Jupiter satellites, on the use of the rhomboidal reticle and on the use and calibration of the transit instrument. About Monteiro da Rocha’s scientific work see (Figueiredo2005,2011).

  6. 6.

    When speaking of the eighteenth century European Enlightenment, we can’t speak of a single and uniform movement that had taken root all over Europe. The Enlightenment is a plural motion of idiosyncrasies and paradoxes which manifested itself in various forms and ways. However these various expressions emphasize a common denominator: the use of the laws of reason as the way of knowledge of the world and of man himself. It had presented science as an ideal, a liberating force, a demonstrably successful method of interpreting the natural world, which exemplified human progress (Bektas and Crosland1992). About the Portuguese Enlightenment see (Calafate1990).

  7. 7.

    The entire ideology that underlies the different science courses program, particularly those relating to the structure of the mathematics course syllabus, strongly materialized the scientific matrix corpus of the French Enlightenment, reflecting the ideas of d’Alembert, as well as other French authors (such as the authors of the textbooks that were adopted, Bezout, Bossut, Marie, Lacaille, Lalande). On the influence of the French Enlightenment in the Reform of the University of Coimbra see (Carvalho2008; Figueiredo2011, pp. 45–91).

  8. 8.

    Lemos1980, p. 81.

  9. 9.

    Some years later, in June 9, 1801, was expressly created legislation establishing in each administrative and judicial district of the country a mathematician, whose functions would be drafting a topographic map of that region according to the rules established by the Kingdom Geographic Charter of 1790.

  10. 10.

    OAU char in law December 4, 1799 (EAOAUC1803, p. v).

  11. 11.

    Although the adopted authors have formal approaches similar to Bézout, who devotes in his Cours two volumes to the ‘Principes generaux de la Mechanique’, the reasons for not adopting the latter is to us related with Marie’s and Bossut’s books up-to-date. Those books, published respectively in 1774 and 1771, incorporated the latest scientific developments of its fields. The fact that each book was devoted to one branch of mechanics was also of some importance (Marie’s compendium deals with the rigid bodies and Bossut’s compendium with the fluids). An additional advantage for the Marie’s compendium adoption was a single chapter devoted to the study of the central forces, a very important subject for the discipline of Astronomy to be taught in the following year, but which was not present in Bézout’s book.

  12. 12.

    Chart in law of April 1, 1801 (AUCIV-1ªE-8-3-4).

  13. 13.

    Regarding this concept of national versus university observatories see (Hutchins1999, pp. 4–22).

  14. 14.

    OAUC chart in law December 4, 1799 (EAOAUC1803, p. viii).

  15. 15.

    For instance, the use of instruments is conditioned by the nature of the astronomical phenomenon; such is the case, for example, of the transit of Mercury and Venus over the solar disk.

  16. 16.

    Laplace1878–1882, vol. 1, p. i.

  17. 17.

    “Le seul moyen de connaître la nature, est de l’interroger par l’observation et le calcul” (Laplace1835, p. 207).

  18. 18.

    Bennett1992.

  19. 19.

    A quadrant is a quarter of a circle, and the term refers to several different types of instruments covering an arc of that size (Bennett 1998).

  20. 20.

    It is from the 8-foot mural quadrant made by George Graham in 1725 to be used by Edmund Halley (1656–1742) at the Greenwich Observatory that the model evolves, after becoming almost ubiquitous in all astronomical observatories (Learner1981, pp. 52–72).

  21. 21.

    Encyclopédie Méthodique (mat.)1784–1789, t. II p. 481.

  22. 22.

    Darquier1786, pp. 5–7.

  23. 23.

    “Le quart-de-cercle mobile est de tous les instruments d’Astronomie, celui dont l’usage est le plus ancien, le plus général, le plus indispensable, le plus commode” (Lalande1771–1781, vol. 2, p. 743). (The corresponding Fig. (Fig. 149) of the portable quarter-circle is on p. 768).

  24. 24.

    Estatutos1772, vol. 3, p. 214.

  25. 25.

    “The astronomical observatory must be unencumbered by all parties, it should dominate the horizon freely to able the observation of all phenomena which succeed in upper hemisphere. Furthermore, it should be spacious and comfortable, so several astronomers can simultaneously make their own observations.” (Estatutos1772, vol. 3, p. 214). Darquier concerning the most suitable place to install an astronomical observatory writes: “La position le plus avantageuse, pour un observatoire, seroit sans contredit d’être situe au rez-de-chaussée, isole de toute parts, & ayant un ciel découvert de tous les côtés jusqu’à l’horizon [lettre de 10 Juillet 1777]” (Darquier1786, p. 4).

  26. 26.

    In fact throughout the year 1773 there were huge uncertainties regarding the final draft of the observatory building, with several and successive plans drawn and discussed with all teachers, especially with Miguel Ciera (1725?–1782) who was at that time the professor of Astronomy.

  27. 27.

    The Book of Expenses related to the works of the Observatory of the Castle closed the month of September 1775 with a total amount of 18879$582reis (AUC liv. R/D1772–1775). This amount represents about 15 % of the total cost of all construction works of the University until that year.

  28. 28.

    The royal denomination was only established in May 13, 1783 with the government recognition of its public utility status.

  29. 29.

    All the scientific training of these men had been made at the University of Coimbra, where they were students of Monteiro da Rocha.

  30. 30.

    The construction of the astronomical observatory of the Royal Academy of Navy, “to teach students in matters of nautical astronomy”, was proposed by Francisco Antonio Ciera, teacher of Navigation, in 1791. The Royal Observatory Marine was only built in 1798 (its regulation date from July 23 of that year).

  31. 31.

    “Her Majesty the Queen considers that this construction work will be done as you present it […] but nothing should be done until further notice” (Almeida1937–1979 vol. 2, pp. 177–78).

  32. 32.

    EAOAUC1803, pp. iv-xii.

  33. 33.

    On the architectural plant they are labeled as: “Fundamentum Quadranti Mutrali destinatum ubi interim Quadraras mobilis tripedalis, opus Troughtoni absolutissimu; Fuandamentum pró Telescópio Meridiano acromático Cel. Dollondi; Podium australe, ubi columna Inst. Parallat. De W. Cary; Ichnographia plani superioris, ubi Sector G. Adams decempedalis, quem ternae columnae limbo ortu respiciente, ad occidentem verso, ternae aliae sustinente”. They are also represented three pendulum clocks and small telesopes (“speculae minors”).

  34. 34.

    Lalande1803, pp. 871–872.

  35. 35.

    In English he is known as John Hyacinth de Magellan. He was born in the city of Aveiro. He joined the Order of Canons Regular of the Holy Cross with 11 years-old and it was during this time that Magellan became familiar with science, particularly astronomy. From 1758 to 1762 (he left the Order in 1758) he travels around Europe and he lives in Paris. During these years he began an important contact network with several European scientists and philosophers. In 1763 he travelled to London, where he would reside until his death. Magellan’s work and notoriety earned him membership in Académie Royale des Sciences de Paris (1771) and in the Royal Society of London (1774) among others. For his life and work see (Malaquias and Thomaz1991; Malaquias1994).

  36. 36.

    Magellan collaborated with several personalities and governments (Portugal, Spain, France and Prussia) in the acquisition of instruments (Turner 1974). To Portugal, he sent several scientific instruments for the demarcation of the borders of Brazil and to an offer that queen Maria I made to the Chinese emperor Che-K’ien Long (1736–1796), and also to several Portuguese institutions (Carvalho1990–1991).

  37. 37.

    The manuscript is located in the Oxford Bodleian Library, MS. Rigaud 38, fols. 151–153verso.

  38. 38.

    “Lorsque instruments ces sont bien faits, tous les & garnis avantages, dont ils ont été par les fournis Astronomes & Artistes Anglais, ils sont les plus comodes, les plus utiles, & les estimables plus tous les instrumens” (Magalhães1779, p. 25).

  39. 39.

    “Le 7 Avril. Le Secretaire a lu une lettre de M. de Magellan, datée de Londres le 17 Mars, qui communique une nouvelle construction pour le Quart-de-cercle & les autres instrumens astronomiques, inventée & exécutée par M. Troughton.” (Nova Acta Academiae1790, pp. 12–13). This memory (not founded today in the Academy’s archives) is possibly related with the order of the instruments for the Observatory of Coimbra.

  40. 40.

    The parallactic machine which was acquired is described in the inventory of 1810 as “Parallactic Machine, construction of W. Carry. London”; the transit instrument is described in the same inventory as, “Transit Instrument, 42-inch focus, aperture 2.5, and 40 shaft. Construction of Dollond. London” (Anonymous1810,1824).

  41. 41.

    About the Troughton’s firm see (Skempton and Brown1973).

  42. 42.

    Also Marc Pictet (1752–1825), professor of physics in Geneva, refers the Troughton brothers among the best instrument makers, “Troughton me paroit jouir ici de l’une des premières réputations en ce genre.” (Cited in Turner1976, p. 4).

  43. 43.

    In Allan Chapman’s opinion the work of E. Troughton took the élite of craftsmanship to impressive levels of excellence (Chapman1993, p. 418).

  44. 44.

    The chart-in-law of the OAUC clearly expresses that all activity should start with the essential tasks for the preparation of the astronomical ephemerides for the year 1804 (EAOAUC1803, p. viii).

  45. 45.

    In the 1850s and 1860s Rodrigo Ribeiro de Sousa Pinto (1811–1893), director of the OAUC between 1858 and 1866, makes with a Troughton & Simms meridian circle, purchased in 1851 and installed on OAUC in 1855, new observations and he determines the new latitude of OAUC as to be 40° 12’ 25.75”N—a difference of 3.8” compared with Monteiro da Rocha’s value.

  46. 46.

    In 1867, using the culminating stars method Sousa Pinto determines the longitude of the OAUC as to be 33 m 34.51 s west of Greenwich, i.e. 42 m 56.51 s west of Paris (taking as the difference between Paris and Greenwich the value of 9 m 22 s) (Pinto1887, pp. 24–35).

  47. 47.

    The first volumes of the EAOAUC were calculated using the astronomical tables published by Lalande in the 3rd edition of his Astronomie (1792) (except the positions of the planet Mars that were calculated using some tables composed by Monteiro da Rocha in 1802). The positions of the Sun and Moon, published between 1807 and 1813 in the EAOAUC, were calculated upon the tables of Burg and Delambre, published by the Bureau des Longitudes in 1806.

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Acknowledgments

This work was carried out under a post-doc scholarship financed by the Portuguese Government through the FCT—Foundation for Science and Technology (SFRHBPD/76075/2011).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Mathematics/Astronomical Observatory and Institute of Geophysics, University of Coimbra, Coimbra, Portugal

    Fernando B. Figueiredo

  2. Centre François Viète, University of Nantes, Nantes, France

    Fernando B. Figueiredo

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  1. Fernando B. Figueiredo

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Correspondence toFernando B. Figueiredo.

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  1. Department of Physics, Lille 1 University Science and Technology, Villeneuve d’Ascq, France

    Raffaele Pisano

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Figueiredo, F. (2015). From Paper to Erected Walls: The Astronomical Observatory of Coimbra: 1772–1799. In: Pisano, R. (eds) A Bridge between Conceptual Frameworks. History of Mechanism and Machine Science, vol 27. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9645-3_9

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